Decomposition of changes in poverty measures: sectoral and institutional considerations for the poverty reduction strategy paper of Pakistan.
Khan, Aliya H. ; Azhar, Ali Shan
This paper aims at developing a better understanding of the
measured changes in aggregate poverty in Pakistan between 1979 and
1998-99 to explore the fundamental premises of an appropriate poverty
reduction strategy for Pakistan. In devising an effective approach to
anti-poverty policy, the Pakistan government's Poverty Reduction
Strategy Paper, PRSP, is taken as the starting reference. The paper
utilises certain theoretical advances in poverty decomposition. The
"sectoral decomposition" of changes in poverty decomposes the
changes in poverty in Pakistan into intrasectoral effects, intersectoral
population shifts and their interaction. The "growth-equity
decomposition" of a change in poverty quantifies the relative
contribution of growth versus redistribution to changes in poverty
measures. The quantitative significance of the sectoral impact of
poverty on the rural population from the sectoral poverty decomposition
technique strongly suggests the need for more targeted interventions for
combating rural poverty. Notwithstanding the importance of
redistributional measures, the growth-equity poverty decomposition
technique emphasises the relatively greater importance of consumption
growth in poverty alleviation. The paper acknowledges that the approach
of the PRSP is well focused. However, a more comprehensive and
coordinated strategy for addressing rural poverty in Pakistan is
outlined in the study. The paper also stresses the necessity to overcome
the prevailing governance crisis to lay the foundation of a successful
poverty reduction strategy in Pakistan. In this context, it argues that
the key problem areas that have emerged in the implementation of
Pakistan's new "Devolution Plan" are related to the lack
of funds, capacity and systems.
I. INTRODUCTION
Two extremely significant empirical questions on the relationship
between growth, distribution and poverty have remained the focus of
attention for researchers and academicians. First, how does a change in
aggregate poverty reflect intrasectoral gains/losses versus
intersectoral shifts in population? Second, how much of an observed
change in poverty can be attributed to the changes in the distribution
of income, as distinct from growth in average incomes? Standard
inequality measures like the Gini coefficient can be misleading in this
context. At any rate, the change in an inequality measure can be a poor
guide to its quantitative impact on poverty.
Ravallion and Huppi (1991) proposed decomposition formulae to throw
light on the contributions of sectoral gains and population shifts (on
the one hand) and economic growth and changes in inequality (on the
other) to aggregate changes in poverty. They found that both population
shifts and gains to the urban and rural sectors alleviated aggregate
poverty in Indonesia over the 1984-87 period. In addition, they obtained
estimates of the relative contributions of growth and greater equity to
poverty alleviation in Indonesia. Datt and Ravallion (1992) extended the
analysis to study poverty in Brazil and India during the 1980s. Kakwani
(1993) explored the relation between economic growth and poverty for
Cote d'Ivoire from 1980-85. He developed his own methodology to
measure separately the impact of changes in average income and income
inequality on poverty. Kakwani (2000) applied the same methodology to
analyse changes in poverty in Thailand covering the period from 1988-94.
Recently, Contreas (2003) examined the evolution of poverty and
inequality in Chile between 1990 and 1996. Using the
"Datt-Ravallion decomposition", he computed that economic
growth accounted for over 85 percent of the poverty reduction in Chile.
Over the last decade, we have witnessed some pioneering work on the
relationship between growth, poverty and inequality in Pakistan. Amjad
and Kemal (1997) identified economic indicators, which can best capture
the major correlates of poverty. Their finding is that the overall
poverty levels in Pakistan (1963-1993) are positively correlated with
the Gini coefficient and negatively correlated with real per capita GNP.
Ali and Tahir (1999) analysed the long-run relationship between growth,
poverty and inequality in Pakistan. They estimated the long-run
elasticities of poverty with respect to growth and inequality.
A number of recent studies indicate that poverty, which declined
rapidly in the 1970s and 1980s, returned to Pakistan in the late 1980s.
In the late 1980s, government fiscal deficits (which had previously
helped fuel growth but which were no longer tenable) had to be
drastically cut to avert financial collapse, accompanying structural
reforms (1) and these along with declining remittances combined to not
just slow down but reverse the decline in poverty [Amjad and Kemal
(1997)]. The increasing incidence of poverty in Pakistan since the late
1980s and continuing throughout the 1990s has severely damaged the
growth potential of the economy through a variety of channels. Not least
is the manifestation of poverty through the emergence of lawlessness,
sectarianism and ethnic conflicts, which have collectively jaundiced the
investment climate in Pakistan.
The renewed focus on poverty reduction as the principal goal of
Pakistan's development policy framework emphasises the increasing
need to quantify the relative contribution to changes in poverty
measures of growth versus redistribution on one hand and the role played
by intrasectoral gains/losses versus intersectoral shifts in population
on the other. The present study contributes to the existing literature
on the relationship between growth, poverty and inequality in Pakistan
by rigorously quantifying the contribution of distributional changes to
poverty alleviation, controlling for growth effects, and the
contribution of growth, controlling for relevant distributional changes.
The study also provides a decomposition of the changes in poverty in
Pakistan into intrasectoral effects, intersectoral population shifts and
their interaction.
The plan of the paper is that Section II discusses the
decomposition of a measured change in aggregate poverty into constituent
parts that indicate intrasectoral gains versus intersectoral shifts in
population. Empirical results for Pakistan are also presented. Section
III briefly reviews and uses the "Datt-Ravallion
decomposition" to try to better understand the sources of the
measured change in aggregate poverty in Pakistan. Finally, the last
section concludes the paper and suggests broad policy measures,
specifically in the context of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
(PRSP) of Pakistan.
II. SECTORAL DECOMPOSITION OF CHANGES IN POVERTY
The "sectoral decomposition" of changes in poverty aims
at assessing the relative gains to the poor within specific sectors and
the contribution of changes in the distribution of the population across
these sectors. Suppose that we have poverty measures (P) for each of two
dates t and t+n (say), and two sectors, i (i = u and r for urban and
rural). The change in aggregate poverty between the two dates can be
decomposed into intrasectoral effects, population shifts and interaction
effects, as follows:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1)
Where [P.sub.i,t] denotes measured poverty in sector i at date t
with corresponding population share [n.sub.i,t]. Intuitively, the
"intrasectoral effects" is the contribution of gains/losses to
the poor within the urban sector and the rural sector corresponding to
the change in aggregate poverty. The "population shift effect"
shows how changes in the distribution of the population across sectors
contributed to the change in aggregate poverty. The "interaction
effect" can be interpreted as a measure of the correlation between
the population shifts and the intrasectoral changes in poverty.
Estimation results of Equation 1 in Table 1 give the urban-rural
sectoral decomposition of the aggregate poverty changes in Pakistan over
the 1979--1987-88 period. We find that both population shifts and gains
to the urban and rural sectors alleviated aggregate poverty. These
improvements were dampened slightly by the negative "interaction
effect". The gains to the rural sector accounted for the vast
majority of aggregate poverty alleviation and clearly more than the
sector's population share. Gains to the urban sector and population
shifts from the rural to the urban sector did contribute to poverty
alleviation, but were quantitatively less important than the direct
gains to the rural poor.
Table 2 provides a sectoral decomposition for the 1987-88--1998-99
period for Pakistan. Both the urban and rural sectors contributed to the
increase in aggregate poverty. Though the "interaction effect"
and the "population shift effect" alleviated poverty, the
overall impact was negligible. The quantitative importance of the
sectoral loss to the rural population is notable. A whopping 86.3
percent of the poverty increase in Pakistan from 1987-88--1998-99 can be
attributed to the rural sector.
III. GROWTH-EQUITY DECOMPOSITION OF CHANGES IN POVERTY
We can decompose the change in poverty into the change in the mean
consumption level of a given distribution, and a change in the
distribution of consumption around the mean. We may call this the
"growth-equity decomposition" of a change in poverty. For this
decomposition, we confine attention to poverty measures which can be
fully characterised in terms of the poverty line, the mean income of the
distribution, and the Lorenz curve representing the structure of
relative income inequalities. The poverty measure [P.sub.t] at date t is
written as
[P.SUB.t] = P (z/[[mu].sub.t], [L.sub.t]) (2)
Where, z is the poverty line, [[mu].sub.t] is the mean
income/consumption and [L.sub.t] is a vector of parameters fully
describing the Lorenz curve at date t. The level of poverty may change
due to a change in the mean income/consumption [[mu].sub.t] relative to
the poverty line or due to a change in relative inequalities [L.sub.t].
The "growth component" of a change in the poverty measure
is defined as the change in poverty due to a change in the mean while
holding the Lorenz curve constant at some initial level. The
"redistribution component" is the change in poverty due to a
change in the Lorenz curve while keeping the mean income constant at
some initial level. To resolve the issue empirically, let
[P.sub.1+n.sup.*] denote the poverty level that would have occurred at
date t+n if the change in mean consumption since date t had not been
associated with any change in relative consumption levels. In other
words, [P.sub.t+n.sup.*] is obtained by applying the mean at date t+n to
the Lorenz curve at date t. Similarly, let [P.sub.t+n.sup.**] denote the
poverty level that one would have found at date t+n if only the Lorenz
curve had shifted since date t, leaving the mean unchanged; that is,
[P.sub.t+n.sup.**] is computed by applying the Lorenz curve at date t+n
to the mean at date t. The observed change in poverty over dates t and
t+n can then be decomposed as follows:
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (3)
The two simulated poverty measures, [P.sub.t+n.sup.*] and
[P.sub.t+n.sup.**] are calculated by econometrically estimating
parametric specifications of the Lorenz curves and deriving the poverty
measures as functions of those parameters and of the mean income and the
poverty line. The non-zero residual in Equation (3) exists whenever the
poverty measure is not additively separable between u and L, i.e.,
whenever the marginal effects on the poverty index of changes in the
mean (Lorenz curve) depend on the precise Lorenz curve(mean). Hence, the
residual is the difference between the distributionally neutral growth
effect given the Lorenz curve at date t+n and that evaluated at the
Lorenz curve at date t.
In general, the residual does not vanish. It will vanish if either
(i) the distributionally neutral growth effect on poverty is independent
of the Lorenz curve (or equivalently, if the distributional effect is
independent of the mean) i.e. the poverty measure is additively
separable between u and L or (ii) the changes in one or both the mean u
and Lorenz curve are infinitesimally small. This does not hold for the
poverty measures and Lorenz curve parameter estimates considered in this
study, nor does it appear likely to ever hold for any plausible Lorenz
curve. Infact, most poverty measures used in practice are not separable
into the mean and the Lorenz curve. A residual will thus arise, given
that one has fixed the Lorenz curve (in measuring the growth component)
and the level of the mean (when measuring the distribution component).
Moreover, the residual cannot be apportioned between the growth and
redistribution components. Such an exercise will be arbitrary and convey
a false impression that the decomposition is exact. Infact, the residual
can be of considerable interest in its own right. In particular, it can
be interpreted as the contribution to aggregate poverty of the
interaction effects between growth and distributional changes. (2)
Table 3 gives the estimates of the decomposition of changes in
total poverty in Pakistan between 1979 and 1993-94 using the methodology
in Equation 3. The table gives the increments in percentage points, both
in the aggregate and by components and sub-periods. It is observed that
the shifts in the Lorenz curve contributed to poverty alleviation for
the period 1979--1987-88. However, the majority of the reduction in
poverty can be attributed to higher mean consumption for a given
distribution of consumption. Between 1987-88 and 1993-94, we find that
both the growth and redistribution components contributed to the
increase in poverty, though the former factor was quantitatively more
important. The residuals in the decomposition vary in size.
Our results suggest that it would be hazardous to assume the
residual is zero, or simply lump it into the components.
To facilitate comparisons, Table 4 and Table 5 provide the
estimates of the relative contributions to poverty changes in Pakistan
of changes in mean consumption and distributional shifts. The
distributional effects (12.3 percent) contributed to the alleviation of
poverty in Pakistan between 1979 and 1987-88. However, growth in mean
consumption accounted for the bulk of the improvement (84.9 percent).
The growth component again dominated the redistribution component in
Pakistan for the period 1987-88 to 1993-94. Changes in distribution
(25.42 percent) reinforced the adverse effect of the decrease in mean
consumption (61.11 percent). The above results complement the evidence
obtained from the "sectoral decomposition" of poverty in
Pakistan and may indeed have a strong bearing on the sectoral shares of
poverty.
IV. IMPLICATIONS OF EMPIRICAL RESULTS FOR THE PRSP
This paper aims at providing insight to policy-makers into a
framework for action, which is needed to effectively reduce poverty in
all its dimensions in Pakistan. In this regard, it will be befitting to
take as starting reference the Pakistan government's own Draft
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, PRSP (2003a) so as to base the
recommendations on the experience of existing programmes and initiatives
in Pakistan. The PRSP specifies five main goals of policy in the years
ahead: accelerating economic growth and maintaining macroeconomic stability, investing in human capital, augmenting targeted
interventions, expanding social safety nets and improving governance.
While the approach of the PRSP is well focused, there is a need to
deepen the understanding that underpins some areas of reform identified
by it.
A vitally critical area of intervention for which the PRSP has not
laid out a comprehensive approach is rural poverty. Our study reinforces
other findings that poverty in Pakistan is overwhelmingly rural. An
effective strategy for rural development will have immense bearings on
the incidence of poverty in Pakistan. The strategy for addressing rural
poverty in Pakistan will require the implementation of mutually
consistent, mutually reinforcing, multi-faceted packages of programmes
and strategies. The most effective approach will entail a combination of
certain critical elements. Lipton and Ravallion (1995) point out that
the policies pursued by most LDCs have been biased against the rural
sector in various ways. Three sources of bias can be identified.
(1) The direct effect of sector-specific pricing policies,
appearing as a wedge between domestic producer prices and border prices
for agricultural outputs.
(2) The direct effect of non-price, sector-specific, policies, such
as public spending on roads, schools, services and research.
(3) The indirect effect on the farm sector of economy-wide
distortions operating through exchange rate and external trade policies.
In most LDCs, there are prospects for reducing poverty by removing
these biases. In addition, cross-sectoral spillover effects also
strengthen the case for a pro-rural bias, with or without other
distortions. Such spillover effects can arise in a number of ways,
including migration across regions and trade. (3) Ravallion and Dart
(1994) found strong evidence of a significant response of urban poverty
measures to rural consumption growth in India. The reverse was not true;
that is urban growth did not reduce rural poverty controlling for the
rural mean. Their investigation clearly established the quantitative
importance of fostering rural economic growth for poverty reduction in
both rural and urban/India.
The World Bank (2002) proposes a coordinated strategy for
addressing rural poverty in Pakistan. In regards to constraints on
productivity in the farm sector, there is first a need to improve
household access to assets, in particular land. Historically poor
outcomes of land and tenancy reforms, examined in light of some new
initiatives, hint at the importance of improving not only the
distribution of land but also the complementary access to agrarian
inputs and credits. Improving credit allocation generally requires
moving away from supply driven mechanisms, and improving and broadening
micro-credit practices. Programmes that promote investments in the
non-farm sector should be further encouraged since diversification out
of agriculture has been shown to mitigate rural vulnerability and
poverty. Particularly in view of Pakistan's growing drought
problem, we need programmes that improve access to rural infrastructure,
focusing on improved efficiency of the irrigation system. Increased
public investment is warranted here, but some successes to date stress
the importance of local governance reforms, particularly in the form of
more community participation in local land and resource management. All
these measures have to be designed and implemented in a coordinated
fashion, due to considerable interrelationships among the various
constraints addressed.
The PRSP has very appropriately emphasised the importance of good
governance in the context of fighting poverty in Pakistan. The lack of
institutional capacity and strength in Pakistan to withstand the rigors
of an effective poverty eradication programme has often been
highlighted. World Bank (2000) stressed the imperative of
"facilitating empowerment" and "enhancing security"
to generate the dynamics for sustainable poverty reduction.
"Empowerment" implies the enhancement of the poor's
capacity to influence the state institutions that affect their lives.
This can be made possible by strengthening the participation of the poor
people in political processes and local decision-making. Hence,
"empowerment" of the poor people is part of the broader agenda
of sound governance and accountability of state institutions to their
citizens. In "enhancing security" the issue once again is
whether public interventions and institutions work well--and in the
interests of poor people. So, access to information and participation
are again vital to address the menace of vulnerability to risks (e.g.,
ill health and economic shocks) faced by the poor people. Infact, sound
and inclusive governance is central to creating an enabling environment
for eradicating poverty. Good governance demands well-functioning and
accountable public and private institutions. It is a prerequisite to
mobilise social capital for sustained action against poverty.
The PRSP recognises that poverty in Pakistan is highly conditioned
by governance factors. Addressing the governance component of the
poverty reduction strategy requires major transformation of governance
structures and systems, as well as of political and organisational
culture, especially at the local level. It is in this spirit, that
Pakistan's new "Devolution Plan", finalised in August
2000, seeks to restructure the administrative setups at the district,
tehsil and union levels. The plan envisages the creation of full-fledged
district governments with legislative and financial powers, serving
below federal and provincial levels.
To date major steps have been taken towards the implementation of
the "Devolution Plan". The "Local Government Ordinance
2001" paved the way for nation-wide elections to local governments.
Administrative structures at the district level now function under the
Zila Nazim. (4) The District Coordination Officer (DCO) is responsible
for coordinating the activities of eleven groups of offices each headed
by an Executive District Officer (EDO). Municipal services have been
reorganised under the Tehsil/Town Nazim. The Tehsil/Town Municipal
Officer (TMO) and Tehsil/Town Officers function under the Tehsil/Town
Nazims. At the union level, the union administration operates under the
Union Nazim. The Tehsil/Town Municipal Administrations have been
assigned the responsibility for planning and developing municipal
services (local roads, water supply, street lighting, markets, urban
amenities, etc.). The union administrations plan and execute small
community development projects in addition to their major role of
monitoring the services and facilities. Deconcentration of functions in
the revenue and police hierarchies has taken place. Now coordination,
revenue and magisterial functions are not concentrated in one post.
Likewise police investigation has been separated from watch and ward.
Unfortunately, there have been myriad problems in the series of
fundamental transformations to overcome the governance crisis and lay
the foundation of a successful poverty reduction strategy in Pakistan.
The main issue has been to overcome the opposition of vested interests determined to hold on to the old system characterised by institutional
decay and breakdown. Apart from that, three key problem areas that have
emerged in the implementation of decentralisation reform are related to
the lack of funds, capacity and systems.
First and foremost, devolution is a costly business. It requires
new offices, equipment and manpower. Fiscal decentralisation entails
providing local governments with significant locally generated
resources. The question of how to mobilise these resources remains
unresolved. There has hardly been any devolution of taxes to the local
levels or improvement in the collection/recovery mechanism of the local
taxes. It must be realised that local resource mobilisation is an
important activity for the sustainability of local governments. Without
fiscal decentralisation, political decentralisation is meaningless.
Adequate service delivery and poverty reduction can only be achieved
through a combination of grassroots participation and grassroots
spending.
Second, the full implementation of the district government system
requires the political leadership, administrative personnel and other
stakeholders to comprehend in entirety what their particular
roles/responsibilities are and how best they can be performed. To date,
they lack that understanding in wake of the massive scale of reforms
introduced. There is a pressing need for capacity building across all
three newly created tiers of government and across the political
leadership and civil service divide. The PRSP has appreciated the
requirement of civil service reform to adapt the public administration
to the new reality of devolution to render them more responsive to
citizen demands.
Third, in certain cases there is acute need for new systems to
reflect and accommodate the altered political, fiscal and administrative
realities. For instance, Provincial Finance Commissions (PFCs) have been
constituted in each province to ensure equitable and transparent
distribution of resources. The local governments are primarily dependent
upon these fiscal transfers from provincial governments for meeting
their expenditure requirements. These fiscal transfers have been far
from reliable and predictable. The systems for direct fund transfers to
local governments are not fully in place. Similarly, the "Local
Government Ordinance 2001" separated the functions of accounting
and audit. But special structures have not yet been created to implement
these measures.
Overall, this paper has described some tools for statistical
analysis to decompose observed changes in aggregate poverty in Pakistan,
so as to assess their sectoral and distributional composition. The
recommendations that derive from the empirical analysis in this paper
are broadly consistent with the poverty reduction strategy outlined in
the PRSP, though they also suggest a need for a strengthening of this
strategy.
The Government of Pakistan has formulated a new Poverty Reduction
Strategy Paper (2003b) which includes a concrete and well-classified
"Rural Development Strategy". Keeping in view the policy
message of this study, it is sincerely hoped that the Rural Development
Strategy incorporated in the new PRSP, will be adequately pursued and
implemented in letter and spirit.
Comments
The paper highlights the need for careful empirical analysis as the
basis for effective poverty reduction strategy formulation.
The paper presents the application of the Ravallion and Huppi
(1991) decomposition methodology to data for the period 1987-88 to
1998-99, using urban and rural level of aggregation. It makes
significant observations. It is quite encouraging to see that
researchers and academics are making meaningful contributions to
facilitate the policy-makers and to improve public policy paradigm
further. However, there are a few comments.
It is important to note that disaggregating the analysis by
agro-climatic zones and by provinces should have very different
implications that are missing in the paper. For example, Sindh is much
more urbanised than Balochistan. There is a possibility that it might
have been covered else where in the dissertation.
Empirical Studies [for example Ravallion (1994) and Malik (1992)]
show the enormous biases that affect poverty estimates comparison over
time and place. The paper under review does not indicate how these
biases have been controlled or treated in the estimates from 1987 to
1999 while deriving the conclusions.
The decomposition of the change in poverty measures is restricted
to growth and equity component but the paper does not answer the
apparent paradox of reasonably good agriculture growth rate and the
rising rural poverty in Pakistan.
The empirical analysis reflected in the paper does not provide
linkage, direct or specific, to the policy part of the paper, which
presents a summary of the existing strategy measures.
It seems that some of the observations made regarding Government of
Pakistan's Poverty Reduction Strategy in the Paper are possibly
based on old version of PRSP. The Rural Development Strategy has been
embedded into the full PRSP, released very recently, focusing on areas
that have direct linkage with the rural poverty; such as agriculture,
livestock, dairy, fisheries, irrigation, infrastructure for the poor
including farm to market roads, rural electrification, works under
Khushal Pakistan Programme and Tameer-e-Watan programme, micro-credit,
etc. apart from generally covering the rural sector for human
development and governance.
Likewise, governance section has been strengthened and
appropriately expanded to reflect various concerns expressed in the
paper, such as devolution, fiscal decentralisation, access to justice,
police reforms, civil service reforms, capacity building,
anti-corruption, public sector procurement reforms, freedom of
information, statistics improvement, etc.
To conclude, the paper needs to have a fresh look on the
methodology and conclusions to address some of the issues highlighted
above and to establish a link between findings of empirical analysis
with the policy part of the paper. The authors may wish to update their
observations with reference to PRSP in the context of Full PRSP released
very recently.
The PRSP Secretariat would welcome meaningful suggestions to
address rural poverty including the non-farm sector.
Abdul Wajid Rana
PRSP Secretariat, Ministry of Finance, Islamabad.
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(1) Structural reforms included privatisation and loss of
employment for redundant workers, cut in subsidies, and increase in
sales tax.
(2) For further discussion on the interpretation of the residual,
see Datt and Ravallion (1992).
(3) Cross-sectoral linkages through migration and trade can readily
create multiplier effects, which enhance sector-specific policy impacts
on the poor.
(4) The divisional level where there were administrative structures
and no corresponding political dispensation has been abolished.
Aliya H. Khan and Ali Shan Azhar are respectively Associate
Professor and MPhil student at the Department of Economics, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad.
Table 1
Decomposition of Change in Poverty into Intrasectoral Effects,
Intersectoral Population Shifts, and their Interaction between 1979
and 1987-88, Pakistan (Percentaee of Total Povertv Reduction)
Components of Poverty Alleviation
Intrasectoral
Effects Intersectoral
Poverty Population Interaction
Measure Urban Rural Shifts Effect
Headcount 22.78 76.68 1.03 -0.51
Index
Source: Authors' calculations based on Amjad and Kemal (1997) and
Census Report of Pakistan, 1981 and 1998.
Table 2
Decomposition of Change in Poverty into Intrasectoral Effects,
Intersectoral Population Shifts, and their Interaction between 1987-
88 and 1998-99, Pakistan (Percentage of Total Poverty Increase)
Components of Poverty Alleviation
Intrasectoral
Effects Intersectoral
Poverty Population Interaction
Measure Urban Rural Shifts Effect
Headcount 13.33 86.30 -0.28 -0.87
Index
Source: Authors' calculations based on Amjad and Kemal (1997);
Economic Survey 2002-03 and Census Report of Pakistan, 1981 and 1998.
Table 3
Decomposition of Changes in Poverty into Growth and Redistribution
Components, Pakistan, 1979--1993-94
(Perrentape Points)
Growth Redistribution Change in
Period Component Component Residual Poverty
Householdcount Index
1979 to 87-88 -7.59 -1.10 -0.25 -8.94
1997-88 4.40 1.83 0.97 7.20
to 93-94
Source: Authors' calculations based on HIES, 1979, 1987-88 and
1993-94 and Ali and Tahir (1999).
Table 4
Decomposition of Changes in Poverty into Consumption Growth and
Redistribution Effects, Pakistan, 1979-1987-88
(Percentage of Total Poverty Reduction)
Higher Mean Change in
Consumption Distribution
Poverty Measure (a) (b) Residual
Householdcount 84.9 12.3 2.8
Index
Source. Authors' calculations based on HIES, 1979 and 1987-88 and Ali
and Tahir (1999).
Note: (a.) ([P.sup.*.sub.87] - [P.sub.79])/([P.sub.87] - [P.sub.79]).
(b.) ([P.sup.**.sub.87] - [P.sub.79])/([P.sub.87] - [P.sub.79]).
Table 5
Decomposition of Changes in Poverty into Consumption Growth and
Redistribution Effects, Pakistan, 1987-88-1993-94 (Percentage of Total
Poverty Increase)
Lower Mean Change in
Consumption Distribution
Poverty Measure (a) (b) Residual
Householdcount 61.11 25.42 13.47
Index
Source: Authors' calculations based on HIES, 1987-88 and 1993-94 and
Ali and Tahir (1999).
Note: (a.) ([P.sup.*.sub.93] - [P.sub.87])/([P.sub.93] - [P.sub.87]).
b. ([P.sup.**.sub.93] - [P.sub.87])/([P.sub.93] - [P.sub.87]).