The problem of defining an ethnic group for public policy: who is Maori and why does it matter?

Kukutai, Tahu

Abstract

Governments in multicultural democracies are increasingly being challenged to justify the collection of ethnic and racial data, and the targeted policies they support. Given mounting opposition to ethnic-based policies in New Zealand, it is timely to consider two questions that have arisen from ongoing debate. The first is what criteria ought to apply to determine who is Maori for policy purposes. The second is which Maori ought to benefit from targeted policies and programmes. This paper addresses both questions empirically and makes two suggestions: (1) that statistical and legal definitions of Maori be amended to take account of both self-identified ethnicity and descent; (2) that programmes which seek to militate Maori disadvantage be oriented towards those who strongly identify as Maori, since they are the most likely to be in need.

INTRODUCTION

With the new millennium has come rising opposition to the collection of ethnic and racial data and the policies and programmes they support (Connerly 2003, Nobles 2000, Perlmann and Waters 2002, Petersen 1997). (2) A central critique of race- and ethnic-based policies is that they belie the cultural and socio-economic diversity that exits within historically marginalised groups. Clearly not all persons who identify with a disadvantaged group are themselves disadvantaged. The objectivity and accuracy of the data that inform policy decisions have also come under scrutiny. In order to monitor and address disparities, policy makers need reliable and consistent ways to define racial and ethnic groups, and to identify their members. However, intermarriage and changing ideas about race have complicated how people self-identify, and are identified by others (Goldstein and Morning 2002, Harris and Sim 2002, Perlmann and Waters 2002). Increasingly, the treatment of ethnic groups as discrete is problematised by the ability and willingness of individuals to claim multiple affiliations.

Indigenous peoples (3) such as Maori exemplify the problem that policy makers face in dealing with heterogeneity. High rates of intermarriage and institutional pressures to assimilate mean they comprise persons with diverse lifestyles, socio-economic circumstances and identities. Yet, for reasons of history and contemporary politics, public policy tends to treat them as homogeneous (Chapple 2000, Cunningham et al. 2002, Gardiner-Garden 2003, Snipp 2002). Typically indigenous peoples are the only ethnic groups with government agencies to monitor their outcomes, and deliver policies designed to improve their poor group-level status (Birrell 2000, Cobo 1986). (4) Their claim as original or sovereign peoples also confers specific legal rights relating to ownership of land and natural resources, cultural preservation, and political representation.

Given this, indigenous peoples tend to figure prominently in national debates on race, ethnicity, and resources. (5) Certainly in New Zealand there is growing disquiet about the appropriateness and fairness of policies and practices that would appear to assist individuals on the basis of ethnicity. Indeed, at the time of writing a host of targeted policies and programmes were under review, including several major ones aimed at Maori. (6) It is timely, therefore, to give closer scrutiny to some of the issues that have been central to domestic debates about ethnic data and policies.

Underlying the debate is the fundamental question of how to define an ethnic or racial group in contexts where rewards and resources are involved. While this is a matter of consequence for all ethnic groups in New Zealand, it has particular implications for Maori. This paper considers emerging approaches to defining ethnic or racial group membership generally, before turning to the specific context of New Zealand. Related to the issue of definition is the matter of entitlement, and which Maori ought to benefit from public policy interventions. Comparisons are drawn with other indigenous populations with regard to definition and policy entitlement.

THE PROBLEM OF DEFINING COLLECTIVE AND INDIVIDUAL ETHNICITY

Over the last decade or so the process and politics of ethnic enumeration have attracted growing attention in New Zealand (Baehler 2002, Chapple 2000, Gould 1992, 2000), and elsewhere (Goldstein and Morning 2002, Nobles 2000, Perlmann and Waters 2002, Smelser et al. 2001, Snipp 2003). This has been due, in part, to the recognition of the key role of ethnic and racial data in political decisions. Such data are routinely used to inform policy formulation, resource allocation, and the determination of electoral boundaries. As awareness of the political importance of ethnic enumeration has grown, so too has the perception that it works to the benefit of minorities (Petersen 1997, Prewitt 2002). This sentiment was manifest in the attempt in California to halt the collection of racial data by state agencies. The so-called Racial Privacy Initiative, or Proposition 54, challenged the "relevance and efficacy of race as a basis for solving many of the problems that cry out for solution" (Connerly 2003). Although defeated, Prop 54 represents an important shift taking place in many countries, away from an implicit acceptance of the need for ethnic and race-based policies, to a more critical position challenging their ongoing justification and utility. In the United States, for example, four states have repealed affirmative action while ongoing legal challenges seek to dismantle programmes intended exclusively for Native Hawaiians.

An argument often leveled in support of efforts to remove targeted policies is the imprecision of racial and ethnic data. There are at least three sources of imprecision. One is inter-marriage because it blurs the boundaries of groups treated as mutually exclusive for policy and political purposes. It also confers options for people to choose their identity, and thus introduces uncertainty and flux. An example is "ethnic mobility"--when persons change their ethnic or racial affiliation over time, or in different contexts (Coope and Piese 1997, Eschbach et al. 1998, Harris and Sim 2002, Statistics New Zealand 2004). A second source of imprecision is the instrument employed to collect the data, and the inconsistencies and imperfections in the methods and concepts used (Hirschman 1992). A third is the shift in thinking about race. Once viewed as a permanent trait rooted in biology, race is now more commonly understood (by academics at least) as a social category that is produced and sustained through a variety of mechanisms (Smelser et al. 2001:3). In keeping with this shift, many developed countries now allow for multiple-race and ethnic responses in official data collections.

Given that indigenous populations in the "fourth world" are becoming larger and more heterogeneous, the question arises as to who can legitimately claim to be indigenous, when positive incentives to claim that identity exist. As Nagel notes, "Discussions about group eligibility are often translated into controversies surrounding individual need, individual ethnicity, and ethnic proof" (1994:160). The question of who is Maori has been the subject of considerable debate (Butcher 2003, Callister 2003, Chapple 2000, Durie 2001, Gould 2000, Kukutai 2003, Pool 2001 1991). At the heart of the problem of defining ethnic group membership is the lack of definitive criteria. In this case, just what is it that makes a person Maori? Is it a preponderance of Maori ancestors--something akin to the notion of being a "full blood"? Is it knowledge of cultural practices and engagement in Maori networks? Is it having a Maori ancestor, no matter how far back? Or, is being Maori merely a state of mind? Clearly any criteria invoked are not objective, but are products of the motivations and cultural assumptions of those doing the classifying. However, given its importance for policy, the task of formulating a definition is both worthwhile and necessary.

Biological Criteria

Biological attempts to identify indigenous peoples are not new. Scholars and governments have long taken an interest in the level of intermix within indigenous populations, with various attempts to establish the number of "pure" Hawaiians (Morton et al. 1967), Maori (New Zealand Census 1926, Buck 1938), and American Indians (see Snipp 2002). In the context of pressures to assimilate, "half bloods" and "quarter-castes" (e.g. New Zealand census 1906) indicated the rate of absorption into the mainstream population--an outcome often viewed as inevitable and desirable. The use of blood samples was one way of estimating the extent of intermixing (Morton et al. 1967). More often, the notion of blood quantum was used. This sought to capture the amount of "racial heritage that could be ascribed to an individual" and, by association, the degree to which "certain behavioral characteristics might be manifested in individual behavior" (Snipp 2002:200). it also served as a way by which to limit eligibility for benefits. Until the 1970s the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Indian Health Service used blood quantum to decide eligibility for benefits and privileges. Proof usually involved tracing one's ancestry to a full-blood ancestor recorded in historical documents such as the census. As Snipp (1997) notes, it is remarkable that such documents were considered definitive given the high likelihood of error. Nevertheless, the modern BIA continued to issue a Certificate of Indian Blood to applicants who sought verification of their Indian ancestry.

In Hawaii blood quantum is used to determine eligibility for a homestead lease from the Department of Hawaiian Homelands. Applicants must have a blood quantum of at least 50% Hawaiian, defined specifically as "any descendant of not less than one-half part of the blood of the races inhabiting the Hawaiian Islands previous to 1778" (Department of Hawaiian Homelands 2004). Until 1974, and the passing of the Maori Affairs Amendment Act, a Maori was defined as someone with "half or more blood".

However, the definition was rather loosely applied, and did not require persons to provide proof of their "blood quantum" in order to receive whatever benefits were then available.

A recent innovation in the biological approach to defining ethnic and racial groups involves gene mapping to trace paternal ancestry from father to son (via the Y chromosome), and maternal lineage from mother to daughter or son (via mitochondrial DNA). One study took segments of mitochondrial DNA from the hair and blood of 54 Maori to estimate the number of the founding female population (Robinson 1998). Elsewhere, it has been used for more pernicious purposes. In the United States, a bill was introduced into the Vermont Legislature in 2000 (Bill H.809) in an attempt to impose standards and procedures for DNA testing to determine the identity of an individual as an American Indian. Although it failed, the expectation was that the results of such testing would be conclusive proof of Native American ancestry. Similar arguments for DNA testing to determine Aboriginal authenticity have been advanced in Australia (The Australian, 9 Sept. 1988).

DNA testing is justified by its proponents as a baseline test to verify an individual's biological claim to belong to an ethnic or racial group, particularly where rewards are at stake. However, given its association with the dubious pseudo-scientific racism of the past, there has been reluctance on the part of governments to endorse its validity. Within academia there has been both methodological and substantive criticism of the role of genetics in determining membership in cultural groups. A key criticism is that the presence of a genetic marker may have little bearing on the lived reality of being part of a minority cultural or social group (Rotimi 2003).

Cultural Criteria

The alternative approach to biology is socio-cultural and typically focuses on measures of cultural identity or ethnic group attachment. In New Zealand, there have been various attempts to measure Maori identity, including Ritchie's "degree of Maoriness" scale (1963) and Metge's schema of "Maoritanga" (1964). More recently, researchers involved in the study of Maori households at Massey University have proposed a single measure of Maori cultural identity. The continuous measure is a weighted aggregate of an individual's scores on seven cultural indicators (Cunningham et al. 2002, Stevenson 2004). Maori language has the highest weighting, followed by involvement with the extended family, knowledge of ancestry, and self-identification, all of which are equally weighted. The rationale for the weighting is based on a subjective assessment of the contribution of each to a "unique Maori identity". It presupposes that there is something culturally unique about Maori, and that this can be approximated through proxy indicators that can be prioritised, quantified and aggregated. Elsewhere, researchers have used language use, religious affiliation and/or network ties as measures of ethnic attachment (Reitz and Sklar 1997).

A simpler approach has been to distinguish between single-ethnic and multi-ethnic peoples. The latter are of interest because of the concern that out-marriage dilutes ethnic identity, which in turn weakens group solidarity and concomitant claims based on cultural uniqueness (Birrell 2000). The underlying assumption is that those who identify with multiple ethnicities have a weaker sense of cultural identity or group attachment, than their single-ethnic counterparts do. From a policy perspective, the distinction between single- and multi-ethnic persons is easier to operationalise than either cultural indicators or biological "proofs". Thus, it seems more likely to be accepted by policy makers as a way of dealing with heterogeneity, and is deserving of closer attention. This is taken up in the next section, with reference to Maori.

MAORI: A CASE STUDY FOR DEFINING AN INDIGENOUS POPULATION

Maori Ancestry and Ethnicity

At present, different criteria are used to determine who is a Maori, and these vary according to legal, tribal and policy contexts. The Maori Ethnic Group (MEG) is the reference group used for administrative and policy purposes. Cultural identity is the underlying operational definition of ethnic group as it is used in official statistics. (7) An ethnic group is composed of people who have some or all of the following characteristics:

* a common proper name

* one or more elements of a common culture which need not be specified, but may include religion, customs or language

* unique community of interests, feelings and actions

* a shared sense of common origins or ancestry

* a common geographic origin (Statistics New Zealand 2004).

In contrast, most statutes use ancestry criteria to define who is a Maori. The Maori Land Act, and numerous other statutes, define Maori as "a person of the Maori race and includes any descendant". Only persons of Maori descent can enrol in a Maori electorate to vote for candidates to occupy Maori seats in Parliament, or lodge a claim with the Waitangi Tribunal. Ancestry is the closest concept to whakapapa (genealogy), which has customarily underpinned any claim to being Maori. As Stevenson (2004) has argued, membership in a cultural group requires a mandate for inclusion, and for Maori this is a Maori ancestor. Thus, ancestry is often treated as an objective basis for identity and serves a gatekeeping function, albeit that the process of recalling ancestry has subjective elements (Waters 1990).

In 1991 a question on Maori ancestry was introduced in the census to meet legal requirements for determining electoral representation. At the request of tribes, a prompt for tribal affiliation was also incorporated. Thus it is possible to compare the Maori populations defined by ancestry, ethnicity and tribal affiliation. These are shown in Table 1.

Clearly there is a high degree of overlap between the various parameters. Given that ethnicity is the concept used for official purposes, how discriminating is it when compared to other expressions of Maoriness? Do persons who have no ancestral claim to being Maori nevertheless identify as Maori? The results in Table 1 suggest not. In 2001, 93% of persons who identified as members of the MEG were also of Maori descent (487,317/326,281 x 100). Of the remaining 7%, just 1% explicitly denied having Maori ancestry while 5% did not answer the question. Interestingly, half of those went on to give a valid iwi response, perhaps because they did not see the descent question as delivering useful information on its own. (8)

Those individuals who have no Maori descent yet identify as Maori challenge the assumption that one must have a Maori ancestor in order to identify as Maori. Anthropological studies provide clues as to why persons with no Maori ancestry might identify as Maori. These include being raised in a Maori family, residing in a Maori community, or marrying a Maori (Merge 1964). They are, however, a small proportion of the overall MEG. The important point to be derived from Table 1 is that ethnicity is almost always co-terminous with ancestry. This suggests that Maori ethnic identity is not just a "state of mind" (Du Fresne 2000).

Having a Maori ancestor, however, does not engender identification as a Maori. Of the 604,113 persons who reported being of Maori descent in 2001, about one in five did not identify as Maori. This asymmetry should be interpreted within the historical context of intermix and the lack of a hypo-descent ("one drop") rule in New Zealand. Historically there have been few formal barriers preventing those of Maori ancestry from assimilating into the European population and, for the most part, public policy was designed to facilitate this goal (Hunn and Booth 1962). (9)

Tribal Membership

In addition to ethnicity and ancestry there is the "flax roots" view that identification as a Maori depends foremost on tribal affiliation (Broughton 1993, Karetu 1990). This arises from the historical fact that indigenous identity was predicated on hapu (sub-tribal) and iwi (tribal) membership, with pan-tribal Maori identity a construct of colonisation. Many tribes now have their own member rolls, and in order to be registered, applicants are usually required to provide details of the hapu iwi and marae affiliations of their parent(s) and grandparent(s). Typically only those who are registered members qualify for benefits such as marae-based housing or tertiary scholarships.

Since the introduction of a tribal question, the proportion of Maori descendants with a tribal affiliation has remained reasonably steady at between 70% and 75%, even though numbers for particular tribes have fluctuated--sometimes quite dramatically. (10) Given that the ethnicity question is intended to tap current cultural affiliation rather than ancestry that might have little meaning, one could expect a high proportion of the MEG to acknowledge their tribal ties. Yet in 2001 the proportion of the MEG that reported at least one tribal affiliation (about 78%) was only slightly higher than that for the Maori descent population (75%). (11) Moreover, 9% of New Zealanders of Maori descent who did not identify as Maori, nevertheless had knowledge of their tribal origins. (12) Clearly, the relationship between ethnicity, ancestry and tribal affiliation is more complex than simple distinctions allow for.

"Core Maori"

To reconcile these differences, an alternative definition might be a "core Maori" population defined by ancestry, ethnicity and tribal affiliation. The advantage is that it only includes persons who identify as Maori across all criteria currently in use. In 2001 the core numbered 399,941, about two-thirds of the broadest parameter based on ancestry alone. There are obvious implications of using a core concept to define the Maori population. First, a national budget based on the core would be significantly smaller than one determined by ethnicity and/or ancestry. Maori organisations are likely to resist a formula that would decrease their constituency, and not solely because of reduced resources. There is also the question of whether it captures contemporary Maori circumstances. The inclusion of tribal criteria discriminates against those persons who have no knowledge of their tribal origins, yet who still identify as Maori. One outcome of the very rapid post-WWII urbanisation of Maori was the fragmentation of rurally based tribal networks (Pool 1991). It is questionable whether de-tribalised Maori should be defined out of the Maori population because of these historical forces. Moreover, as Rata has argued, non-kin Maori organisations such as urban authorities have tribe-like community leadership functions (2000). Unlike traditional tribes, affiliation to an urban authority is contingent on self-identification rather than genealogical ties.

Where then does this leave us in terms of a definition? Policy makers generally agree that ethnic definitions should accord with the conceptions of those whom they seek to classify. Typically, the view within Maori communities is that, in order to be considered Maori, an individual must identify as a Maori and be descended from a Maori (Durie 1998, Karetu 1990, Walker 1990). The high degree of overlap of Maori ethnicity and ancestry reported in the census confirms that, for the overwhelming majority of persons, cultural identification as a Maori is contingent on identifying as a Maori descendant. Given this, there is a strong case for the amendment of existing statistical and statutory definitions of Maori to reflect both ancestry and ethnicity. This would have implications, for example, in the computation of the Maori electoral population, and would need to be carefully considered. (13) However, if statistical definitions are to take account of both criteria, then it seems anomalous for legal ones to continue to rest exclusively on ancestry.

WHO OUGHT TO BENEFIT?: FROM DEFINING MAORI TO ENTITLING MAORI

The issue of how to define Maori is inextricably linked to the issue of which Maori ought to benefit from public policy measures. Although definition and entitlement are sometimes conflated, the cultural criteria used to define an ethnic group are independent of the group's social structural position. Maori is an ethnic group, not a socio-economic class.

One of the major challenges facing policy makers is how to address disparities between ethnic groups in a way that is efficient and equitable. Broad-brush policies that use ethnicity as a proxy for disadvantage draw criticism because they include well-off minorities, while ignoring disadvantaged persons from the dominant group (or some other minority). On the other hand, a needs-based model that omits ethnicity overlooks the sorting mechanisms or processes by which particular ethnic groups come to be disproportionately concentrated in those strata that are the most needy.

An effective strategy, it seems, ought to take account of both ethnicity and need. Given that Maori ethnicity is negatively associated with SES, one option might he to target those who most strongly identify as Maori. For practical purposes, "sole Maori" versus "mixed Maori" ethnicity might serve as a proxy, and indeed some analysts have already used this distinction to demonstrate heterogeneity within the MEG (e.g. Callister 2003, Chapple 2000). (14) It should be emphasised that the distinction between single and multi-ethnic Maori is not biological. Ethnic identity is a cultural measure, and persons who identify only as Maori are not solely Maori in a biological sense. In reality, most Maori have a non-Maori ancestor, sometimes a non-Maori parent, but only some choose to acknowledge it as part of their ethnic identity. (15) This subjective aspect of ethnic identity was evident even under the old census classification where many more persons responded as "full" Maori than was biologically possible (Pool 1991, Merge 1964).

There are various reasons why persons who have more than one ethnic option, choose to identify only as Maori. Previous analysis undertaken by the author found that living in an area with a strong concentration of Maori, and having a Maori partner were important predictors of identifying solely as Maori (Kukutai 2003). The study however was unable to control for other factors that may have been important. These include the ethnicity and descent of parents and grandparents, participation in Maori networks, or physical appearance. The latter is salient as studies have shown that persons who have features typically associated with a particular racial or ethnic group, tend to be perceived and treated as a group member, irrespective of how they self-identify (Hughes and Hertel 1990, Rocquemore and Brunsma 2002, Waters 1996). Familial socialisation, that is, being raised in a household that emphasises Maori culture and networks, is also likely to influence identification choices. The context in which the question is asked, and how it is administered also matters (Harris and Sim 2002, Petersen 1997, Rocquemore and Brunsma 2002). Finally, there are those for whom identity is less of a choice than a lived identity that remains stable across the life course (Nagel 1994). This is likely to be so for persons whose parents are both culturally Maori, and who themselves live in close proximity to other Maori.

The literature suggests two sorts of costs that might be incurred as a result of having a strong attachment to a minority ethnic group. The first comprises obligations, expectations and conformity to group norms. Although this kind of cost involves giving up something, such as time and resources, it does not preclude benefits. This is because obligations based on reciprocity often help to sustain group relationships, and can engender a sense of belonging and psychological wellbeing (Williams and Robinson 2002). The second kind of cost negatively impacts on life-chances. Examples include labour market discrimination and isolation from mainstream, resource-rich networks (Reitz and Sklar 1997). Typically, it is this kind of cost that policy makers are interested in.

To test whether strength of identity is associated with poorer outcomes and higher costs, I use data from the 1995 New Zealand Women: Family, Employment and Education survey (for a technical description see Marsault et al. 1997). This is a nationally representative survey of 3017 women aged 20-59 years. An advantage of the NZWFEE is the inclusion of a main ethnicity question, which can be used as an alternative proxy for the strength of Maori identity (Gordon 1964, Reitz and Sklar 1997). This is useful since some mixed Maori will identify as Maori on the grounds of somewhat distant ancestry and have little psychological or material investment in the group. Their Maori ethnicity may be largely "symbolic" (Gans 1982, Waters 1990, Yancey et al. 1976). In the NZWFEE, this is most likely to be the case for mixed Maori women who identify primarily as European. (16) For other mixed Maori, their Maori ethnicity is an important part of their personal identity, and signifies a psychological attachment, even if it is not accompanied by cultural knowledge or proficiency (e.g. language fluency). This is more likely to be true for mixed Maori women who identify more strongly as Maori.

The Costs of Maori Ethnic Identity

Table 2 maps the four sub-groups of Maori women in the NZWFEE according to their different expressions of ethnic identity, derived from the ethnic group and main ethnic group questions. (17) Maori women who also affiliated to some other minority ethnic group (e.g. Samoan) are excluded here because of their small number.

Women who identified exclusively as Maori comprised about 60% of the NZWFEE Maori sample. This is higher than the proportion of the total MEG that identified solely as Maori in the 1996 and 2001 censuses, but closely fits the identification patterns for Maori women aged 20 to 59 years. (18) The remainder reported multiple ethnic affiliations, and in the overwhelming majority of cases they were Maori and European. Of those who identified as both Maori and European, a slightly higher proportion identified as mainly European. There were also a number of women ("dual Maori-European") who did not name a primary orientation. Table 3 presents bivariate results for a range of SES indicators according to strength of Maori identity. Because of their small number, dual Maori women are excluded.

Table 3 suggests that women who identify solely as Maori, and those who identify mainly as Maori, have very similar attributes in terms of education, income and demographic behaviour. It is mainly European women who differ systematically. That group has characteristics much more like European--they tend to have more education, earn higher incomes, be married to a European, and live in areas with a low concentration of Maori. (19) In short, they appear to be more economically and socially integrated than their other Maori counterparts.

As cross-tabulations do not control for the confounding effects of interactions, it is necessary to undertake some form of multivariate analysis. Typically the outcome variable is some measure of immediate position, for example, log hourly earnings, or occupational prestige. A continuous measure of income is not possible here since respondents in the NZWFEE did not report actual earnings, instead responding to a pre-determined earnings category. To deal with this, multinomial logistic regression is undertaken using aggregate personal annual earnings as the dependent variable. The results are interpreted as odds of outcome Yi or Yj in relation to a reference category Yk. The predictor variable of interest here is cultural orientation; that is, being Maori oriented (sole Maori and mainly Maori) or European oriented.

The most interesting point of comparison here is the higher income category. When background factors are controlled for, orientation towards or away from the European ethnic group is still a significant factor in explaining differences in earnings. Thus, women who identified as Maori and European, but more strongly as Maori, were 57% less likely than mainly European women to earn in excess of $20,000 (compared to the baseline of below $10,000). This is net of other explanatory factors, of which marital status and occupational status were by far the most important. (20) The limitations of the data--the respondents were all women and exact income was not reported--mean that the results should be taken as suggestive. (21) Nevertheless, the bivariate and multivariate analyses point systematically in the same direction. They are also consistent with a recent study of elderly Maori which showed those with a strong Maori identity were significantly more disadvantaged than those with a "notional" Maori identity (Cunningham et al. 2002).

These findings raise the question of why orientation towards the European mainstream confers benefits in terms of better outcomes. Or, alternatively, why those who are committed to a Maori ethnic identity incur certain costs, net of the benefits that might come with being part of a cultural community. This is an important question that is beyond the scope of this paper, and the in-depth empirical research to answer it is urgently needed. In its absence, explanations that pivot on the benefits of assimilation, the undesirability of Maori cultural maintenance, or the pervasiveness of direct or institutional discrimination, indicate more about ideological preference than they do about causal mechanisms and relationships.

DISCUSSION

This paper has considered two critical questions that have application beyond New Zealand. The first is how to determine who is an ethnic group member and who is not. The second is, given a defined group, who ought to benefit from public policy interventions.

As this paper has shown, there are several ways to define who is Maori. Statutory definitions almost always rely on descent while official statistics use self-identified ethnic affiliation. I have argued that any definition of Maori ought to include both ancestry and ethnicity. Persons of Maori descent who do not identify as Maori should not be counted as Maori for most general policy and legal purposes. They are New Zealanders of Maori ancestry, as distinct from persons who consider themselves to be culturally Maori. Similarly, the small number of persons who culturally identify as Maori but are not of Maori descent should not be considered part of the Maori population because they have no whakapapa claim. This is important since whakapapa remains the lynchpin of Maori identity (Broughton 1993, Jackson 2003, Walker 1990). Moreover, in contexts where rewards are involved, descent also serves as a baseline to limit opportunism by those with no legitimate claim. The dual criteria of ancestry and ethnicity are not unduly exclusive (compared, for example, to tribal affiliation or "blood" measures), and are consistent with Maori concepts and contemporary sentiments.

From a practical perspective, changing the definition of Maori to include ancestry would have implications for the collection of data because few official statistics include both ancestry and ethnicity. Given this, the ongoing efforts of Statistics New Zealand to standardise the collection of ethnicity data across official statistics could be extended to include the collection of Maori ancestry data. This would allow for more refined analysis of sub-groups of the Maori population, as well as longitudinal analysis of the shifting relationship between ethnicity and descent. (22)

The task of deciding who is Maori is separate from the task of determining which Maori ought to be eligible for benefits in certain contexts (i.e. where an argument is based on need). Conflating identity and SES leads to the spurious argument that in order to be Maori one must be disadvantaged, or vice versa. In terms of differentiating needs within the Maori population, the analysis undertaken here suggests that a critical variable is orientation towards the Maori ethnic group. This dynamic cannot be captured in a crude sole Maori versus mixed Maori dichotomy. The inclusion of a main ethnicity prompt in official data collections would help improve understanding of the dynamic underlying differences within the MEG. (23) Collection of main ethnicity data will be particularly salient in years to come if the proportion of the population claiming multiple ethnicities increases. Recognising this, Statistics New Zealand has identified main ethnicity as part of its future research agenda on ethnicity (2004:15). Of course there will always be persons who feel an equal sense of affinity with several ethnic groups and "no main ethnicity" is an entirely valid response that ought to be accommodated. (24) That said, the NZWFEE suggests that most mixed Maori adults do have a main ethnicity, and what that is matters because it is associated with life chances.

One of the criticisms of using ethnicity as a basis for classification is that it lacks objectivity. With regards Maori ethnicity, the concern is that anyone can claim to be Maori, irrespective of their ancestral heritage. However, given the negative stereotypes attached to Maori ethnicity, it seems unlikely non-Maori persons would switch unless the potential benefits outweighed the costs. In reality, there are few contexts in which Maori as individuals stand to gain financially. There is nothing to parallel institutionalised affirmative action in the United States in terms of preferential employment practices, university admissions (although some medical and law schools do have quotas for Maori and Pacific Islanders), and housing policies.

In tribal contexts and legal situations to do with tribal land rights and title, more compelling proof of identity is required, and to a large extent these are already well defined by tribes themselves. Land claims, for instance, tend to require more particular criteria such as recognition as a descendant of a traditional owner.

In non-tribal contexts involving national scholarships, and political or sporting representation, eligibility tends to be on the basis of ancestry and self-identification. However, because it implies a connection to a community, there is a reasonable argument to be made for community endorsement to apply. One reason is that it affirms a person's place within a broader group, and thus the claim is less likely to rest on a "symbolic" attachment. It also helps to protect against what has been termed in the United States "ethnic fraud" (Nagel 1994). In Australia, the definition of "Aboriginal" used for most public policy purposes, and in some court judgements, is someone "who is a member of the Aboriginal race of Australia, identifies as Aboriginal and is accepted by an Aboriginal community as an Aboriginal" (Gardiner-Garden 2003). For Maori, community recognition could be through affiliation to a tribe or a non-tribal community such as an urban Maori authority. This already happens to some extent. To be eligible for scholarships administered by the Maori Education Trust, an applicant must be of Maori descent, and name an affiliation to a Maori community. However, while an applicant's ancestry requires endorsement by a Justice of the Peace, there is no formal process by which to verify an individual's background.

Indeed, solutions to questions of authenticity are often difficult to implement. They are rarely definitive, and can place heavy resource burdens on applicants and the organisations charged with overseeing the process. For example, proving 50% Hawaiian blood involves collecting affidavits from "knowledgeable persons" who can "verify" an individual's ancestral claims. Some applicants only need go back one or two generations, but for others it involves reconstructing a family tree with roots to remotely remembered ancestors.

In New Zealand, as in North America and Australia, tribal identity has been revitalised through the channeling of government funds into tribal development via the settlement of historical claims and policy initiatives. Applications to be registered on tribal rolls are typically considered by local elders or a committee recognised as knowledgeable in local genealogy. Documented evidence of a "full blooded" ancestor, or even the birth certificate of the applicant, are not required. This contrasts with American Indian tribes, which typically require applicants to prove a minimum tribal blood quantum (Snipp 1997). In Australia, court cases have debated the relative weight of descent, identification and community recognition criteria. For example, people who strongly identified as Aboriginal claimed the sources were not readily available to prove their Aboriginal descent. In spite of best efforts, tests of criteria can become very messy, especially as they become more restrictive.

A recurring theme in this paper is that how ethnic group boundaries are defined and delineated is an intensely political process that is tied to resources and who can access them. Implicit in this is the question of who gets to decide which criteria count. Here it is imperative that Maori individuals and organisations are at the forefront of institutional attempts to give effect to changes over what constitutes Maoriness. Only Maori best know who and what they are. In addition, policy makers and analysts ought to be more forthcoming on how Maori is defined, and the assumptions about why and how it is deployed. For example, the Maori Statistics Framework developed by Statistics New Zealand (2002) elaborates a thoughtful framework on measures of definitions of Maori wellbeing, but does not ever define who is Maori.

For a broader perspective, it is useful to locate the New Zealand discourse within the context of those unfolding in comparable countries with indigenous populations. In many ways these peoples all share similar characteristics: high rates of intermix with the European-descent majority, integration into a capitalist economy, rapid urbanisation, differentiation in legal and policy contexts, pronounced population growth in recent decades, and over-representation in the lower socio-economic strata. What distinguishes Maori is the lack of restrictive criteria that have been applied in terms of a group definition, or entitlement, perhaps because of the lack of opportunities to directly benefit from claiming to be Maori (e.g. no gambling revenue or tax breaks).

This is evident when contrasted with the complex situation in Canada. There the Constitution defines three aboriginal peoples: Indian, Inuit and Metis (Constitution Act 1982). Those registered under the Indian Act are Registered or Status Indians, and are entitled to benefits that may not be available to other Indians. Programmes and services available to Status Indians include specific tax exemptions, non-insured health benefits, and dental and eye care. However, knowing which programmes and policies apply is difficult, as social legislation varies across territories. There are also Treaty Indians, whose bands or nations have treaty rights with the Canadian government, as well as other rights protected in the constitution. Thus, Indians who live in the Yukon, Nunavut and the Northwest Territories are free to fish and hunt in all seasons throughout the territories (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development 2004).

Given the complexities of definition, verification and consistency, it is not surprising that governments are increasingly being challenged to justify the collection of ethnic and racial data and the policies they support. There are problems, however, with ignoring ethnicity, and specifically indigineity. One is the matter of sovereign or treaty rights. Indigenous peoples have particular arrangements with the state that derive from historical relations (e.g. treaty making), and which can be distinguished from the contemporary assessment of need.

Secondly, studies in New Zealand and abroad have shown that ethnicity and race are often associated with disadvantage. Sometimes the effect is direct and causal. That is, when other factors are controlled for, ethnicity or race still has a significant effect on the outcome studied (Risch et al. 2002). However, even when ethnicity is not a significant predictor of disadvantage, it is often significantly associated with the other factors (e.g. family size, educational attainment, employment status) that explain it. Ignoring ethnicity ignores the historical and contemporary processes by which particular ethnic groups came to be disproportionately concentrated among those most in need--the unemployed, the imprisoned, the sick, and the under-educated. Moreover, there are policy areas such as health where particular groups are high risk, either because of genetic or lifestyle factors, and need to be directly targeted on the basis of their ethnicity. As the recently completed Review of the Measurement of Ethnicity noted, ethnicity continues to be a "vital demographic and social variable" in New Zealand (Statistics New Zealand 2004:6).

In conclusion, this paper has attempted to address the problem of how to define the Maori population and, by association, who is Maori. It has also considered the related issue of which Maori ought to benefit from public policy. Problems of definition, entitlement and verification are not exclusive to Maori, as parallel debates in Australia, Canada and the United States attest. In those countries, there is a growing call for the abandonment of ethnic- and race-based policies. The challenge facing New Zealand policy makers will be to respond to these growing complexities and exogenous pressures with creative and open-minded responses based on robust research.

Table 1 Parameters for Maori Population, by Ancestry, Ethnicity and
Iwi, 1991-2001

 Year Ancestry
 1991 Yes No

Ethnicity Yes 393,102 9,327
 (76.9)
 No plus N/S 118,173 --
 (23.2)

Iwi ** Yes 368,655 --
 (72.1)
 N/S 146,991 --
 (28.8)
 Total 511,275 --
 (100.0%)

 1996

Ethnicity Yes 486,396 12,540
 (83.9)
 No plus N/S 93,318 --
 (16.1)

Iwi Yes 425,745 --
 (73.4)
 N/S 154,794 --
 (26.7)
 Total 579,714
 (100.0%)
 2001

Ethnicity Yes 487,317 5,322
 (80.1)
 No plus N/S 116,790 --
 (19.9)

Iwi Yes 454,479 --
 (75.2)
 N/S 149,634 --
 (24.8)
 Total 604,113
 (100.0%)

 Year
 1991 N/S * Total

Ethnicity Yes 32,421 434,850
 No plus N/S -- 118,173

Iwi ** Yes -- 368,655
 N/S -- 146,991
 Total -- 511,275

 1996

Ethnicity Yes 24,435 523,371
 No plus N/S -- 93,318

Iwi Yes -- 425,745
 N/S -- 154,794
 Total 579,714

 2001

Ethnicity Yes 33,642 526,281
 No plus N/S -- 116,790

Iwi Yes 14,500 *** 454,479
 N/S -- 149,634
 Total 604,113

Source: 2001 Census: Iwi, Highlights Fig. 5; 2001 Census: Iwi, Table 1.

Notes: * N/S = "Don't know" plus "Not elsewhere included" (failed to
specify, response unidentifiable).

** Iwi population sums to more than 100% for 1991 and 1996. The reason
for this is not stated. Figures are "Total People Stated", and thus
should not include multiple responses (i.e. "Total Responses").

*** Figure supplied by Statistics New Zealand (personal communication).
Comparable figures for 1991 and 1996 were not available.

Table 2 Expressions of Maori Identity in the NZWFEE, 1996 (N = 497)

Identity Description N

Sole Maori Maori the only ethnic group 314
Mainly Maori Maori and European, Maori main ethnicity 67
Mainly European Maori and European, European main ethnicity 77
Dual Maori-Euro. Maori and European, no main ethnicity 39

Note: Excludes mixed Maori women who reported a non-European ethnicity.

Table 3 Characteristics of Women Who Reported Different Maori
Identities in the NZWFEE, 1995 (N = 458)

 Maori only Mainly Maori
 (n = 314) (n = 67)
 % %

Age at survey
20-29 years 37.7 47.8
30-39 years 33.2 31.3
40 years & above 29.1 20.9
Union status*
Married - legal 37.6 35.8
Married - de facto 17.8 28.4
Not married 44.6 35.8
Personal annual income (1) **
Under $10,000 37.6 49.2
$10,001 - $20,000 45.1 37.3
$20,001 - $30,000 12.8 7.5
More than $30,000 4.5 6.0
Educational attainment **
None 46.5 41.8
Secondary 15.9 16.4
Tertiary (degree & non) 38.6 41.8
Occupational status *
Not in paid work 53.8 47.8
Manual 13.7 20.9
Clerical, sales, personnel 21.0 25.3
Professional 11.5 6.0
Dependent child in household
Yes 66.4 68.7
of Maori in TA (2) **
Low 13.7 17.9
Medium 40.8 43.3
High 45.5 38.8
Partner ethnicity (3) *
Maori 59.4 54.8
European 40.6 45.2

 Mainly European

 (n = 77) (n)
 % %

Age at survey
20-29 years 31.2 173
30-39 years 37.6 152
40 years & above 31.2 133
Union status *
Married - legal 63.6 191
Married - de facto 13.0 85
Not married 23.4 182
Personal annual income (1) **
Under $10,000 36.5 175
$10,001 - $20,000 32.4 187
$20,001 - $30,000 16.2 56
More than $30,000 14.9 29
Educational attainment **
None 24.7 193
Secondary 27.3 82
Tertiary (degree & non) 48.0 183
Occupational status *
Not in paid work 41.6 233
Manual 7.8 63
Clerical, sales, personnel 20.8 99
Professional 29.8 63
Dependent child in household
Yes 81.0 302
of Maori in TA (2) **
Low 29.9 78
Medium 36.4 185
High 33.7 195
Partner ethnicity (3) *
Maori 10.2 127
European 89.8 139

Notes:

1. excludes Don't Know/Refused (n = 11)

2. Low Maori TA = under 10% Maori in Territorial Authority,
medium = 10.1-19.9%; high = 20% Maori or more

3. excludes women with no cohabiting partner (n = 183), with a
non-Maori, non-European partner (n = 6); Don't Know/Refused (n = 3)

* p = <0.01

** p = <0.05

Table 4 Logistic Probability of Annual Earnings of NZWFEE Women Who
Reported Maori Ethnicity (Baseline = $0 - $10k; N = 447).

 $10,001-$20,000 $20,001 and over

 Odds ratio Wald Odds ratio Wald

Constant .76 38
Age 1.02 1 1.04 * .02
of Maori in TA 1.00 1 1.02 .01

Educational attainment
Tertiary (degree & non) 1.37 34 1.26 .41
(baseline = secondary
or lower)

Labour force status
Not in the work force .39 * 13 .03 * .02
Part-time .59 24 .11 * .05
(baseline = full-time)

Dependent child in
household
Yes 2.25 * 67 1.32 .46

Union status
Married .14 * 4 .26 * .11

Cultural orientation
Maori .91 30 43 ** .18

Notes:

Married = de jure and de facto marriage. Age and % of Maori in
TA = continuous variables. Excludes women who did not report
income (N = 11)
Chi2 = 136.11 (16) = 0.000

* p = <0.01

** p = <0.05

(1) Acknowledgments The author thanks those who commented on early drafts of the paper, especially Prof. Matthew Snipp, A. Dharmalingam (Dharma), Brendan Stevenson, an anonymous reviewer, and colleagues in the race and ethnic relations seminar in the Sociology Department, Stanford University. Any contestable judgements and errors are entirely my own.

(2) (Race has historically been employed as a biological classification of humans on the basis of genetic makeup, manifest in physical traits. Contemporary definitions define race as a socially constructed category based on the identification of (1) a group marker that is transmitted through reproduction (e.g. skin colour); and (2) individual, group, and cultural attributes associated with that marker (Smelser et al. 200l). Ethnicity generally refers to a cultural group that has a common socio-history based on geographical, religious, ancestral or/and cultural roots.

(3) A widely accepted definition of indigenous peoples is peoples who: (a) usually live within or maintain attachments to geographically distinct ancestral territories; (b) tend to maintain distinct social, economic, and political institutions within their territories; (c) typically aspire to remain distinct culturally, geographically and institutionally rather than assimilate fully into national society; and (d) self-identify as indigenous or tribal (Cobo 1986).

(4) For example, New Zealand has Te Puni Kokiri, the United States has the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Department of Hawaiian Homelands, and Canada has the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.

(5) Parallel debates on defining indigenous identity have occurred in Australia (Birrell 2000, Gardiner-Garden 2003), Canada (Metis National Council 21104), Hawaii (Suyama 2003) and the United States (Liebler 1996, Snipp 1997, 2002). Hawaii is distinguished here from the United States given that Native Hawaiian claims to sovereignty are distinct from those of Native Americans.

(6) These include policies and programmes at the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Health, Education Review Office, Department of Labour, and Ministry of Culture and Heritage (Mallard 2004).

(7) Separate census help notes direct respondents to answer on the basis of the "ethnic group or groups (cultural groups) you belong to or identify with".

(8) Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for providing this information.

(9) In lieu of formal barriers however, informal ones remained, particularly with regard to social structural assimilation (e.g. educational equivalence).

(10) The number of Waikato iwi responses increased 50% between 1996 and 2001 (2001 Census: Iwi Highlights).

(11) According to the Census 2001: Iwi Highlights, 88% of the Maori descent population that could name an iwi also identified as ethnic Maori (454,479x.88=399,941). An additional 14,500 ethnic Maori reported an iwi, but not Maori descent (although, of course, tribal descent presupposes Maori descent). The author could not locate published figures for the number of persons who reported an iwi, but not Maori ethnicity and ancestry.

(12) Twelve per cent of the Maori descent population that could name an iwi did not identify as ethnic Maori (454,479 x 12 = 54,537). This represents 9% of the Maori descent population.

(13) For example, the Maori Electoral Population is computed by the following formula: Maori Descent population/ (No. of Maori enrolled on the Maori Roll + No. of Maori enrolled on the General Roll).

(14) Sole Maori is the term used to refer to persons who identify exclusively as Maori in surveys such as the census. Mixed Maori refers to persons who identify with several ethnic groups, one of which is Maori (e.g. mixed Maori-European). The enumeration of the "sole Maori" population has been complicated in recent years, and the problems well documented. See Lang 2001, 2002, Te Roopu 2000.

(15) Analysis of census and survey data has shown that up to a third of children identified as solely Maori in fact have a non-Maori parent (Kukutai 2003).

(16) Shortened from "New Zealand European"; also includes a small number of women who identified as "other European".

(17) For ethnicity, the interviewer asked, "Which ethnic group(s) do you belong to?" A list of 10 ethnic groups, including "Other" was read out, and a show card listing the options was presented. If more than one ethnic group was reported the interviewer asked, "Please tell me which one of these is the main ethnic group you identify with".

(18) In 1996, 52% of the MEG reported solely as Maori; and 56% in 2001. For women aged 20-59, the respective figures were 63% and 60%.

(19) Given the scope of this paper, I do not present results for European women. For previous analysis that directly compares Maori, European and "Other" women in the NZWFEE, see Kukutai 2003.

(20) Wald tests for each independent variable showed that marital status and employment status were the strongest predictors, followed by dependent child, age and strength of Maori identity. The insignificant educational attainment co-efficient might be because the generic "tertiary" category does not distinguish between degree and non-degree qualifications. It was aggregated, due to the small sample size.

(21) Maori women may have different levels of ethnic attachment than men, or may experience higher costs because of their gender.

(22) The collection of ancestry data in official statistics is also relevant for other non-Maori ethnic groups. Certainly if New Zealander is introduced as a valid ethnic group in official statistics (see Statistics New Zealand 2004), the inclusion of an ancestry question will facilitate greater understanding of identification choices.

(23) Using cultural measures in the census such as language use would not necessarily capture those who strongly identified as Maori, since one can strongly identify as Maori but not speak the language.

(24) The absence of a primary ethnicity might be a factor in ethnic mobility between the Maori and European ethnic groups. That is, some persons who identity as Maori and European in one context might simplify their response to either European or Maori in another (Coope and Piesse 1997).

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Tahu Kukutai (1) Stanford University PhD student

(1) Acknowledgments The author thanks those who commented on early drafts of the paper, especially Prof. Matthew Snipp, A. Dharmalingam (Dharma), Brendan Stevenson, an anonymous reviewer, and colleagues in the race and ethnic relations seminar in the Sociology Department, Stanford University. Any contestable judgements and errors are entirely my own.

Correspondence Email: tkukutai@stanford.edu