John Adams and Sabiha Iqbal. Exports, Politics and Economic Development.
Nelson, Douglas
John Adams and Sabiha Iqbal. Exports, Politics and Economic
Development. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1983.
Political economy is the systematic study of the interaction
between the political and the economic. As such, political economy
imposes a heavy burden on its practitioners: conscious attention to the
very real advances of political science and economics. Political economy
should not be treated as an open invitation to bad analysis in the name
of cross-disciplinary effort. Sadly, it is often taken for just such an
invitation and the book under review here is a good example. Adams and
Iqbal propose to present a political- economic analysis of
Pakistan's economic development with particular emphasis on export
policy. Such a study may have two rather different constituencies:
country specialists and/or development and political economy
generalists. The former is clearly not the case. The political analysis
derives almost entirely from existing secondary sources and the economic
discussion is atheoretical, ad hoc and based on readily available data.
Thus we may presume that the contribution is to be found in the
particular theoretical or methodological approach and, therefore, of
interest to generalists as well as specialists.
The authors' analytical framework is severely underdeveloped.
It rests on what the authors call a "dynamic pattern of circular
causation" between interest groups, government policy and economic
performance as illustrated in their opening diagram. Now the recognition
of interdependence among variables is useful if it leads to a
specification of the model which permits the explicit analysis of that
interdependence. If, as in this case, no such attempt is made, the
"model" simply becomes an excuse for ad hoc analysis. Thus
each chapter is a string of discussions of one variable after another,
each in solitary partial equilibrium with no attempt to weigh the
relative importance nor, more significantly, any attempt to
systematically discuss interaction. Although this is likely to render
the book uninteresting from a methodological point of view, some
interest might be retained if the general approach generated some new
insights into economic development. Here again the lack of explicit
theoretical discussion by the authors is a major drawback.
It is relatively easy to demonstrate that acts of policy have
distributional effects. Such demonstrations have been the stock-in-trade
of trade theorists for half a century now (i.e. the Stolper-Samuelson
and Rybczynski theorems). It is rather another thing to demonstrate that
those effects were elicited by the self-conscious behaviour of groups.
Such a demonstration requires systematic attention to the formation and
reproduction of groups and to the mechanisms through which groups
influence policy. We will leave the issue of group formation and
reproduction because a discussion of public choice and organization
theories would carry us too far afield.
Trade policy has been a major field of interest for group theorists
and provides us with a variety of options with regard to modes of
influence. The most common model is of an electoral/legislative type
where group influence flows from capacity to affect electoral outcomes.
This is the model which underlies most of the rent-seeking/DUP models
which have become popular in trade theory [3; 5] as well as stimulating
the classic studies of tariff- making by Schattschneider [7] and Bauer,
Pool and Dexter [1]. In the Pakistani context, where elections are rare
and the legislature (when it exists) is weak, there is prima facie justification for rejecting this model.
A more likely candidate is some form of bureaucratic politics
model. The authors, reasonably enough, reject a rational
actor/autonomous bureaucracy model of the type that might have appealed
to Hegel or Weber which leaves some form of "capture theory"
where the State is seen as either colonized by various interest groups
(conservative variant) or as the "Executive Committee of the ruling
class" (radical variety). In either case, if one is attempting to
explain changes in policy, one must at least isolate (if not explain)
changes in group power independent of changes in policy. Backward
induction from the explanandum to the explanans, the preferred method of
Adams and Iqbal, does not constitute proof of the explanandum.
This is not a problem unique to Adams and Iqbal; it is endemic to
group theory attempts to explain policy change, which is why both
liberal and radical political scientists have increasingly shifted to
models which recognize the State as a relatively autonomous actor. That
is, the State is assumed to initiate policy actions for reasons of its
own (i.e. reversing the authors' model, the State is assumed to
respond rationally, from the point of view of "national
interest", to exogenous shocks) and then respond to the group
conflicts elicited by its action. Such a model seems a better fit to the
Pakistani data than a model in which interest groups provide the
dynamic. To take one simple example, Adams and Iqbal seem to argue that
the transition from Ayub to Bhutto is explained, at least in part, by a
waning of the power of business as a group. Kochaneck's excellent
study of business interest groups [4] argues that until Bhutto there was
virtually no solidarity among the major elements of business. Thus, the
interests of business were most clearly being represented by the State
when business was least capable of projecting its interests. In response
to the Bhutto economic policies, business did begin to act in a
concerted fashion and was able to at least moderate some of the initial
excesses of policy.
More generally, interest groups in Pakistan, as in most non-NIC
developing countries, are of a traditional sort. Primary loyalties are
regional, familial and semi-feudal. The capitalist organization of the
economy is incomplete and, as a result, economically based interest
groups are not well organized. Thus the characteristic mode of
opposition is not precise, interest-based lobbying but, rather,
individual withdrawal or populist insurrection into which the State can
read a wide variety of intentions. The dynamics of this type of
politics, and its relationship to the development process, have been
studied in some detail--especially in Latin America [2; 6]. There are
obviously many differences between South Asia and Latin America, but the
Latin American attempts to construct a theoretically coherent and
empirically meaningful political economy of development deserve
attention, if only for inspiration.
Books and dissertations should be evaluated in terms of very
different criteria. A dissertation is intended to be the first major
independent step towards professional research, and we expect the author
to be its major beneficiary. A book, on the other hand, should be a
mature piece of research, from which a wide community of interested
scholars may benefit. The book under review reflects the attempt to
accumulate a sizable body of indicative data in a single place - an
important step in any research project. Unfortunately, this review has
suggested, this book fails to provide a clear framework within which
that information is integrated and then applied. No hypotheses are
tested and there is no systematic attempt to explain the patterns in the
data. Adams and Iqbal have not faced the heavy burdens of political
economy; unfortunately, the ad hoc presentation of their research also
fails to meet the standards of good economics or political science. This
was probably a good dissertation; it is not a good book.
Douglas Nelson
International Management Studies, University of Texas--Dallas.
REFERENCES
[1.] Bauer, Raymond, Ithiel de Sola Pool and Anthony Dexter.
American Business and Public Policy. Chicago: Aldine. 1972.
[2.] Collier, David (ed.) The New Authoritarianism in Latin
America. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1977.
[3.] Findlay, Ronald, and Stanislaw Wellisz. "Rent-Seeking and
Welfare: The Political Economy of Trade Restrictions". In Jagdish
Bhagwati (ed.), Import Competition and Response. Chicago : University of
Chicago Press/NBER. 1982.
[4.] Kochanek, Stanley. Interest Groups and Development. London:
Oxford University Press. 1983.
[5.] Magee, Stephen, William Brock and Leslie Young. "A theory
of Black Hole Economics and the Political Economy of Tariffs".
Austin: University of Texas, Department of Finance. 1984. (Ms)
[6.] O'Donnell, Guillermo. Modernization and Bureaucratic
Authoritarianism. Berkeley: University of California. 1977.
[7.] Schattschneider, E. E. Politics, Pressure and the Tariff
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. 1935.