Wheat-market flows in the Punjab.
Cornelisse, Peter A.
The first of two articles on the operation of the wheat market in
Pakistan, the present article describes the magnitude and composition of
wheat flows between farmers, middlemen and consumers in the Punjab. The
flows emanating from the agricultural sector and those moving from
various sources of supply to consumers have been separately illustrated
in two diagrams. A wheat-trade table shows the volumes of wheat handled
by traders and the position which groups of traders assume in the
wheat-trade chain. Further, a brief account is given of the activities
of these groups of traders.
1. INTRODUCTION
Wheat is by far the most important crop in Pakistan. A few figures
can illustrate this statement. For example, the value added by wheat
production alone represents approximately 7 percent of the national
income. Further, the land used for wheat occupies just over 35 percent
of the total cropped area in Pakistan, whereas cotton and rice, which
are the next most important agricultural crops of the country, each use
about 10 percent of the cropped area [7]. And in 1979, expenditures on
wheat and flour constituted, on average, 9.4 percent of household
budgets and 18.4 percent of food expenditures. The corresponding figures
for rice, the second largest food-expenditure item, were 2.1 percent and
4.2 percent, respectively [8].
A large part of the wheat harvest, about 40 percent, is used by
farmers for own consumption and another part, about 10 percent, is paid
to agricultural workers as wages in kind. The remaining part is mostly
sold and eventually reaches other consumers after a series of
transactions in various trade channels. Obviously, for this latter group
of consumers the proper functioning of the wheat-trade chain is a matter
of considerable importance. But the same conclusion applies to farmers
on the other side of the trade chain, who supply this wheat. In order to
be able to judge the performances of the wheat market in terms of
socio-economic efficiency, (1) however, information is needed on several
aspects, such as on the groups of traders that can be distinguished and
the functions each of them performs vis-a-vis farmers and producers and
on the conditions of the transactions. Such information is not readily
available notwithstanding the considerable relevance of the matter for
policy reasons as illustrated by the above-mentioned figures. In fact,
in this case the information needed has been obtained by means of a
survey carried out among farmers, wheat traders, millers and consumers
in the Punjab, Sind and the NWFP in June 1982. (2)
This article is primarily concerned with the network of wheat flows
between farmers, traders and consumers in order to bring out the
composition and the relative importance of individual flows discussed
subsequently. In this description it will also be possible to deal with
the functions performed by wheat traders and the relative strength of
traders in transactions with other market actors. In a subsequent
article, which will also examine in more detail the consumption of wheat
in Pakistan, a more comprehensive evaluation will be given of the
Pakistani wheat market.
The figures presented here all refer to the Punjab which is the
most important province in matters relating to production, consumption
and trade of wheat. The main reason for excluding the other provinces is
that the wheat-trade table, which plays a central role in this
presentation, appears to be sufficiently robust only for the Punjab. The
basic data required for the construction of such a table and collected
through the above-mentioned survey are equally reliable for the other
provinces, but the trade patterns of individual actors in the groups
distinguished in the table show great variation and this precludes
application of the calculation procedure designed for this purpose. For
reasons of consistency, the flows of wheat according to uses by farmers
and the flows leading to consumers refer also to the Punjab only.
Readers interested in the corresponding figures for Sind and the NWFP
are referred to the final report of this research project [2].
2. FARMERS' USES OF WHEAT (3)
The flows of wheat in and from the farm sector in the Punjab in
1982 are presented in Diagram 1. The figures indicate the relative size
of the flows in percentages of the harvest volume, while disregarding losses. The width of flows in the diagram corresponds with their
relative size. For example, rent payments in the Punjab--still mostly
settled in kind--constitute approximately 10 percent of the wheat
harvest. (In Sind, where the incidence of tenancy in agriculture is much
higher, rent payments approach even a level of 40 percent of the
harvest.) The flow of rent payments has been indicated by a loop,
because payments by tenants are receipts of land owners and, therefore,
do not leave the farm sector. This also applies to the flow of wheat
used as seed and fodder, but as this flow reduces the volume available
for consumption and sale, it leaves the system. It can be added in
passing that the seed component encompasses approximately 4 percent of
the harvest, indicating that farmers still depend to a very large degree
on wheat seed retained from their previous harvest, a situation which
seriously endangers future wheat supplies.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
The largest flow in the diagram, the one relating to "own
consumption", travels the shortest distance. Note that even in the
Punjab, a relatively commercialised province, it includes nearly 40
percent of the harvest. Also, payments of wages in kind to permanent,
seasonal and other workers still absorb a considerable portion of the
wheat harvest.
Even in this brief presentation, the marketed surplus deserves some
closer attention. As indicated in the diagram, this part of supply
constitutes just over 40 percent of the wheat harvest for the Punjab
agricultural sector as a whole. But the aggregate figure conceals a wide
variation in the degree of market orientation among individual farmers.
A more detailed analysis shows that the percentage of wheat sales to
wheat harvest of individual farmers is a function of not only such
obvious factors as the area of land used for wheat, and tenurial status,
but also of the quality of the soft, income from non-agricultural
sources and, except in saline areas, of the distance to the nearest
market. Thus there are farmers selling practically all the wheat they
produce next to others who are net buyers of wheat. But even whole
groups of farmers, such as those in some barani (rain-fed) areas, may
hardly be self-sufficient in wheat.
The figures in the diagram specifying the relative importance of
the various market outlets for farmers in the Punjab speak for
themselves. But here it must also be added that significant differences
exist between groups of farmers in terms of the categories of traders to
which they sell wheat. For example, compared with the flow of wheat
handled by other buyers, that handled by village shopkeepers represents
only a trickle. But to the group of farmers with the smallest
land-holdings, i.e. those smaller than one hectare, village shopkeepers
are of considerable importance, as the latter buy approximately 20
percent of their marketed surplus. This percentage is much smaller for
large farmers. A similar pattern can be observed for beoparis
(middlemen): they buy approximately 60 percent of the marketed surplus
of the smallest farmers, but less than 20 percent of the marketed
surplus of the category of the largest farmers, i.e. those with
land-holdings of over 10 hectares. And, as expected, the pattern is
clearly reversed for categories of wheat traders as commission agents
and procurement depots. This differentiation reflects the specialization among traders in the wheat market.
3. THE CONSTRUCTION OF A WHEAT-TRADE TABLE (4)
In this section, attention will be given to the flows of wheat
handled by traders. A considerable portion of these flows consists of
mutual trade of wheat traders which cannot be described clearly in a
flow diagram. In order to meet this problem, a table has been
constructed--resembling in design the familiar input-output table which
also presents in absolute terms the flows between wheat traders and
their suppliers and between traders and subsequent users of wheat.
Before we discuss the construction of this wheat-trade table, we give
below a brief account of the main activities of the private
wheat-traders included in the table.
Characteristics of Private Wheat-Traders in the Punjab (5)
Village Shopkeepers
For village shopkeepers, wheat trade is only a sideline activity
and the volumes they handle are very small: between 25 and 150 maunds
[1] per shopkeeper. They buy exclusively from farmers and, typically, in
batches which often are of less than even 5 maunds. (6) Their
operational area rarely exceeds one village. They supply primarily to
beoparis (middlemen) and commission agents in batches of 20 maunds or
more. The prices they pay for wheat--between Rs. 45 and Rs. 52 per maund in 1982--are considerably lower than those paid by other middlemen,
partly because a large minority of shopkeepers obtain wheat as
redemption of consumer credit provided by them during the off-season and
also because the small batch size raises the handling costs per unit.
Sales prices in 1982 ranged between Rs. 50 and Rs. 56 per maund.
Beoparis
Also beoparis operate mainly in the first stages of the
wheat-marketing chain, buying primarily from farmers and only little
from other traders. They normally cover an area of more than one village
and their transactions, on average, are in batches of 100 maunds for
purchases and of 400 maunds for sale--batches that are considerably
larger than those handled by shopkeepers. They are the main outlet for
marketed wheat for farms up to 10 hectares. Approximately one-half of
the sales of beoparis is directed towards procurement centres, the other
half is commissioned to agents or sold to millers. Purchase prices in
1982 were between Rs. 54 and Rs. 56 per maund and sales prices were
close to Rs. 58 per maund.
Commission Agents
In contrast with other private traders, commission agents do not
become owners of the goods they handle; their work consists of mediating
between buyers and sellers. According to our survey, most agents are
engaged by sellers to find buyers, (7) but there is a marked difference
between the pattern of trade of agents handling less and that of agents
handling more than 25,000 maunds of wheat per year. Still, in general it
appears that the largest part of the incoming flow of wheat originates
from farmers, especially large farmers, whereas a considerable portion
of the outgoing stream reaches procurement centres. In agreement with
general expectations, most commission agents operate on the mandi level,
(8) but the considerable number of them operating in villages must not
be overlooked. Further, it is worth while noting that commission agents
regularly provide credit to their customers, a practice that is much
less common among other traders. Transaction prices in 1982 were mostly
between Rs. 56 and Rs. 57.50 per maund and handling costs and commission
charged varied between Rs. 0.50 and Rs. 2.00 per maund.
Wholesalers
Wholesalers are also active mainly on the level of mandis and, like
commission agents, handle relatively large volumes of wheat. They appear
to hold stocks more often than other private traders, possibly because
they sell a considerable portion of their turnover in wheat to millers
who have an interest in a regular supply over time. Since their position
is at the end of the wheat-market chain, they also appear to be engaged
in reduction of batch sizes. In 1982, their purchase prices varied only
little between Rs. 56 and Rs. 57 per maund with sale prices during the
peak season between Rs. 58 and Rs. 62.
General Remarks
Procurement depots--which absorb approximately three quarters of
the marketed volume--dominate the wheat market in the Punjab. In
connection with this, the procurement price (Rs. 58 per maund in 1982)
strongly influences the price in wheat transactions among private
actors. Normally, this price is determined by deducting handling charges
from the procurement price, where charges appear to vary positively with
the distance to the nearest depot and negatively with batch size. In
other words, price formation by private traders is of the retrograde type. Further, traders hold very low stocks and use little credit; the
investment-to-trade ratio varies mostly between Rs. 4 and Rs. 20 per
maund with a median value of Rs. 7 per maund. They aim at maximization
of turnover speed, as illustrated, amongst others, by the rapid
succession of purchase and sale transactions. Finally, it can be added
that the picture which emerges from this description of wheat traders in
the Punjab, including the pattern of specialization, applies, broadly
speaking, also to traders in Sind. In the NWFP, however, the situation
is different. Because the harvested volume of wheat is much smaller
there, the trade flows are not large enough to support the degree of
specialization achieved in the Punjab and in Sind. The wheat harvest is
also too small to satisfy the consumption needs for wheat in that
province. As a result, wheat prices are 25-35 percent higher throughout
the wheat-market chain--beginning with the farmers--such that the
procurement price is not competitive and procurement of wheat,
therefore, is negligible. (9)
A Wheat-trade Table for the Punjab
In Table 1, the rows indicate the sale transactions, or, more
generally, the distribution of outflows from one actor group among
various users, whereas the columns indicate purchase transactions, or
the distribution of inflows from various suppliers towards one user
group. The first six rows are reserved for shopkeepers, beoparis,
"small" commission agents, "large" commission
agents, (10) wholesalers and procurement centres, respectively. The next
two rows are for the original suppliers of wheat, viz. farmers and
earners of wages in kind. The actors in the first six columns are
identical with those in the first six rows. The four columns which then
follow comprise the final uses of wheat, where the word
"final" should not be taken literally, because government and
private milling activities which take in wheat to produce flour for
subsequent consumption are also included. Other final uses are wheat
consumption and wheat surplus. The latter variable indicates the
difference between the volume procured and the volume released by the
state in the province of the Punjab. With the ban on interprovincial
private wheat-trade still prevailing in 1982, the surplus represents the
amount of wheat available for release by the state in deficit provinces.
The objective now is to find approximative values of the flows of
trade corresponding to that table. The survey results do not give the
size of the flows directly as they are based on a sample, but, if the
pattern of trade they delineate is sufficiently robust, they
nevertheless provide the framework for a simple algorithm by which the
actual flows can be approximated. For example, the survey may tell which
percentage of their total sales the beoparis direct to wholesalers (in
the Punjab, approximately 2.4 percent) and to other buyers and such
proportions may also be obtained for other supplier groups. Thus, a
matrix can be constructed consisting of coefficients which describe the
trade network from the viewpoint of suppliers. In this matrix,
coefficients on the same row add up to one. But the same flows can also
be examined from the viewpoint of users. Referring to the same example,
the survey may tell which percentage of their total purchases
wholesalers obtain from beoparis (approximately 26 percent in the
Punjab) and from other suppliers. Repeating this excercise for other
user groups, a second matrix can be formed of the same network of trade,
but this time with a view to origins of inflow. And in this case the
coefficients in each column add up to one. In principle the survey data
permit the filling up of the two matrices for each of the provinces of
the Punjab, Sind and the NWFP, but, unfortunately, the variances of the
coefficients calculated for the latter two provinces exceed the standard
for statistical significance. The table cam therefore, be constructed
only for the Punjab.
So far, we only have trade coefficients, but no trade flows.
Figures for a few flows--needed for the application of the calculation
procedure set forth below--are available, however. First, there is the
volume of the wheat harvest in 1982 of 7,798 thousand tons [7, Table 5]
which can be divided among farmers and wages in kind by applying the
corresponding parameter derived from the survey data (see Diagram 1).
This gives the values of the sums of rows 7 and 8, viz. 6,956 thousand
tons and 842 thousand tons. Then we have the volume of wheat procured by
the state, estimated to be 2,479 thousand tons, and the volume of
releases by the state to mills of 925 thousand tons [6, p. 102]. The
first figure corresponds with the sum value of row and column 6, and the
difference between the two figures indicates the surplus (column 10).
Finally, the survey allows estimates of total consumption of ration flour, and private-market flour and wheat corresponding with the sums of
columns 7, 8 and 9, respectively. The last three values have been used
as initial values in the first round of iterations, and have been
adapted slightly in subsequent rounds (see below).
This only leaves for estimation the sums of the first five rows and
columns--which are, of course, equal for each pair--needed as initial
values in the iterative process. Tentative values can be found in two
steps. First, the volumes of sales by farmers to each of these groups of
private traders can be estimated by multiplying the trade coefficients
derived from the survey among farmers by the total of row 7. Then, with
the help of the trade coefficients indicating the share of farmers in
the purchases of the Private trader groups, these volumes can generate
the values of total turnover of these groups.
With this complete set of row and column totals, together with the
trade coefficients, it is now possible to derive values of individual
flows between actor groups. In fact, since there are two matrices of
trade coefficients, one relating to origin of inflows and the other to
destination of outflows, two sets of individual flows can be calculated.
When the two sets of flows are added by row and by column, differences
may appear to exist with the initial sums of rows and columns. Such
differences are obviously a sign of inconsistency, but the newly
calculated sums can now be used to generate initial totals for the next
iteration, and so on, until convergence is reached. The procedure runs
as follows:
I. Adaptation in Rows and Columns 1 to 5:
(a) If, compared with the initial sum, both newly calculated sums
are higher (lower), raise (reduce) the initial sum for the next
iteration; and
(b) If the newly calculated sums point in opposite directions,
adapt trade coefficients within a margin of 10 percent of the original
coefficient value.
II. Adaptation in Row and Column 6 and in Row 7:
Change trade coefficients in the desired direction with a maximum
of 10 percent as above.
III. Adaptation in Columns 7, 8 and 9:
(a) If all three newly calculated column totals are higher (lower),
adapt sums in proportion to relative over- (under-) estimation, making
sure that the sums add up to (7798-1554=) 6,244 thousand tons and reduce
(raise) coefficients to a maximum of 10 percent as above; and
(b) If they point in the different directions, adapt new initial
sums, making sure that they add up to 6,244 thousand tons.
This simple iterative procedure appears to converge rapidly to a
consistent trade network, as presented in Table 1.
Comments on the figures in the table are limited here to the flows
among trader groups, because the remaining parts of the table correspond
with other sections of this article: the primary flow of wheat, to which
also the last two rows of the table refer, has been discussed in Section
2, whereas the consumption of wheat and flour (included in the
final-uses columns) will be taken up in Section 4. The interpretation of
figures in the table relating to these items will pose no problem. It
must also be stressed here that the figures in Table 1 are of an
approximative nature and that there may be small differences between the
proportions mentioned in Diagrams 1 and 2 and those in Table 1.
A structural characteristic that can be observed in the table is
the triangularity of trade among wheat dealers. It reflects, of course,
the strong specialization among traders noted earlier which gives each
group a specific position in the wheat-trade chain. Moving down the
chain, the proportion of wheat obtained from farmers falls for
successive groups of private traders while the part obtained from other
dealers rises. This is, in fact, one of the characteristic differences
between large and small commission agents. The volume of mutual trade
represents a considerable portion of total turnover of wheat by private
traders. According to the figures in the table, this proportion reaches
a level of approximately 22 percent.
One can also derive the relative importance of the various groups
of traders in terms of the total volume handled. While the orders of
magnitude are the same for beoparis, small commission agents and large
commission agents, it is quite clear that village shopkeepers stand
apart with a much smaller volume. They have nevertheless been included
in the analysis, because they are a very important group of buyers for
small farmers and, thus, form a link between this category of farmers
and the wheat market. In terms of the volume traded, wholesalers take an
intermediate position.
The table also illustrates the dominating position of the
procurement system in the wheat market, as procurement appears to absorb
between 70 percent and 75 percent of the marketed surplus of wheat.
According to our survey, only slightly less than one-half is obtained
from farmers, a proportion which is on the high side if compared with
the findings of the Agricultural Prices Commission [5, p. 32] on the
basis of a survey among procurement centres in 1981. It found that only
the depots with supervisory committees obtain 50 percent of their
purchases from farmers, whereas the corresponding figure for other
depots is only 34 percent. Still, the purchase pattern of procurement
depots according to column 6 of Table 1 is mostly within the range of
values of inflow coefficients presented in this other source.
4. FLOWS OF WHEAT AND FLOUR TO CONSUMERS (11)
Flow Diagram 2 illustrates the acquisition pattern of wheat and
flour of consumers in rural and urban areas in the Punjab. Even though
some of the sources of supply have been aggregated, the pattern appears
to be rather intricate--an impression which is likely to be strengthened
in a subsequent article which will present corresponding information for
consumption of wheat in Sind and the NWFP and which will also
distinguish between consumers of different income categories.
The diagram illustrates, amongst other things, the considerable
difference in the wheat-to-flour ratio of consumption between rural and
urban areas. Because of the preponderance of wheat from own-farming and
wages in kind, the ratio is, of course, high in rural areas. On the
other hand, in order to satisfy demand for wheat or flour in towns and
cities, wheat is collected and moved in bulk. This facilitates the
milling of wheat in bulk, which is considerably cheaper than the
small-scale milling by chakkis (village mills), such that the proportion
of wheat in urban consumption of wheat and flour is reduced
substantially. Because of other differences in the patterns of
acquisition of urban and rural areas, the two will be discussed
separately below.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
Approximately two-thirds of the consumption of wheat and flour in
rural Punjab originates in farming and wages in kind. The rest,
one-third, consists of wheat and flour obtained through purchases from
various sources, mostly, of course, by consumers who are not themselves
directly engaged in wheat production. Still, there are also farmers
covering the deficit between production and their families'
consumption needs by purchases in the market. Some of them even appear
to sell wheat first and to buy it again later on. But the number of
distress sales among the latter cases is probably rather small. Note
further that a significant portion of rural consumption consists of
ration flour, although the official aim of the distribution system for
the Punjab is to provide ration flour only to consumers in urban
centres.
The diagram also shows that a remarkably high percentage of urban
consumption of wheat and flour in the Punjab originates in own-farming.
In fact, the term "own-farming" is not to be taken literally
and really stands for obtainment of wheat free of charge from family
farms operated by relatives, or from land tilled by tenants. This flow
involves, on average, about 20 percent of urban consumption, but in the
next article it will be shown that high-income groups derive a much
larger share of wheat and flour consumption from own-farming than the
low-income groups. Therefore, the urban poor depend considerably more on
the proper operation of the wheat market than do consumers with higher
incomes. As can be expected, the pattern of consumption of ration flour
displays an inverse tendency. While ration flour represents, on average,
nearly 30 percent of urban consumption, the percentage is higher for
low-income groups than for groups at the other end of the income scale.
5. CONCLUSIONS
In this article, a description has been given of the network of
wheat flows between farmers, traders and consumers in the Punjab. The
figures collected for this purpose have been summarized in two diagrams
and in a trade table to which the reader is referred for a survey of the
magnitude and composition of the movements of wheat. This section lists
some conclusions regarding the activities of wheat traders which can be
derived from the description in the foregoing pages as an introduction
to a more detailed evaluation in a subsequent article.
Private wheat-traders in the Punjab display a fairly high degree of
specialization which expresses itself in differences in the size of the
area they cover and in the magnitude of individual transactions. For
this reason, farmers with different supplies of marketable wheat tend to
sell to different categories of middlemen. Therefore, also, the position
of groups of traders in the wheat-trade chain varies: some groups buy
exclusively or nearly exclusively from farmers, while others buy a
considerable share from other traders.
Credit is scarce among wheat traders; as a rule, they provide only
little of it to their customers. For the same reason, relatively little
wheat is stored and, thus, also storage for speculative purposes is
probably rare. In general, buying and selling transactions follow each
other in rapid succession, as traders attempt to maximize the turnover
speed. This working method and a relatively keen competition lead to
mark-up charges of moderate size.
It follows that the functions carried out by wheat traders in the
Punjab are rather limited, consisting mainly of collection,
transportation and enlargement of batch sizes. The contribution by
private traders to the function of price formation is also of limited
importance, as transaction prices are determined mainly by deducting a
margin that varies negatively with batch size and positively with
distance to the nearest depot, from the procurement price. This wheat
procurement price dominates the wheat market, as procurement by the
state absorbs more than 70 percent of the marketed surplus in the
Punjab. The advantage to farmers is, of course, that price formation is
much clearer and that, in terms of market information, they are not as
much at a disadvantage vis-a-vis middlemen as they may otherwise be.
REFERENCES
[1.] Cornelisse, P. A. Wheat Trade and Wheat Traders in Pakistan.
Rotterdam: Erasmus University/Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of
Development Economics. 1983. (Working Paper No. 7 of a joint
E.U.R.--P.I.D.E. project)
[2.] Cornelisse, Peter A., and Syed Nawab Haider Naqvi. The Anatomy of the Wheat Market in Pakistan. Rotterdam: Erasmus
University/Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics.
Forthcoming, 1984.
[3.] van Gaalen, Th. M.P. The Primary Wheat Market--Evidence from
Pakistan. Rotterdam: Erasmus University/Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of
Development Economics. 1983. (Working Paper No. 6 of a joint E.U
R.--P.I.D.E. project)
[4.] de Kruijk, Hans. The Consumption of Wheat (Flour) in Pakistan.
Rotterdam: Erasmus University/Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of
Development Economics. 1983. (Working Paper No. 8 of a joint
E.U.R.--P.I.D.E project)
[5.] Pakistan. Agricultural Prices Commission. Punjab Wheat
Disposal Survey. Islamabad. 1983. (APCOM Series No. 1)
(1) In order to obtain an operational interpretation of this
concept, it is considered here to be composed of the following
interrelated items; cost efficiency, degree to which interests of
farmers and consumers are served, and fair distribution of negotiating
power among market actors.
(2) The survey included 1045 farmers, 177 middlemen, 29 village
shops, 86 ration shops, 177 millers and 1451 consumers.
(3) This section is largely based on van Gaalen [3] and Roks [9].
(4) This section is largely based on [1].
(5) For a very useful survey of operations of procurement centres
in the Punjab, see [5].
(6) A maund is 37.3 kg.
(7) In a study based on a survey in Kamoke and Chichawatny in 1972,
Schmidt still found that the majority of agents worked for sellers as
well as for buyers [10].
(8) A mandi is a regional market-place where wholesale trade in
agricultural produce is concentrated.
(9) For a more detailed analysis of the wheat markets in the
Punjab, Shad and the NWFP, see Comelisse [1].
(10) "Small" commission agents and "large"
commission agents have an annual turnover of less than 25,000 maunds and
more than 25,000 maunds, respectively.
(11) This section is largely based on Hans de Kruijk [4].
PETER A. CORNELISSE, The author is Professor of Development
Planning, Erasmus University, Rotterdam. This article is based on a part
of a study jointly carried out by staff members of the Centre for
Development Planning, Erasmus University, Rotterdam and the Pakistan
Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad, with financial support
from the Dutch Ministry for Development Co-operation.
Table 1
The Network of Wheat Trade, Punjab: 1982 Harvest
('000 tons)
Wheat Traders
Small Large Whole-
Shop- Beoparis Commis- Commis- salers
keeper sion sion
Agent (a) Agent (a)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Wheat Traders
1 0 16 12 8 0
2 0 0 135 115 30
3 0 51 19 171 46
4 0 0 0 0 0
5 0 0 0 0 0
6 0 0 0 0 0
Farmers 37 1066 670 261 44
Receipts in Kind 0 0 0 0 0
Total 37 1133 836 555 120
Wheat Users
Procurement Govt. Private
Centres Milling Milling
(6) (7) (8)
Wheat Traders
1 0 0 0
2 579 0 243
3 315 0 124
4 308 0 152
5 67 0 28
6 0 829 96
Farmers 1210 0 107
Receipts in Kind 0 0 0
Total 2479 829 750
Wheat Users
Wheat
Consumpsion Surplus Total
(9) (10) (11)
Wheat Traders
1 1 0 37
2 31 0 1133
3 110 0 836
4 95 0 555
5 25 0 120
6 0 1554 2479
Farmers 3561 (b) 0 6956
Receipts in Kind 842 0 842
Total 4665 1554 12958
Note: (a) "Small" and "large" commission agents display different
trade patterns. The quantity of 25,000 maunds as the amount of wheat
handled distinguishes "large" from "small" commission agents.
(b) Mainly own consumption, but includes some sales by farmers to
consumers and retained seed and feed.
