Towards divine economics: some testable propositions.
Hamdani, Syed Nisar Hussain ; Ahmad, Eatza
Despite the use of the robust econometric models like AIDS,
Translog, Rotardam, the results of studies on consumer behaviour are
surprisingly away from the real world situation because of the important
heterogeneous variables which have received little attention as yet from
economists. Such variables may be found in attitudes and values acquired
by consumers in a variety of social and religious environments. In this
paper, some insights gained from the Holy Qur'an the Hadith, and
other sources of Islamic-knowledge have been summed up in the form of
empirically testable propositions. We do not intend to test them here
but simply aim at highlighting how the behaviour of a 'real
man' could differ from that of the 'economic man'. The
paper provides some guidelines for research on religiosity and economic
behaviour especially relating to time allocation. The paper suggests a
multi-stage budgeting approach for econometric modelling. Based on the
suggested approach, future research may determine the type and magnitude
of effects of religiosity on, for example, time allocation to religious
activities, charity, home production, leisure and voluntary work,
earnings, occupational choices, and educational preferences, etc., among
individuals of different religions and sects having varying levels of
religiosity.
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background
Throughout the human history, the religion has remained a
fundamental feature of social construct and human behaviour. Religious
orientation plays important role in shaping human perceptions about
economic and non-economic activities. With few exceptions, religion has
remained an un-explored area in economics. For most economists,
narrative and metaphor have no place in a rational choice theory, which
is a wrong belief. In fact, any approach that considers behavioural laws
satisfying the criteria of objectivity, reproducibility, and
refutability is scientific and falls in purview of rational choice
framework. A few studies, however, do exist on economics of religion
under rational choice concerning to households, groups, and entire
"religious markets". [Becker (1976); Iannaccone (1988, 1990,
1992, 1993); Mack and Leigland (1992)].
Rosenberg (1985) presents discussion of the limitations of
neoclassical economic theory due to its reliance on exogenous differences in taste and preference. It is argued that these limitations
cannot be circumvented by findings and theories in other disciplines
(e.g., psychology), because any measurement of preferences must begin
with neoclassical assumptions about rationality. The alternative to
taste-endogeniety advanced by [Becker (1976)] is found to only
circumvent the usual difficulties if "stable preferences"
notion is interpreted as needs. Further advancement is not taking place
because of the important heterogeneous variables, which have yet
received little attention from economists. Such variables may be found
in attitudes and values acquired by consumers in variety of social and
religious environments.
1.2. Objectives and Organisation of the Paper
This paper has two main objectives;
(1) to briefly highlight the emerging need to study religion and
economics in each other's context;
(2) to put forward economic propositions which may be considered
for future empirical analysis;
(3) to provide some guidelines for future research on economic
behaviour in context of divine religions particularly Islam.
Under the above objective, the paper suggests an outline to model
the consumer behaviour, which evolves from divine laws and revelations
concerning the economic behaviour of the mankind. Based on the
'divine economics' as one may name it, the individual faces a
planning horizon covering the present life and 'life after
death'. The approach suggested here may determine the type and
magnitude of effects of faith in divine laws on individual's
economic behaviour. For example, one may empirically test how time and
money allocation decisions are influenced by one's faith. How
activities of individuals, groups and sects adopt any particular shape
and to what extent these are related with one's economic behaviour.
Particularly, one may attempt to see variations in saving, occupational
choice, educational preferences etc. across religions and sects. Some
available studies confirm that although charity and voluntary behaviours
are prevalent among nonbelievers too, but it is systematically different
from the observed behaviour of believers [see Iannaccone (1990, 1993);
NSGVP (2000)].
The next section reviews existing work with reference to economics
of religion and particularly economics of Islam. Section 3 presents
economic propositions emerging from faith in an afterlife. It discusses
decision horizons of individuals, the Islamic concept of time and
overlapping generations, and implications of differences in religiosity
across different groups. Section 4 provides guidelines for future
research. Section 5 presents summary and concluding remarks.
2. ECONOMICS OF RELIGION
2.1. Religion and Rationality
Economics of religion is gradually attracting economists'
interest. Now some economists are found to believe that religious
activities are also based on economic rationality; otherwise they should
have not been undertaken [see for example Becker (1965); Azzi and
Ehrenberg (1975); Greeley and Durkin (1991); Iannaccone (1988, 1990,
1991, 1992, 1993, 1995, 2000, 2001); Lancaster (1966); Long and Settle
(1977); and Mack and Leigland (1992)]. These activities are chosen in
the same way people choose other commodities of choice in order to
gaining utility. Iannaccone (1990) (1) presents this view as under;
"We hear and talk these days of "religious markets"
and 'religious entrepreneurs'. 'Religious consumers'
are said to 'shop' for churches much as they shop for cars:
weighing costs and benefits, and seeking the highest return on their
spiritual investment. 'Religious producers', the erstwhile clergy, struggle to provide a 'commodity' at least as
attractive as their competitors. Religion is advertised and marketed,
produced and consumed, demanded and supplied" [Iannaccone (1990),
p. 297].
He provides theoretical and empirical reply to those who may
dismiss the above analogical statements and finds that economic theory
is 'conceptually clean and empirically fruitful'. According to Iannaccone (1990), people alter their religious choices, identities and
motivation levels as in any other markets. Religious commodities do have
direct and indirect costs. Their demand and supply is also subject to
environment at or state variables. There may exist "cheap" or
"Costly" religions depending on their demands (or required
sacrifices) as compared to promises, which they make to the followers.
The religious markets can be monopolistic, competitive, regulated or
free.
Some economists have used household production model [Becker
(1965)] to explain religious behaviours [Azzi and Ehrenberg (1975);
Iannaccone (1986, 1988, 1990, 1992, 1993, 2000); Pollak and Watcher
(1975)]. The religious production is viewed as other productive process.
Religious satisfaction (output) is determined by (1) purchased goods (2)
household time (3) human capital in similar way as meals, health and
recreation. However, like recreation, many of religious commodities are
unobservable, but their inputs like own time can be measured.
During the past few decades, the level of religiosity has increased
in both East and West. Some of the empirical observations have been
placed in economic and other literature. Iannaccone provides the
evidence on increase in rate of church membership in America in the past
two centuries. Greeley (1989) finds that more than 40 percent of
Americans claim attending church in a typical week, and this figure has
remained largely unchanged since the advent of Gallup Polls in the
late-1930s. Surveyed religious beliefs have proved nearly as stable as
church attendance. The fraction of American's professing atheism remains well below 10 percent, and the fraction claiming belief in the
Bible, heaven, and hell remains high and nearly constant [Greeley
(1989)].
Similarly, church contributions make up more than half of all
charitable donations in the U.S. (approximately 60 billion dollars per
year), and the majority of nonprofit institutions is or was religiously
based. These are the empirically observable realities about which
economic theory has yet to say much. These facts indicate that religion
is not unimportant and therefore uninteresting. It has been a force in
the personal, institutional, and political life all over the world in
one form or the other in all times of the history.
2.2. Islamic Economics
The main point of departure of consumer behaviour in Islamic
economics form conventional economics is the concept of two lives: life
on earth and life after death [Nadavi (1994)]. According to Islamic code
of life, belief in life after death and the Day of Judgment should have
significant influence on economic decision making process of which, for
example, time allocation is the most important one. Under Islamic
thinking, life on earth is only one (small) part of the whole life. An
un-ending life starts after death. "The concept of two lives, in
fact is like two phases. The first phase is transitional which begins
with the present life on this earth. All of its material conveniences
and pleasures will come to an end on an appointed day. From here starts
the second phase, the life hereafter which is eternal and endless in
terms of life and its pleasure and possessions. This concept of two
lives is important to understand in order to explore economic teachings
of the Quran" [Nadavi (1994), p. 19].
It is believed that people will be given life again and shall be
held accountable for their decisions and deeds performed during the life
on earth. There, they will be given reward (may be called highest
utility) or Punishment (severe dis-utility) depending on how they
acquired and used the resources during life on earth. This belief gives
rise to an entirely different perception about planning horizon of a
consumer i.e. the consumer considers that the life on earth is not the
full life cycle but he/she also includes life after death in the cycle.
Hence the lifetime utility becomes sum of utilities of life on earth and
utility during the period after death. This aspect of human perception
has yet received little attention from economists.
This paper puts forward some economic propositions, which evolve
from faith in an 'afterlife'. These propositions need to be
empirically tested by economists to capture the time and resource
allocation behaviour of individuals under religiosity considerations yet
in a rational choice framework. The current paper is confined to outline
these proposition rather than testing any specific hypothesis.
3. ECONOMIC PROPOSITIONS EMERGING FROM FAITH IN AFTERLIFE
3.1. Decision Horizon of Individuals and Its Implications
A consumer with high faith in afterlife must have a different way
of consuming and producing at the marketplace as compared to the
consumer having no or little belief [see Qur'an 2:66; 3:133-35;
16:32; 50:15-19; 78:31-37]. It is the decision horizon of the consumers
that shapes their economic behaviour. Mack and Leigland (1992) state,
'.. Decision horizons are too long, too short, too narrow, or too
fixed to be realistic, even after allowing for constraints relevant to
household's capability to think in terms of tomorrow [p. 107].
As stated earlier, the conventional economic theory uses a planning
horizon from current period to time of death of individuals or, at the
most, it can include the coming generations into the analysis of current
economic behaviour of individuals. Hamdani (2002) analyses the
implications of different perception on planning horizon: If the
individual can consider only current period, his/her saving will be
zero. Considering a time horizon till death, one may save something
during peak work years for old age requirements but ones's bequests
will be equal to zero. If one is able to consider coming generations,
one's bequests and donations may be positive. This is enough proof
that the perception of individual about his/her planning horizon affects
his/her economic decisions.
Proposition No. 1: Any perception about the planning horizon of an
individual which takes into account both worldly life and the life
hereafter will alter the individual's economic decisions regarding
present and future consumption, donations, and bequests, etc.
Based on the assumption that the expected stream of benefits does
not terminate at time of death because most religions including Islam
promise their followers some afterlife consumption which is viewed as
related to allocation before death. (2) We proposed (3) to
systematically incorporate the belief in 'afterlife' as a
factor in economic decision making such as allocation of time and goods.
This belief, in fact, changes the perception of individuals and their
planning horizon extends so as to include their after death period known
as purgatory (Barzakh), (4) the Day of Judgment (Mah'shar) and the
eternal life in heaven or hell (Jannah or Jahnnam).
This concept of time horizon with which, a Muslim is usually
familiar, has been derived from Qur'an and other Islamic
literature. We will discuss later that his/her economic as well as other
activities are influenced (consciously or unconsciously) by belief in
this type of time horizon. As identified by Hamdani (2002), despite that
time may be only a projection of our own minds in this world of
relativity, we can view time in at least 3 dimensions for
differentiation of ages. These are; (i) Waqt that means smaller units of
time of such as microseconds, minutes, days, years. (5) (ii) As'ar
that means era i.e. sum of various time units like decades, centuries
(present era; stone era; pre-history era etc.), (6) (iii) It is the time
that extends to the time of non-existence of everything except Allah,
the Almighty creator. (7) From Da'hr other categories of time have
been evolved. If any careful survey can record it, the difference in
perception of time dimensions is likely to display systematic difference
in consumer behaviour. Hamdani (2002) shows that a consumer of
conventional economics can be influenced by only current generation or
some future generation issues because he/she can recognise only one
dimension of time Waqt. For recognising the effects of an era after the
current era and the time beyond all such eras (8) requires knowledge of
other 2 dimensions of time with which a religious individual
(particularly Muslim) is usually familiar. Hence religiosity enters in
consumer behaviour via perception of time dimensions.
3.2. Concept of Overlapping Generations in the Faith-Model
The concept of overlapping generations refers to individuals of
different generations who are alive at a time and may be trading with
one another, each generation trades with different generations in
different periods of life, and there are generations yet unborn whose
preferences may not be registered in current market transactions is
known in economics [Samuelson (1958) and Diamond (1965)]. The model has
a use in determining the effect of future generations on economic
behaviour of current generation through accumulation of assets and
bequests etc. Hamdani (2002) presented the Islamic concept of
overlapping generations, which is wide in scope and time horizon. It
explains the simultaneous existence of various generations in the light
of Islamic literature. The concept is reproduced as shown in Table 1.
The above table which is a slightly revised version of the Table
3.1 in Hamdani (2002). He explains various stages of human life as
believed in Islam. (9) The stages of mankind have been shown
horizontally from 0 to 7 and the time periods have been shown vertically
from 0 to T+1. In period -1, as the Muslims believe that man is in stage
0 i.e. 'non-existence stage. (10) It was only in the will of Allah
to create mankind. In period 0, the souls of the whole mankind are
created. For simplicity, we assume that souls of A to N individuals are
created. (11) In period 1, A is in stage 2 (child) and B, C, D, ..E..N
are yet in stage 1 as soul. In period 2, A is young and B is child and
C, D, E, ..N are still as souls. In period 3, A is old, B young and C a
child. In period 4 A is died and living in a state known as
'Barzakh', B is old C young and D child and so on. Period 6
shows that A, B and C are died after old age, whereas D and E to N died
without completing their full life cycle in worldly sense (child, young,
old). In period T+1 (stage 6 i.e. the Day of Judgment), every individual
(A..N) will be given life again and will be made accountable about
deeds, a person performed during stages 3 and 4 (i.e. period of youth
and old age, Islam exempts child age from accountability). Based on the
balance sheet of good and bad deeds, he/she will be placed in heaven or
hell during the 7th stage (period T+1). (12) The length of stage -1, 0,
6, T and T+1 are non-conceivable by the available human perception or
scientific capability [see Hamdani (2002), Chapter 3 for details].
Proposition No. 2: When other things are constant, a more religious
person will have a wider planning horizon as compared to a less
religious person and that both will display a systematically different
economic behaviour.
The Islamic concept of time horizon and existence of generations as
explained above has several implications. (13) Obviously, a rational
Muslim who, as a belief, accepts all the stages of Islamic time horizon,
will take economic decisions keeping in view their pros and cons for at
least 3 additional stages of life; (i) the 'Barzakh' (ii) the
day of judgment, and (iii) the eternal life thereafter. It implies that
economic decision making of Muslims consumers must be systematically
different from others. Also the economic behaviour of a Muslim having
high level of religiosity must be systematically different from that
having low level of religiosity. However, the mainstream economics does
not distinguish such consumers from each other. So economist need to
identify a new framework and an additional set of parameters to study
real economic behaviour of human being.
3.3. Religious Classification of Individuals
Individuals may be observed to have high, moderate and low
religiosity levels in Islamic and other religious societies too. In fact
a large majority is of believers is found everywhere which does not
truly practice respective religious laws. Therefore, to analyse the
economic behaviour in religiosity context, Hamdani (2002) suggests some
qualitative and quantitative 'religiosity scales'. These
scales may be used to divide the followers of any religion into
'more religious', 'moderate' and 'less
religious' groups. These groups are explained below.
We know from our knowledge of history, sociology and Islamic
literature that different individuals in every society may be grouped
into 3 main or 5 sub groups as shown in Table 2.
More religious people are known to have thoroughly positive
attitude, good behaviour, excellent religious practices, honest dealing
and dependable personalities. Moderate are those who are known to be
Muslims; they act upon many Islamic principles, observe many rules, but
also disobey some other rules and are insensitive to teaching of Islam.
The less religious are those who are known to be Muslims, casually or
partially observing some of the Islamic principles, but are also
corrupt, voluptuous ruling and shariha violating.
We also know that each type of person has distinct socioeconomic
behaviour although partial similarities would also exist. Moreover,
religion certainly affects individuals' and their behaviours. Hence
life outcomes in terms of time and monetary inputs and resulting levels
of satisfaction differ from one type of individuals to the other.
Economist needs to identify and analyse the difference across these
groups of people by using some yardstick of religiosity levels.
Proposition No. 3: When other things are held constant, the
economic behaviour of more religious individuals will differ from that
of less religious individuals because the former assigns more importance
to normative aspects of goods and services to be produced, consumed and
traded.
3.4. The Religiosity Scales
For socioeconomic analysis in religious perspectives, it is
important to have data on level of religiosity or religious orientation
of people. Obviously, religiosity is a subjective thing and no hard and
fast rule exists to measure it. However, Hamdani (2002) develops various
quantitative and qualitative indicators, which may be used to measure
relative religious strength of a person. For example, offering prayer is
obligatory to every adult Muslim in every circumstance (without fail).
(15) Therefore, the number of prayers offered in a month out of 150, is
one such indicator. Reciting religious hymns/phrases known as Kalima and
"darood" are fundamental to all Islamic acts. (16) A
non-Muslim has to recite Kalima for converting into a Muslim. A Muslim
is also required to keep on repeating this Kalima as many times as
possible to get more and more purified in faith. Similarly, it has been
ordained that all supplications to Allah should start and end with
'darood'. So reciting more darood is an indicator that the
person has more religious interest. Similarly, the amount of resources
spent in the way of Allah is another quantitative indicator.
Being conscious of the fact that doing these acts does not
necessarily mean that the individual in question is truly more
religious, (17) Hamdani (2002) and Hamdani and Ahmad (2002) suggested to
use a number of single or multiple indicators (both quantitative as well
qualitative). These indicators may be derived on the basis of Islamic
classification of activities divided into 5 main categories; (18) (a)
Wajib or obligatory, (b) Musta'hab or not obligatory but
appreciable, (c) Mubah or allowed; neither liked nor disliked, (d)
Makrooh or not prohibited but disliked and (e) Haraam or prohibited.
These activities are related to one's beliefs, morals and
commandments. 'According to this classification, more religious
persons will have higher rates of choosing to act upon all the
obligatory activities and most of the Mustahab activities and lower
rates of choosing prohibited and disliked activities in contrast the
less religious people who will act in reverse order. The moderately
religious people may have a mix of all. The 'hypocrites' or
opportunist can artistically pose to perform Wajib or Mustahab even when
they don't actually like to do so' [Hamdani (2002); (19)
Hakeem (1997)], provide a good account of activities which fall under 5
types activities described above (from obligatory through prohibited).
All these activities can be produced with the combination of purchased
goods, own time and specific skills. However, their choice and extent
would depend on the individual's current level of faith in
afterlife or religiosity. (20)
Proposition No. 4: Religiosity of people can not be accurately
measured, however, it can be proxied through 'religiosity
scales' by observing/recording the activities revealed to be
preferred by the individual in a given setting. When other things are
held constant, if an individual chooses to perform more activities out
of Wajib (obligatory) and Mustahab (admirable but not wajib), reflects
more religiosity.
3.5. Implication of Differences in Religiosity across Different
Groups
We know from the facts of human life (and other creatures) that it
has a minimum and a maximum survival period. (21) One is unable to die
earlier than a specific moment and unable to survive beyond that moment.
(22) However, we know from the medical sciences (23) that one can
prolong his/her survival period from the minimum survival time to the
maximum possible survival time based on his/her health habits, hygiene
practices and psychological behaviour. In Qur'an, the minimum and
maximum limits of life, fixed by divine in "Loh e mehfooz'
which are beyond the control of human being, are known as
'Ajal' and limits attributable to human deeds are known as
'Ajal-e-musamma' (6:2; and 71:4). Both Qur'an and Hadith
present a number of parameters, which can prolong one's life (other
things being constant). For example' a nice and foregoing behaviour
with relatives (known as Sila e rehmi) and the act of volunteering are
two such things which may prolong one's life [Najfi (2001)]. (24)
The implication of this concept is clear: If the economist is
interested in pleasure derived from goods or commodities themselves
only, then the conventional value-free economic analysis is reasonable
and internally consistent. But if the economist does not ignore the
correlation of commodities with their immediate as well as ultimate
impacts of consumption pattern on the length and quality of human life,
then need arises to identify the religious and other values of
individuals causing typical mindsets and typical socioeconomic
behaviours. This would lead to formulation of a utility function
representing not only the 'economic man' but also the
'real man'. Subsequently, the economic models will include
religious variables that can systematically alter the whole economic
analysis of more religious and less religious economic agents.
Proposition No. 5: Human pleasure is not only a function of goods
and services consumed, but also of the overall quality of life which is
interlinked with the nature of the goods and services consumed
(prohibited or allowed). Therefore, a more religious person's
utility function must contain some arguments viewed from the perspective
of normatively good or bad characteristics of such goods and services.
In Islam, Allah and the Hereafter are not merely postulates of
morality. They determine very much the meaning and content of ethical
concepts and values. Moreover, Islam despite introducing moral
constraint on individuals lets them free to produce and consume what
they want and to the extent they desire. Hence, it does not discourage
initiatives. It just channelises the individual towards a
destiny-oriented economic activity blended with decent behaviour at the
marketplace and lawful efforts for increasing one's wealth. (25)
Once the individual has accumulated some wealth, Islam guides and
motivates him to invest at least part of it to achieve some altruistic intentions. (26)
Proposition No. 6: A more religious person clearly knows what is
obligatory (Wajib), prohibited (Haraam) or allowed (Halaal). Hence,
he/she will consume, produce and accumulate assets in an ordained
manner. Therefore, he/she is likely to leave behind more
'intentional bequests' and 'donations' as compared
to a less religious person.
Some guidelines are placed below to model the faith based economic
behaviour. Using the suggested framework, such propositions may be
empirically tested. (27)
4. GUIDELINES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
To model the consumer behaviour who is maximising his/her lifetime
utility through allocation of scarce time (24 hours a day), one may
start even with a general Neo-classical model or the Home production
function suggested by Backer (1965). However, as suggested in an earlier
studies [Hamdani (2002); Hamdani and Ahmad 2002, 2002a)] it can be
extended in order to systematically incorporate the proposed planning
horizon i.e. 'life after death' under relevant religious
concepts. The model was called 'Faith Model'. The formulation
of the 'faith model' is discussed below. The consumer problem
under the faith model is to:
choose: [the amounts of time and money to devote to market
activities, personal care and leisure, home activities, societal
activities and religious activities]
to maximise: [the utility from accomplishments of objectives
relating to both body and soul]
subject to: [income and total time budget constraint].
A multi-stage budgeting process is suggested for this type of
study. (28) The individual of faith-model is rational in conventional
sense except that his planning horizon includes the afterlife also. That
is, he/she chooses activities or commodities (good or bad) which
maximise his/her total satisfaction of this life and afterlife from
alternative use of available time (24 hours). He/she may have some
religious and normative characteristics (29) as it is required to
succeed current life or life hereafter. Therefore, he/she is likely to
substitute some part of personal consumption (C) to charitable donations
(D) and part of his/her market time (M) and personal leisure time (P) to
religious activities (R) and voluntary activities (V).
With this background, the utility function under of the proposed
model appears to be of the form;
[U.sub.1] = f[M,L,H,V,R]
where
U = satisfaction from daily activities (working, sleeping,
enjoying, volunteering or praying) of individual human resource.
M = time allocated to wage/market activities like job in government
or private organisation, running own enterprise or farm, working part
time, managing household, working casually as commission agent,
consultant etc.
L = time allocated to personal passive leisure like rest and sleep.
It is net of total leisure minus the time allocated to collective/active
leisure or home production (h) like sharing with wife, gardening and
cooking, coaching to children, watching TV along with family etc.
V = time allocated to voluntary work for benefit of human being.
If the money value of the market activities M is translated into
commodities (consumption and donations), we can write this utility
function as
[U.sub.2] = f[C,D,L,V,R]
which is maximised subject to an income and time constraint (24
hours a day).
Here C is vector of commodities used by the individual for his/her
own/family needs and D is vector of commodities used for satisfying
needs of other human being (called charitable donations). If this
utility function for period t is strictly quasi-concave,
linear-homogeneous in non-committed quantities, quasi linear-homogeneous
in gross quantities and multi-stage budget approach is followed, Hamdani
(2002) derives the following demand functions in three stages (detailed
derivations of each stage may be obtained on request):
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
where [Z.sub.j] is demand for jth activities such as consumption,
donations, voluntary work, leisure and religious participation, which
may be chosen from the available daily time.
Any specific equation such as one representing to time allocation
for religious activities under this formulation will look like;
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
The demand functions consumption, donation, leisure, voluntary work
and religious activities as derived from this formulation give the
relationship between time-allocation variables leisure (L = active
leisure + passive leisure), (30) voluntary work (V), and religious
activities (R) and a number of socioeconomic and demographic variables
like age (A), wages (W), expense on religious activities (P), expense on
voluntary activities (Q), rate of interest (r), subjective discount rate
(5), financial human capital of a human resource (H), and present value
of assets at time of death which may be divided into bequests and
donations at the time of death. (31)
This formulation indicates that to maximise utility, a rational
Muslim will forego some part of personal consumption and leisure in
order to enhance others' consumption and leisure. Moreover, the
time he/she will allocate to religious and voluntary activities may
result in reduction in consumption and leisure due to having lesser time
available for market work and earning. Moreover, a Muslim is required to
divide time among all (not some) of these activities (market work,
social or voluntary work, religious duties, personal leisure and home
time because Islam ordains him/her to keep balance in all acts. However,
proportion may vary across individuals, sects and different population
groups in accordance with the relative needs or normative settings.
Identification and economic analysis of such social and religious
factors is a task yet to be undertaken empirically by the economists.
5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUDING REMARKS
The present study heavily draws from earlier work attempted to
discuss certain economic propositions, which originate from one's
religious behaviour [Hamdani (2002) and Hamdani and Abroad (2002)].
These propositions throw light on some heterogeneous variables affecting
consumer behaviour, which have yet received little attention from
economists. The paper also provides some guidelines for future research
on religiosity and economic behaviour. The paper suggests an econometric
procedure to model the consumer behaviour, which evolves from divine
revelations concerning the economic behaviour of the mankind. Under the
divine economics, the individual faces a planning horizon covering both
the present life and 'life after death' in contrast to the
conventional economics, which bears no significance for afterlife. Based
on the propositions and approach outlined by the present paper, the
future research may determine the type and magnitude of effects of
religiosity on, for example, time-intensive activities of individuals,
groups and sects. Particularly, one may attempt to see variations in
economic behaviour such as earning, saving, occupational choice,
educational preferences etc. across religions and religious sects or
individuals with varying levels of religiosity.
We conclude that to maximise total utility of current and afterlife
from all the different activities, a consumer is likely to substitute
some part of personal consumption to charitable donations and part of
his/her market time, personal leisure time and home time to religious
activities and voluntary activities. Besides this substitution, he/she
is also likely to proportionately divide time among all (not some) of
these activities (market work, social or voluntary work, religious
duties, personal leisure and home time because Islam ordains him/her to
keep balance in all acts. However, proportion may vary from person to
person in accordance with the relative needs or normative settings of
the people under study. Thus, with inclusion of such variables in the
economic analysis, the scope of economic model expands further to cover
the taste-differences in observed religious, charity and voluntary
behaviour.
The proposed framework offers many advantages; (i) it provides
opportunity to analyse income, substitution, and cross effects for
resource allocation between religious and other activities (ii) it does
not dichotomise Islamic economics and rational choice theory (iii) it
provides thought provoking propositions which may be focussed by
economists for further empirical testing in future (iv) the resource
allocation pattern suggested by the faith model which addresses
accomplishments of goals relating to both body and soul of mankind is
general in the sense that it represents the fundamental principle of all
divine religions and paves the way for emergence of a 'Divine
Economics'.
Comments
The paper has attempted to put forward certain economic
propositions which stem from an individual's religious behaviour.
The authors therefore discuss consumer behaviour which evolves from
Divine revelations in terms of a planning horizon covering the
"present life" and "life after death".
The authors no doubt have put forward thought-provoking ideas but
the concept of "Welfare state" in the Islamic paradigm is not
explicitly mentioned. The concept of community-based linkages needs to
be attended in view of their interdependence. The other aspect which
relates to measuring religiosity needs to be looked into more
objectivity as the proposed "Faith Model" is based upon this
basic proposition.
Although charity and voluntary behaviours are prevalent among
non-Muslim also, the authors may need to identify a new framework and an
additional set of parameters to study real economic behaviour within
assumptions of rationality.
Lastly, in terms of the proposed "Faith Model" the
authors need to test the Second-order Condition and other properties of
the functions.
Nadeem Inayat
Zarai Taraqiati Bank Ltd., Islamabad.
Authors' Note: The authors are grateful to anonymous referees
of this journal for their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this
paper.
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(1) Iannaccone (1990).
(2) See Azzi and Ehrenberg (1975).
(3) See Hamdani (2002), Chapter 3.
(4) It means place of the dead. It starts from death and will end
on day of judgement.
(5) An example in Qur'an (2:189) is that "They ask thee
concerning the new moons. Say: they are but signs to mark fixed periods
of time in (the affairs of) men and for pilgrimage. Another example is
(4:103) "When ye are free from danger set up regular prayers: for
such prayers are enjoined on believers at stated times" (these are
5 time a day).
(6) he word Asr is used in the first verse of Sura Al-Asr, "By
(the Token of) time (through the Ages)". Abdullah Yousaf Ali in
Alim (2002) explains that Al-Asr may mean time through the Ages, or long
periods, in which case it comes near to the abstract idea of Time.
(7) "Has there not been over Man a long period of Time when he
was nothing--(not even) mentioned?" All creatures are subject to
Time, but the Creator is not; [Abdullah Yusaf Ali in ALim (2002) Sura
Al-Inam 6; Footnote 896].
(8) It is beyond the period when this universe will face the
'big-crunch'.
(9) Some other religions also have similar theology.
(10) See footnote 7.
(11) In a forthcoming paper we will show that individual represents
generation also.
(12) he science takes material to be indestructible. The human body
made of material exists in one or the other form after death. All the
divine religions believe in the existence of an element called spirit or
soul which feels the pang of sorrow or waves of happiness. The soul is
satisfied if man has achieved the life goal for which the man was
created, i.e., living a life in a manner ordained by Almighty Allah and
earn His pleasure.
(13) For discussion on the Islamic concept of the stages of mankind
from none-existence to life in heaven or hell, please see Muntaziri
(1987, p-97-105; 109, 126, 215-17).
(14) There is a sixth category, 'hypocrites' or
opportunist, i.e., Munafiq, who is also a Muslim but can pose himself
into any of the above five categories in accordance with the
circumstances.
(15) If the person is not healthy enough to offer prayer in a
normal way, he/she is advised to offers in sitting or lying positions or
even by gestures only.
(16) 'Darood' means repetition. It is related to sending
'salam' or glory to the Holy Prophet (SAWA). It is different
from 'Zikr' and 'Wazaif'. 'Zikr' is
remembrance of Allah the Almighty for the sake of salvation. Wazaif
relate to repetition of passage of Holy Qur'an or prescribed words
to gain something or to avert some misfortune.
(17) Any single quantitative indicators may or may not reveal the
true religiosity of a person. For example, there is a possibility that a
regular performer of prayers may be a dishonest person also.
(18) Any daily activity in Islamic (as well as secular) society
falls under one of the 5 categories indicated in the Table 3.
(19) This is the one reason why socioeconomic data with reference
to religiosity of people is notoriously poor.
(20) Studies concerning church attendance reveal some facts on
religiosity and economic behaviour [Iannaccone (1988, 1990, 1993)].
(21) No one was born out of his/her own timetable nor he/she could
survive beyond a certain time if one does not want to die.
(22) See Qur'an for example 6:2; and 71:4.
(23) Spiritual science also claims the same.
(24) Probably because with these two habits, one may gain true
happiness, respect and warm behaviour of others.
(25) Increasing wealth for self-satisfaction only, may lead to
greed and corruption whereas increasing wealth for both self and others
may lead to content. "Those who spend their wealth for increase in
self-purification and have in their minds no favour from anyone for
which a reward is expected in return, but only the desire to seed for
the countenance of their lord most high--soon will they attain complete
satisfaction" (Sum Layl 92; 18-21).
(26) Islam clearly guides the individual that he/she has to go
empty handed from this world regardless of his/her volume of accumulated
assets; therefore, he/she should remain contended.
(27) see Hamdani (2002).
(28) For details, see Hamdani and Abroad (2002a) and Hamdani
(2002).
(29) These are measured by a scale between zero and 100.
(30) Leisure has two forms; (a) passive leisure that is rest and
sleep; and (b) active leisure that is watching TV, sharing with wife, or
gardening etc.
(31) The complete econometric derivation of the proposed model that
integrates the religious (particularly Islamic) behaviour into
traditional utility theory to determine the effects of standard economic
variables on time allocation behaviour under various religiosity
conditions is available in Hamdani (2002, Chapter 5).
Syed Nisar Hussain Hamdani is Assistant Professor of Economies,
University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Muzaffarabad, A.K. Eatzaz Ahmad is
Professor and Chairman, Department of Economics, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad.
Table 1
Conventional vs. Islamic Time Horizon of a Man (Derived from the Holy
Quran)
Stages of Man
0 1 2 3 4
Before Life on Earth Life on Earth
Period No Soul Child Young Old
Existence
-1 None
0 ABCDE..N
1 BCDE..N A
2 CDE..N B A
3 DE..N C B A
4 E..N D C B
5 ..N E D C
6 ..N E D
T
T+1
Stages of Man
5 6 7
Life after Death
Period Died and Day of Life in Heaven
Living in Barzakh Judgement or Hell
-1
0
1
2
3
4 A
5 B
6 C,D,E..N
T A
B
C
D
E...N
T+1
A
B
C
D
E ...N
[left right arrow]
Finite time horizon
for individual in
conventional
economic models
[left right arrow]
Infinite Islamic time horizon for
individual in the proposed model
Source: Hamdani (2002).
Table 2
Types of Individual According to Religiosity Levels
In all Societies In Muslim Society
l. More Religious 1. Muttagi Explicitly and implicitly
more pious
2. Mo'min/saleh Good/pious
2. Moderately Religious 3. Muslim Moderate
3. Less Religious 4. Fasiq/aasi Bad
5. Faajir Explicitly and implicitly
Bad (14)
For more details on Arabic terms and concepts used in this table,
please see Qadri (1994)
Source: Hamdani (2002).