Telecom industry: competition, interconnection requirements, and the need for regulations.
Iqbal, Muhammad Mazhar
The telecom industry is a decreasing cost industry. Moreover, it
plays a crucial role in national security and cultural development
because most of the 'command and control' messages and
interpersonal dialogues are passed on through telemedia. For these
reasons, this industry had been, or is still being run as a
state-monopoly almost in every country of the world. However, due to
absence of competitive forces in national markets, productive
inefficiencies were quite vivid in many cases. Consequently, some
developed countries opened up their telecom markets for competition.
Expectedly, the experience was reasonably successful. As a result,
almost all the remaining countries including Pakistan are following the
suite. It is, however, interesting to note that competition in this
industry has different connotation. A new entrant in this industry first
has to have interconnection links with one or more of its rivals, only
then it can compete meaningfully. But an incumbent operator that usually
possesses enough market power hardly grants interconnection privileges
to the new entrant. Hence, the need for a regulatory body can hardly be
undermined. The main function of this body should be to facilitate fair
interconnection deals that ensure a reasonable rate of return to all
efficient operators, minimum possible prices of telecom services to end
users and, most importantly, a respectable growth rate for this
industry. To make sure that the regulatory body keep performing in the
best 'public interest', it is desirable that either an
advisory body is set up to review the decisions of the regulatory body,
or open forums/hearings are arranged to solicit public opinion on
critical issues.
INTRODUCTION
The word 'competition' in economic terminology means the
independence of business actions opted by different sellers of the same
product. However, in context of the telecom industry, the same word has
opposite connotation--interdependence among competing service providers.
The reason is that "the telecom system must work as a single system
[because] users desire end to end services within an apparently
'seamless' communication network. They want connectedness and
connectability" [Melody (1997), p. 53]. Therefore, to attract
users, a new entrant in the industry, while intending to compete with
the incumbent monopoly operator, has to ensure interconnection
arrangements with the latter.
Another unique characteristic of this industry in a competitive
set-up is that, initially, a new entrant always has a weaker bargaining
position for an interconnection agreement with the incumbent operator.
It is so because, in the first place, it is expensive and also
inadvisable for the new entrant to build a parallel infrastructure up
front. To test the market, the entrant may better pay for access
privileges to the Public Switched Telephone Network (PSTN) and rent
trunk lines from the incumbent Public Telecommunication Operator (PTO).
Even if the new entrant builds a parallel infrastructure before he
starts the service, he still has to go to the incumbent for
interconnection privileges to attract subscribers for its service. If
the incumbent operator simply denies interconnection, then most of the
potential subscribers will most likely choose the incumbent operator,
because they want to have access to more people on telephone.
For these reasons, free competition in the telecom industry may not
bring in the desired results. Some sort of regulations or policy
directives have to be there to ameliorate the inherited bargaining edge
of the incumbent operator and also to resolve any possible disputes over
the normal course of business.
Furthermore, interconnection is not a problem that can be solved
once and for all. Rather, "Interconnection arrangements must be
modified periodically to reflect changing conditions, including
technical arrangement relating to new technologies and upgrading the
network, the costs of equipment and other resources, the growth of
demand, new service development and the structure of the evolving
market" [Melody (1997), p. 55]. This aspect further strengthens the
need for regulating a competitive telecom industry.
The purpose of this paper is to illustrate those factors that have
caused a transition from monopoly to competitive market structure in the
telecom industry and to discuss the structure and elements of an
interconnection agreement, and finally suggest some guidelines and
policy options to facilitate negotiations for an interconnection
agreement.
TRANSITION TOWARDS COMPETITION IN THE TELECOM INDUSTRY
There is a general consensus that the telecom industry is a
decreasing cost industry. It means that launching of a telecom service
afresh by an operator requires a huge up front capital investment
whereas, extending an already launched service to additional subscribers
requires a little extra cost. In economic terminology, this phenomenon
is described as the fixed cost in this industry is very high, while the
marginal cost is almost zero. Moreover, in addition to the economic
significance of this industry, it has cultural and social consequences
too. That is, growth in this industry means that more people can
interact with one another on telemedia and, thus, promote their business
by teletransactions and enrich their scholarship by browsing a vast body
of literature that is accessible on telemedia. This industry also plays
a crucial role in national security and public governance system because
most of the 'command and control' messages are passed on
through telemedia.
On these grounds, the telecom industry can be termed as a natural
monopoly that should be ideally run either as a public monopoly or as a
regulated private monopoly. This industry had actually been monopoly-run
in most of the countries until the first half of this century. However,
recently the trend has changed for the following reasons:
* Having no threat of a competitor in a monopoly market posture,
productive inefficiencies crept in this industry in varying degrees
almost everywhere in the world. According to a careful estimate "in
many developing countries [where telecom industries are still run as
monopolies], capital costs range from US$ 3,500 to US$ 4,000 per
telephone line, compared with achievable costs [in a competitive set-up]
of about US$ 1,000 to US $1,500" [Smith (1995), p. 1].
The facts and figures show that teledensity has been higher in
those countries which have opted for a competitive structure in their
telecom industry, while waiting lists for telephone lines have been much
longer in those countries that have still allowed their telecom industry
to be run as a monopoly [See International Telecommunication Union (1997)]. In a monopoly run telecom industry, there are fewer economic
incentives for research and development (R and D), because, by
controlling the price, a monopolist can realise abnormal profits. Hence,
a monopolist is not hard pressed to strive for cost-effective
technological developments. As a result, the technological level of
monopoly run telecom industries is far inferior to the levels achieved
by industries that are operating in a competitive set-up.
Besides, downfall of USSR, conversion of many centrally planned
Central Asian and Eastern European economies to market ones, and gradual
privatisation in Chinese economy are some of the historical facts that
have paved way for competitive market structure all around the globe.
Many developed countries like USA, UK, and Japan and some of the
developing countries including Pakistan have already undertaken/allowed
privatisation and divestiture of inherited monopolies and
experimented/approved competition in their respective telecom
industries.
However, transition towards competition in the telecom industry has
given way to some new problems that were very well taken care of in a
monopoly set-up. These problems include interconnection arrangements
among competing service providers, fulfilment of universal service
obligation and security standards, and subsidisation of some essential
telecom services like local calling to give a boost to penetration rate
of basic telephony for the benefit of all subscribers. Since the nature
of these problems is like a zero-sum game on the negotiating table,
therefore, the contending parties may not come to an amicable solution
on their own. Hence, there is a pressing need of having a regulatory
body, which can co-ordinate interconnect negotiations, provide
guidelines on policy issues and settle any disputes in this regard.
Going along the trend towards competition, Government of Pakistan promulgated the Pakistan Telecommunication (Re-Organisation) Act 1996
(Act) which allows competition in selected telecom services such as card
payphones, cellular mobile phone, data communication, digital radio
paging, electronic mail, internet, trunk radio and voice mail. Presently
30 private operators are providing these services to general public [See
PTA's Annual Report (1997)]. The same Act also provided for the
establishment of Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA). The PTA is
authorised to grant licenses to private service providers, watch their
operations, safeguard the interests of end-users of telecommunication
services, and ensure a rapid growth in the telecom sector.
TYPES OF INTERCONNECTION
There are two main types of interconnection arrangements,
co-operative and competitive, which require different levels of
involvement of the regulatory body.
Co-operative Competition
Co-operative interconnection involves zero opportunity cost to each
party. That is, no party loses its subscribers to the other due to
establishment of interconnection relations, rather both parties may gain
after the enforcement of interconnection agreement, because subscribers
of each party can have access to a wider circle of telecom users and to
additional telecom services.
There are four possible situations that fall in this category:
1. Interconnection between two Geographic Telecom Monopolies
As mentioned above, generally a subscriber of any network wants to
have access to subscribers of all other networks. Therefore, it is in
the interest of any two national, regional or local telecom monopolies
operating in different areas to develop interconnection relations
between themselves. In such a situation, neither of the monopoly firms
would be afraid of losing its subscribers to the other.
2. Interconnection/Attachment of Customer Premises Equipment (CPE)
to the PSTN
A customer should be free to purchase his own telephone set, fax
machine, and modem, etc; provided that, it does not damage the telephone
line and the attached equipment on the other end, and the user also
pays, if required, for the right of using additional equipment. Since
such customers usually have no intention to further market any telecom
service, the incumbent PTO grants interconnection link with little
hesitation.
3. Interconnection of Private (Corporate) Networks to the PSTN
Private networks that lay down their own wires and transmission
systems, or operate through lines leased from an incumbent PTO, usually
demand access privileges to other networks, so that their members can
gain access to more people. Since such private networks offer membership
to selected people for specific purposes and have no ambition to operate
their networks for commercial purposes, the incumbent PTO feels no
threat of losing its subscribers to these networks.
4. Interconnection of Value-added Networks (VANs) to the PSTN
These networks provide differentiated products like electronic
mail, audio text, database access services, and on-line information,
etc. All these services are not a close substitute of basic telephony.
Therefore, an incumbent PTO does not hesitate to grant interconnection
privileges to VANs.
In all the above four situations, an applicant for interconnection
privileges does not compete for the core business of the incumbent.
Therefore, the 'applied for' interconnection privileges are
readily granted by the incumbent PTO with minimal involvement of the
regulatory body in the negotiation process.
Competitive Interconnection
Competitive interconnection involves positive opportunity cost to
the incumbent PTO. That is, the incumbent PTO loses or may lose some of
its business to the new entrant as soon as the latter starts offering
its service. Therefore, by economic rationality, the incumbent PTO tries
to deny the interconnection privileges, if possible within legal limits;
otherwise it tries to prolong interconnection negotiations and impose as
many restrictions on the new entrant as possible. There are two possible
situations that fall in this category.
Interconnection of New Local or Long-distance Networks to the PSTN
When a new entrant intends to provide exactly the same service in
the same area where the incumbent PTO does, the former poses a great
threat to the latter. It is, therefore, expected that the incumbent PTO
on its own would not sign a reasonable interconnection agreement unless
there is some regulatory pressure on it to do so.
Interconnection of Wireless and Satellite Systems to the PSTN
Apparently the clientele of fixed and mobile (both wireless and
satellite) telephony are different. People who move around a lot and
have no permanent place of work, office, or residence would prefer to
have a mobile telephone, while those who have a fixed place of work,
service, or residence would prefer a fixed telephone service. However,
if the tariff structure of both types of telephone services is not much
different, a mobile phone would be more preferable to all customers
because it works equally good as a fixed phone too. Therefore, with such
applicants, the incumbent PTO would reluctantly sign the interconnection
agreement probably with a number of restrictions to safeguard its own
interests. For example, the incumbent PTO would like to fix the highest
possible interconnection fee, PSTN charges and leased line rent so that
the resulting feasible charges to a mobile subscriber turn out to be
much higher than the PSTN charges. Thus, the incumbent PTO minimises the
chance of losing its customers to mobile operators. In this regard, the
incumbent PTO can also approach the regulatory body for fixation of a
minimum-calling rate on a mobile phone and suggest that this minimum
calling rate be much higher than the PSTN call rate. On the other hand,
both the mobile operators who want to compete for wireline subscribers
and the regulators who have to protect the interests of end users, would
be reluctant to accept/fix very high rates for mobile phone service. In
such situations, achievement of a fair deal becomes an uphill task that
would require a deep involvement of the regulatory body. Moreover, this
involvement should not end after signing the contract but should
continue to facilitate periodical revisions of the contract in light of
new technological and market developments.
ELEMENTS OF AN INTERCONNECTION AGREEMENT
An interconnection agreement should be a comprehensive document
that covers all possible aspects of the inter-relationship between the
two parties and contingencies. With accelerated growth in the telecom
industry, new interconnection agreements should encompass more
possibilities and expected outcomes. Just to have an idea of the
complexity of an interconnection agreement, its main aspects are
discussed hereunder:
Physical Interconnection
It is the first issue that both parties must resolve to ensure
interoperability of the two networks. Both parties must decide about the
number and location of points of interconnection for local and long
distance services, whether they should be co-located or separately
located. They should also have an agreement in very clear terms on call
routing, level of compression for transmission of nation wide calls and
numbering plan. It has been observed, particularly in case of Pakistan,
that any vagueness about these terms later on creates a lot of confusion
between the two parties. For example, the cellular service providers in
Pakistan want to hand over a long distance mobile-PSTN call to that Data
Terminating Exchange (DTE) of PTCL which is closest to the termination
point and, thus, save long distance charges. On the other hand, PTCL
wants them to hand over such calls to that DTE which is closest to the
originating point. Similarly, the cellular providers want to use maximum
possible compression levels to transmit their long distance calls
through PSTN and, thus, reduce their per call (chargeable) calling units
whereas, PTCL does not want them to use any compression technique at
all. Also, the cellular service providers allow their subscribers, by
using dual numbering plan, to have inter-city access at local call
charges, which creates a comparative disadvantage for PSTN subscribers.
Hence, to avoid any subsequent confusion, all such points should be
decided in detail and up front.
Rights and Responsibilities
Each party should be well aware of its rights and responsibilities,
particularly about service responsibilities at co-located points of
interconnection, and about associated services like billing, customer
service, directory information, upgrading of the system, maintenance and
data reporting, etc. Any ambiguity about any of these terms may prove
troublesome later on. For example, the cellular providers in Pakistan
want PTCL to issue itemised billing of PSTN charges whereas, PTCL
insists on providing abridged hilling to save its billing cost.
Sharing of Cost and Revenue
It is the most difficult part of an interconnection agreement
mainly because of various concepts of cost. It should be decided at the
very beginning as to who would bear the cost of additional equipment
meant for interconnection, maintenance, upgrading and development of the
combined system; what will be the cost of availing access to the PSTN
and leased lines; and what should be the basis of cost assessment? First
of all, it has to be decided whether various charges to the new entrant
should be arbitrary (commercial) or cost based? If they are to be
cost-based, then should they be based on average fixed cost, marginal
cost, or average fixed cost/marginal cost plus opportunity cost? Should
the cost be accounted at book value, replacement value, or market value?
Also, the estimation of marginal cost is problematic for two reasons;
one, the new investment in the telecom industry is mostly lump sum and
the other, it is mostly for bundled services. Similarly, the estimation
of opportunity cost involves a sufficient degree of subjective
judgement. Moreover, the average total cost has some debatable points;
i.e., should incomparable operating expenses be included or excluded,
and should capital investment on partially utilised projects be counted
in full or according to the proportion of utilisation?
For all these reasons, configuration of a reasonable cost and
revenue sharing scheme is quite a job. Anyhow, it should be worked out
in advance to avoid any possibility of conflict between the two
contenders. Just to illustrate the intriguing nature of this issue and
the delicate role of the regulatory body to resolve such issues, the
protracted contention between PTCL and the cellular operators in
Pakistan may be referred to. The cellular providers have been demanding
more and more discount on PSTN charges and leased lines' rent since
the beginning of this service in 1990 whereas, PTCL has been resisting
such demands with full force. Consequently, this issue still remains
unresolved.
Sharing of Social Obligations
As mentioned above, the telecom industry has social, cultural and
security consequences too. Therefore, different governments set
different constraints for service providers to promote and safeguard
well-defined social, cultural and security interests. For example, many
governments do not allow local call charges to cross a certain benchmark
because they want to provide local telephone service to all residents at
affordable prices. Similarly, some governments do not allow
dissemination of undesirable literature on the telemedia even if it may
fetch a lot of money to them or to service providers. Yet some other
governments reserve the right of terminating any telecom service when it
becomes a security hazard. For example, for security purposes, the
Government of Pakistan banned cellular phone service in Sindh for a year
and a half in 1995. This closure of the service caused huge financial
losses to the service providers for which government had to compensate
them later on.
All such restrictions are usually not justified on economic
grounds, yet they are imposed in varying forms almost in all countries.
It is, therefore, advisable to make it clear in the contract as to who
would bear such costs and to what extent?
Sharing of Information
Since the telecom industry is one of the fastest growing industries
world wide, there are frequent technological innovations and the
consequent development of respective telecommunication system of each
party of an interconnection agreement. It is, therefore, advisable to
agree upon an information-sharing formula about any development in
either party's system. Without such an agreement, new developments
in one party's system may pose a technical danger or financial loss
to another party's system. On the other hand, if both parties know
ahead of time about new development in each other's system, then
both can amend their systems accordingly and thus avoid possible losses
to a great extent.
GUIDELINES AND POLICY OPTIONS TO FACILITATE AN INTERCONNECTION
AGREEMENT
"Experience has shown that technical interconnection [physical
interconnection, division of rights and responsibilities and sharing of
information] is not a significant problem in modern telecom systems as
technical issues can be readily resolved" [Melody (1997), p. 59].
However, the settlement of economic issues, sharing of costs and
revenues and sharing of social, cultural and security obligations, have
been the real tasks before the contending parties and the regulatory
body. To facilitate an amicable settlement, the regulatory body should
first of all issue some guidelines to the contending parties to come to
a consensus on their own and then lay down the decision-making process
at its own level if the contending parties approach it for intervention.
Regarding the guidelines, the regulatory body should clarify
whether the various charges; such as, interconnection fee, radio
spectrum fee, if applicable; PSTN charges; and leased line rent, etc;
should be cost based or should be at the discretion of the incumbent
PTO. If they are to be cost-based then the type of cost should be
clearly mentioned. That is, whether it should be average total cost,
marginal cost, or average total/marginal cost plus opportunity cost?
Similarly, it should also be clarified whether the selected cost-type
should be accounted at book value, replacement value, or at market
value? It is also desirable that the regulatory body itemises the
selected cost-type, specifies acceptable limits of its various
components, and prescribes a uniform accounting procedure for all the
concerned parties. For example, the regulatory body should clarify
whether loans to employees should be considered as a component of
operating cost or of fixed capital expenditures or should not be
accounted at all? If they are to be included what should be the maximum
acceptable limit, say 10 percent of total operating cost or fixed
capital expenditures. What should be the acceptable debt to equity
ratio, foreign to domestic loans ratio, long to short term debt ratio,
and general expenses to operating cost ratio, etc. In spite of all these
specifications, if the contending parties cannot come to an agreement
then the regulatory body should first check their accounts in the light
of policy guidelines and then give its decision that must be binding on
both parties.
Of course, the regulatory body should have professional staff on
its payroll to formulate policy guidelines and to evaluate the
conflicting views and come up with a just determination. There is,
however, a strong possibility that has actually happened in some
specific cases that some regulators may perform their task not in the
'public interest' but in the 'captured' or
'vested' interest. The term 'captured interest'
means that, consciously, regulators do perform in the 'public'
interest but due to having close contacts with any one party, their
opinion, knowingly or unknowingly, becomes biased in favour of that
party. To minimise the probability of 'captured' and
'vested' interests, policy guidelines and decisions taken by
the regulatory body should be discussed in open forums where they can be
corrected by unbiased experts.
It is evident that the task of a regulatory body becomes more
tedious with the growth of competition in the telecom market. Therefore,
bureaucratic red tapism may also creep in. To control this possibility,
the regulatory body should set up reasonable target dates for resolution
of each task by looking at the nature of different tasks in hand, and
then penalise itself if it falls behind the set targets.
CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
There is ample empirical evidence, which proves that growth in the
telecom industry is a catalyst for overall economic growth of a country.
The reason is the familiar Keynesian multiplier effect and more
importantly the spill over benefits to many other industries that
specially generate technological progress in respective fields. For
example, a student having access to telemedia will probably be more
informative than a fellow student who does not have such access.
Similarly, a bank having access to telemedia can process a
customer's portfolio and transfer his funds to another place, if
requested, in much lesser time than that taken by a bank that does not
have access to telemedia.
Realising this fact in a regime of 'growth phobia', every
country wants to develop its telecom sector in the shortest possible
time. Prolonged experimentation with monopoly-run telecom industry
almost all over the world has resulted in productive inefficiencies and
sluggish technological growth in this sector. As a result, some
developed countries took the risk to experiment with a competitive
market structure for this industry and expectedly found the results
quite rewarding. The phenomenal growth of telecom industry in a
competitive atmosphere and persuation of world agencies to this end
spurred interest in the whole world for encouragement of competition in
this industry.
However, competition in this industry has not proven so simple
because of the interconnection requirements among competing telecom
systems. This requirement is very complex and continuously in the nature
of a zero-sum game, which justifies the establishment of a strong
regulatory body. The main responsibility of the regulatory body should
be facilitation of such interconnection agreements among competing
service providers that ensure a reasonable rate of return to all service
providers, protect the interests of end-users, and create incentives for
further growth of this industry. To achieve these objectives the
regulatory body must hire experienced professionals who have the state
of the art knowledge of this industry and are capable of formulating
appropriate guidelines for the concerned circles.
Being human, the attention of regulators may be diluted from the
so-called 'public interest' to 'captured or vested
interests'. To minimise this probability, there should be an
advisory body on top of the regulatory body. Another option is to
arrange open forums on regular basis to evaluate and improve on the
guidelines and determinations given by the regulatory body.
When a majority of policy-makers everywhere has a strong desire for
competition in the telecom industry, probably it is the best time to
warn them that a casual transition towards competition may not be a
panacea in itself. On the other hand, the sheer strength of the
incumbent PTO can easily defeat the forces of competition. To achieve
the desired results from competition in this market, reliance has to be
placed in some other powerful agency and it is in this background that
the importance of a strong regulatory body can hardly be undermined. In
fact, it is not only the monopoly structure but also the diversion of
focus of monopoly operators/regulators from 'public interest'
to 'vested' interests that has deprived the world from
enjoying itself with advanced and productive telecom services for a long
period.
Author's Note: He is also a member of the faculty of
International Institute of Islamic Economics, International Islamic
University, Islamabad.
REFERENCES
International Telecommunication Union (1997) Yearbook of
Statistics; Telecommunication Services 1986-9.5. Geneva.
Melody, W. H. (1997) Interconnection: Cornerstone of Competition.
In W. H. Melody (ed) Telecom Reform; Principles, Policies, and
Regulatory Practices. Lyngby: Technical University of Denmark.
Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (1997) Annual Report.
Islamabad.
Smith, Peter (1995) Subscribing to Monopoly; The Telecom
Monopolist's Lexicon--Revisited. The World Bank Note/Viewpoint No.
53.
Muhammad Mazhar Iqbal is currently working as a Consultant
Economist at the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority, Islamabad.