Does nation building spur economic growth?
Creasey, Ellyn ; Rahman, Ahmed S. ; Smith, Katherine A. 等
I. INTRODUCTION
Nation building, defined as the provision of economic aid
conditional on military aid being given in conflict or post-conflict
areas, has been an important element of foreign policy for at least a
century. (1) Historians date the first nation building operation
conducted by the United States back to 1901, when the USS Thomas brought
500 teachers to Manila Bay with naval escorts to "rebuild" the
Philippines. (2) Figure 1 indicates that while nation building
operations have varied with time, they have been a continual part of
global affairs over the last half century. Of course the United States
has not been the sole initiator of nation building excursions, European
nations have actively engaged in such operations in the Balkans,
sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East. (3) As shown in Figure 1,
episodes peaked after two key historic events. The first coincided with
the end of the Cold War around 1992. Many hoped that worldwide peace
would emerge from the ruins of the Soviet Empire. But as complex
disputes broke out in Somalia, Haiti, and the Balkans, the United
Nations and individual countries stepped in with both force and civilian
aid to mitigate these emergent humanitarian crises (Dobbins et al.
2008). By the late 1990s, many countries started to tire of nation
building forays. During this time in the United States, many politicians
built campaigns around an anti-nation building platform. After the
events of September 11,2001, perspectives swung back and nation building
became a prominent tool in the Global War on Terror (Dempsey 2002).
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 stimulated record
levels of government spending on nation building initiatives. (4)
According to U.S. Green Book Overseas Loans and Grants, in 2005, the
United States alone spent $20 billion in aid to help train foreign
troops, provide counter narcotics/terrorism assistance, and other
similar activities. (5) This figure does not take into account the added
costs of troops and support forces, which include personnel to provide
communications, contracting, engineering, intelligence, medical, and
other services for troops deployed in theater (Orszag 2007). In 2010,
the United States spent $93.8 billion in Afghanistan and $71.3 billion
in Iraq, according to the Congressional Research Service.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
This study attempts to measure empirically the direct benefits for
the recipient country's development from nation building
operations. Foreign aid of any sort has the potential to spur economic
growth by increasing capital and/or total factor productivity (through
human capital accumulation and the encouragement of more effective
policies). (6) During times of conflict, however, growth can be severely
impeded by violence and uncertainty. On the one hand, nation building
may raise the effectiveness of aid by complementing economic assistance
with military security. If military aid reduces uncertainty, a boost to
capital or total factor productivity from the simultaneous provision of
economic aid may encourage private investment. On the other hand, robust
foreign involvement may potentially crowd out private provisions or
generate a crippling dependency which hinders growth prospects. What the
net growth effect of nation building efforts might be is thus an
empirical question, one that surprisingly has not been addressed in
prior literature.
Studies have analyzed the growth effects of economic aid, military
aid, or conflict in isolation, but have yet to explore the simultaneous
combination of all three. (7) Yamarik, Johnson, and Ryan (2010) show
that conflict negatively affects economic growth, growing more negative
as conflict intensity worsens. Imai and Weinstein (2000) delineate the
specific ways in which civil war negatively affects growth. Caplan
(2002) adds that conflict harms less-developed nations more than highly
developed ones. Additionally, the magnitude of damage depends on the
type of war being fought. Caplan (2002) also finds that internal
conflicts, typically between a government and a rebel faction, cause
greater damage than interstate conflicts. Considering the negative
impacts of conflict on economic development, several economists have
considered the potential benefits of introducing foreign aid in
post-conflict environments. Collier and Hoeffler (2002) create a model
for analyzing foreign aid in post civil war situations. Building on the
classic foreign aid model first described by Burnside and Dollar (1997),
they show that aid impacts growth by the greatest amount during the 4-
to 7-year period following an internal war. Kang and Meemik (2004) show
that a donor nation tends to provide long-lasting post-conflict economic
assistance to nations to whom they previously provided military
assistance.
This study stresses the need to look at the confluence of economic
aid, military aid, and conflict environments. Specifically, it remains
unclear if the provision of economic aid conditional on the presence of
military assistance helps countries grow, and if these effects differ
during times of war and peace. Of course the likelihood that economic
aid and military assistance are themselves endogenous to growth
complicates inference. But the implications from a careful study of
nation building should be of interest to both policy makers and
academics.
The growth effects of nation building are estimated by using a
45-year cross-country dataset. We capture the impact of nation building
using a three-way interaction term of economic aid, military support,
and conflict regime. As slow growing countries tend to foster increased
violence and may require more aid, the estimation of these potential
complementarities requires instrumentation. This reverse causality is
corrected by a two-stage estimation process. We first estimate aid flows
and then use these estimated values to measure the impact of nation
building on growth. What we find is that spending on nation building
does have a positive effect on economic growth. Once conflicts end,
however, we predict that continued military operations coupled with
economic aid have negative growth effect on the economy. The results
hold whether the United States or another nation or entity provides the
military assistance. While there appear to be complementarities between
economic aid and military assistance during normal times or during the
thick of conflict, such complementarities disappear in the immediate
aftermath of conflict in most circumstances.
II. CONFLICT, ECONOMIC AID, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE IN THE CONTEXT
OF SOLOW GROWTH
To tackle the question of potential complementarities between
military and economic aid during or after war, we explore the impacts of
nation building within the context of the neoclassical growth model. In
the study by Solow (1956), output per capita growth is a function of the
current stock of capital per effective labor, savings rate, population
growth rate, capital depreciation, and labor productivity. In each
period, the economy invests a portion of its output toward new capital.
Simultaneously, existing per capita capital shrinks due to depreciation
and population growth. The model's dynamics imply that each country
converges to its own steady state according to its unique long-term
fundamentals.
In the context of this framework, the variables in which we are
interested, namely aid and conflict, can potentially affect growth in
several distinct ways. First, conflict can outright destroy the current
capital stock as evidenced by Imai and Weinstein (2000), while aid can
potentially help build it back up. Additionally, the instability of
conflict can dissuade private investment, lowering new capital
formation. The destructive nature of conflict may also raise the
depreciation of physical and/or human capital. Aid however can mitigate
these effects. Finally, conflict can foster mismanagement and
inefficiency, cutting into the productivity of the economy. For these
reasons, conflict is likely to have a negative effect on economic
growth, whereas aid is likely to have a positive effect.
Neoclassical theory further suggests that these variables should
temporarily affect growth (see Easterly et al. 1993). That is, wars
waged domestically can disrupt production and depress investments. Once
the conflict ends, however, the fundamentals of the economy are
restored, and the recovery phase should bolster growth as productive
activities recommence and infrastructure is rebuilt. Similarly,
temporary aid injections can help hasten a country's return to its
long-run growth trajectory without influencing the actual steady-state
path itself. We thus consider conflict and aid measures as variables
that do not affect the steady state, but can influence the speed of
convergence of an economy to its steady state.
In this vein, we wish to explore the interactions between different
conflict scenarios and different types of aid on short-term growth. As
in the studies by Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992) and Islam (1995), we
log-linearize and first difference the steady-state equation from the
Solow model to construct empirically a panel growth regression. In
addition to including the fundamental variables of growth, we include
other auxiliary explanatory factors (Durlauf and Quah 1998). The
empirical strategy is to include measures of conflict and post-conflict
periods, economic aid, and military assistance along with the
fundamental variables that are standard in neoclassical growth theory.
Military intervention can help foster a secure environment,
potentially encouraging higher savings rates and lowering both physical
and human capital depreciation (Jones and Kane 2012). Such intervention
could however cause further disruption to the local economy and thus
slow down the growth. Similarly, different types of aid during conflict
or nonconflict may help or hinder a country's transitory dynamics.
This aid may help replenish a war-torn nation's stock of capital,
or it may crowd out local private investments. Finally, economic aid and
military assistance together may act as complements that provide both
funding for local projects and security to allow those projects to
succeed. However, joint assistance may crowd out each type of aid or
other forms of investments, or foster a dependency that further
stagnates the economy. In summary, what the net effects of joint aid
projects are during different conflict regimes is an empirical question,
to which we now turn.
III. ESTIMATION
To gauge the growth effects of nation building, we augment the
neoclassical growth model to incorporate conflict, military assistance,
and economic aid variables.
Following Durlauf and Quah (1998), a standard Solow model augmented
with human capital can be estimated with panel data using the following
equation:
(1) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
where [b.sub.0] = [[mu].sub.j] + [[zeta].sub.t] represents country-
and time-specific effects in country j during time period t. (8)
Consistent with the Solow model, we include initial gross domestic
product (GDP) levels (Inv,) to capture the idea that growth depends on a
country's distance from its steady state. Considering that each
country may have a unique steady state, we include proxies that
determine each country's steady state: savings rates for physical
capital ([s.sub.k]), savings rates for human capital ([s.sub.h]), and
population growth rates ([g.sub.n]). The growth span, T, is set to
2-year increments in order to isolate the shorter-term growth effects
from our variables of interest.
The impacts of nation building are captured in the following
augmented framework:
(2) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
where [DELTA][y.sub.jt] = ln [y.sub.j(t+T)-ln] - ln [y.sub.j,t];
[beta]', [phi]', [theta]' and [alpha]' are vectors
of coefficients; and x, a, c, and n are right-hand-side variables, x
represents those variables from the traditional Solow framework (the
variables in Equation (1)), a represents aid measures, c represents
conflict indicators, and n represents interaction terms between
aid-types and conflict indicators. We list the specific variables below:
[x.sub.j,t,1] = ln ([y.sub.j,t])
[x.sub.j,t,2] = ln ([investment.sub.j,t]/[GDP.sub.j,t])
[x.sub.j,t,3] = ln ([education.sub.j,t]/[GDP.sub.j,t])
[x.sub.j,t,4] = ln ([population.sub.j,t+T]/ -
[population].sub.j,t]/ [population.sub.j,t]
[a.sub.j,t,1] = ln (economic [aid.sub.j,t])
[a.sub.j,t,2] = military aid [indicator.sub.j,t]
[c.sub.j,t,1] = conflict [indicator.sub.j,t]
[c.sub.j,t,2] = post conflict [indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,1] = ln ([economic aid.sub.j,t]) * conflict
[indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,2] = ln ([economic aid.sub.j,t]) * post-conflict
[indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,3] = military aid [indicator.sub.j,t] * conflict
[indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,4] = military aid [indicator.sub.j,t] * post conflict
[indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,5] = ln ([aid.sub.j,t]) * military aid
[indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,6] = ln ([aid.sub.j,t]) * military aid
[indicator.sub.j,t] * military aid [indicator.sub.j,t]
[n.sub.j,t,7] = ln ([aid.sub.j,t]) * military aid
[indicator.sub.j,t] * post conflict [indicator.sub.j,t].
The coefficients we estimate are [beta]' = {[[beta].sub.1],
[[beta].sub.2], [[beta].sub.3], [[beta].sub.4]) for standard Solow
variables, [phi]' = {[[phi].sub.1] [[phi].sub.2]} for aid
variables, [theta]' = {[[theta].sub.1], [[theta].sub.2]} for
conflict variables, and [alpha]' = {[[alpha].sub.1],
[[alpha].sub.2], [[alpha].sub.3], [[alpha].sub.4], [[alpha].sub.5],
[[alpha].sub.6], [[alpha].sub.7]} for interaction variables.
While the inclusion of variables for economic aid, conflict, and
military assistance shows their individual impacts on output per capita
growth, to understand the effects of nation building, the model must
include variables that capture the conditional effects of conflict and
post-conflict with economic aid and/or military assistance. Interaction
terms are therefore added to the model to capture the conditional
effects that conflict, post-conflict, military assistance, and foreign
aid have on growth; the key coefficients of interest are in [alpha].
Use of interaction terms allows for the possibility of nonadditive
effects from these independent variables on growth. Thus, we suggest
that the effects of aid change conditioned on the presence of conflict,
post-conflict, and other forms of aid. Nation building represents the
interaction between economic aid, military assistance, and conflict
regime. The marginal growth influence from nation building can be
thought of as the growth effect of an extra dollar of economic aid when
the country receives military assistance during a conflict period.
Similarly, we also wish to gauge the influence of post-conflict
nation-building endeavors. That is, we also wish to measure the growth
effect of an extra dollar of economic aid when the country receives
military assistance directly after a conflict period. (9)
A. Data
We have constructed an annualized country-level panel dataset
consisting of 176 countries (21 potential aid providers and 155
potential aid receivers) over the time period of 1960-2005. All growth
variables including GDP growth are calculated as 2-year growth rates.
This 2-year period isolates the shorter-term effects of conflict and aid
on per capita GDP. Dummy variables take on a value of one if the event
occurs within that period.
The amount of total investment as a fraction of GDP represents the
savings rate. Likewise, the fraction of GDP allocated toward educational
expenditure acts as a proxy for human capital investments. GDP and
investment data come from the Penn World Tables (2009). Education
expenditure shares of GDP and population growth rates come from the
World Bank Development Indicators (2009).
The joint Uppsala Conflict Data Program and International Peace
Research Institute (UCDPPRIO) Armed Conflict Dataset (2009) provides all
conflict-related data including the presence of conflict, the number of
battle deaths in a conflict, and the duration of a conflict. In the
model, the variable [conflict.sub.j,t] codes as 1 if the conflict occurs
within nation j and incurs at least 100 battle-related deaths within
time period t. (10) The post-conflict variable [post.sub.j,t] codes as a
1 if no conflict took place in country j during time t and a conflict
took place within 3 years after t. (11)
Economic aid data come from the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development's Creditor Reporting System (OECD CRS,
2007). These data record all grants by the Donor Assistance Countries.
The 22 DAC nations are Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
the United Kingdom, and the United States. We also use data on
multilateral foreign aid from the World Bank Projects Database (2008).
This dataset records every World Bank grant and its recipient country.
Because some major powers, such as China and Russia, do not publicly
release their foreign aid data, we cannot include these countries.
Therefore, the analysis admittedly has a somewhat western focus.
The military assistance data come from the International Military
Intervention Dataset. (12) This dataset records all instances of
military interventions over international boundaries by regular armed
forces of independent states. The military assistance variable, an
indicator variable, records any instance when one or more of the 22 OECD
nations acts as a third-party intervener. This includes military
interventions to assist a nation during a domestic dispute, to protect a
socioethnic minority or faction, to help combat terrorists or rebels, to
protect economic interests during a conflict, to provide humanitarian
aid, to further an ideological issue, or to promote diplomatic goals.
Therefore, this variable encompasses a broad spectrum of military aid.
Essentially it captures any military action performed by one country
within another country's territorial borders for reasons other than
waging war. This definition indicates that the acting government of the
host nation does not necessarily have to request or accept the military
assistance. An intervention that involves multiple OECD nations codes as
a single intervention. Additionally and separately, we also record
instances when the United Nations acts as a third-party intervener.
A dataset including every nation building operation from 1960 to
2005 does not exist. Here we combine data from the sources mentioned
above to construct measures of nation building activities for a wide
range of country participants. (13) For our measures, three criteria
determine the incidence of nation building. First, nation building can
only occur during a conflict or post-conflict period as we have defined.
Second, the country must receive economic aid from a foreign public
source. Finally, some external military assistance must simultaneously
be provided. We call this nation building as it captures the foreign
involvement in developing a nation during turmoil (Dobbins et al. 2007).
Furthermore, it recognizes that nation building typically involves both
foreign investment and military intervention (Fukuyama 2006). While
arguably a narrow definition, our measure is comparable across both time
and country space.
Of course the specificity of this definition causes the omission of
certain observations that some may consider to be de facto nation
building. For example, from 1952 to 1977 the United States provided most
of Brazil's military training and weaponry as discussed by
Tollefson (1995). This military alliance coincided with the economic
"Alliance for Progress," which increased U.S. aid to South
American nations in order to strengthen ties between the two continents.
Yet these years of joint U.S. military assistance and economic aid to
Brazil do not involve nation building because Brazil was not in
conflict. Rather we consider this an example of a politico-military
alliance with the United States. Such alliances were indeed common
throughout much of South America. While many nations have received
economic aid with military assistance, if at least 100 battle-related
deaths do not occur within a year, the episode is not considered a
nation building episode.
Similarly, a nation in conflict that receives only economic aid
does not join the group of nation building observations. For example,
during the Sudanese Civil War severe droughts caused food shortages
throughout the country. This prompted the United Nations and other donor
countries to conduct Operation Lifeline Sudan, which brought 100,000
tons of food into Sudan (United Nations 1990). But since UN peacekeeping
forces were not involved in the operation, this scenario does not fit
our definition of nation building.
Finally, there are many instances when a country sends troops to a
conflict-torn nation to mediate a war or to protect their interests
abroad. For example, the multinational force in Lebanon, consisting of
U.S. Marines and Navy SEALS, French paratroopers, Italian soldiers, and
British soldiers, entered Lebanon in 1982 to oversee the withdrawal of
the Palestine Liberation Organization and facilitate the restoration of
the Lebanese government. While this operation resembles an attempt at
nation building, the countries involved did not provide economic aid to
Lebanon, so this episode is also not considered a nation building
initiative.
While our definition of nation building might be considered strict,
our data document over 200 separate episodes during conflict periods.
Furthermore, our approach benefits from a clear and consistent
quantitative treatment of defining nation building endeavors. Table 1
provides summary statistics for some of the primary variables used in
the study.
B. Estimating Aid Flows
Inherently, economic aid data have a potential selection bias that
is likely to cause an endogeneity problem. That is, countries that
experience major economic difficulties, and therefore anemic growth, may
be more (or less) likely to receive economic aid in the first place. An
instrumental variables approach can help solve this endogeneity problem,
where bilateral aid flows are first estimated, aggregated, and then used
as instruments in the main regression. For the primary first-stage
estimation, we follow Alesina and Dollar (2000) and regress the total
aid given by a donor country to a recipient country in a particular year
on both political affinity and colonial ties. Political affinity
captures the notion that countries are more likely to donate to
countries that are like-minded. (14) This political ally variable is
proxied using UN voting similarity in a given year between the donor and
the potential aid recipient (Voeten and Merdzanovic 2008). For the
colonial linkages, an indicator variable is used to capture current and
past colonies and the number of years of this colonization history. We
extract this colonial history from the CIA World Factbook.
We also use alternative first-stage specifications that include an
index of national capability for donors as an additional explanatory
variable for bilateral aid flows. This index of economic capability,
published by the Correlates of War project, appears to be a robust
predictor of a country's provision of aid for any potential
recipient. For each first-stage specification, aid amounts are
aggregated and logged to produce a measure of predicted aid, which is
then used as an instrument in the growth regressions. (15)
IV. RESULTS
Table 2 reports estimation results from the baseline model, as well
as results from the augmented models with measures of conflict and
post-conflict periods, economic aid, military assistance, and their
interactions. All estimations include country- and year-specific fixed
effects. Considering the first specification, we see that consistent
with Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992), investment relative to GDP is
strongly associated with per capital growth, whereas initial GDP levels
and population measures appear to have negligible effects. Education
also appears to have negligible growth effects; this is likely due to
the fact that educational investments take longer to manifest their
influence on GDP.
Looking at specification (4) in Table 2, in terms of conflict
effects, growth suffers during conflict periods but rebounds during
post-conflict periods. Perhaps more interesting are the aid-conflict
cross terms. Here we see that economic aid is positively correlated with
growth, and this aid coupled with military assistance correlates with
even greater growth. However, this joint provision appears to be
negatively correlated with growth both in instances of conflict and
periods directly thereafter.
The analysis above raises a number of questions. The primary issue
of course is endogeneity. All the variables used to construct our nation
building measures are potentially endogenous with economic growth.
Perhaps the thorniest relationship is that between economic aid and
growth, because many studies suggest that aid tends not to be doled out
in low-growth environments, and these are perhaps more prone to
conflict. Are nation building activities primarily conducted in
high-growth countries or regimes, or conducted mainly in those regions
already most likely to succeed? If so, we are potentially giving too
much credit to economic aid and military assistance in bolstering
growth. Alternatively, are these types of assistance measures doled out
to more troubled countries or regimes, even after the conflict is over?
If so, we are potentially not giving enough credit to nation building
endeavors in conflict or post-conflict scenarios. Our use of
country-specific fixed effects can help address some but not all of
these concerns.
A. Instrumenting Economic Aid
We perform a two-step estimation procedure to avoid potential
endogeneity surrounding the provision of economic aid. Often aid is
provided for geopolitical considerations (as opposed to strictly
economic considerations). Therefore, we use such geopolitical factors as
instruments for aid flows. In a similar manner to Alesina and Dollar
(2000), we estimate bilateral aid flows using two types of geopolitical
variables. The first measures the extent to which two countries are
politically aligned. The data capture roll-call votes in the United
Nations General Assembly from 1946 to 2008 (Voeten and Merdzanovic
2008). From this, Gartzke creates an "affinity" index which
provides a metric reflecting the similarity on voting positions of pairs
of countries (Gartzke 2010). The intent in using this index is to
capture the idea that aid donors may prefer to contribute resources to
like-minded regimes, or that aid may be used to punish or reward regimes
for voting in particular ways (Carter and Stone 2010).
Furthermore, Alesina and Dollar (2000) and others posit that past
colonial relations can be a strong motivator for current aid giving. The
second type of variable, therefore, measures the colonial relationships
between country pairs, capturing the number of years the aid giver has
or had been a colonizer of the aid receiver. This colonial history is
constructed using data from the CIA World Factbook. Finally, in certain
specifications, we use a measure of the national capability of donors,
published by the Correlates of War project, to provide aid as an
additional explanatory variable (Singer, David, and Stuckey 1972). (16)
As this approach produces many observations with a zero observed
for the dependent variable (slightly more than half of all country-pair
year observations have no measurable aid flows), we estimate a Tobit
model to address the censored nature of aid measures.
B. An IV Approach to Nation Building
Given the discussion above, the first step is to estimate the
following:
(3) In (1 + [aid.sub.hj,t]) = [[beta].sub.h] + [[beta].sub.j] +
[beta]'[x.sub.j,t] + [gamma]'[z.sub.hj,t] +
[[epsilon].sub.hj,t]
where [aid.sub.hj,t] is the aid amount from OECD member h to
recipient country j (in millions of 2008 U.S. dollars). [[beta].sub.h]
and [[beta].sub.j] suggest the potential inclusion of OECD-donor and
OECD-recipient fixed effects. [x.sub.j,t] contains the explanatory
variables from the baseline model for aid recipient j, whereas
[z.sub.hj,t] contains some of the bilateral variables mentioned above,
which directly influences aid flows. Specifically, these variables are:
[z.sub.1,hj,t] = political affinity measure between countries h and
j.
[z.sub.2,hj,t] = former colonizer indicator between aid giver h and
receiver j.
[z.sub.3,hj,t] = current colonizer indicator between aid giver h
and receiver j.
[z.sub.4,hj,t] = number of years former colonizer h had colonized j
(since 1900).
[z.sub.5,hj,t] number of years current colonizer h has colonized j
(since 1900).
[z.sub.6,h,t] = national capabilities index for aid giver h.
Results from this estimation are presented in Table 3. Echoing the
findings of Alesina and Dollar (2000), the similarity of voting behavior
between two nations is a positive predictor of aid giving and/or
receiving. Colonial legacy also can help predict aid patterns, although
this relationship appears to deteriorate slightly over time. Finally, we
observe a positive and highly statistically significant relationship
between the national capability of the donor country and its propensity
to dole out economic aid.
Because there are different ways to specify the first stage, we use
two of the four different specifications shown in Table 3 for
constructing two separate aid estimates. For each specification, we sum
the estimated aid flows across potential OECD donors for each recipient
nation. That is, for estimated [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII] values from the first-stage specification, we calculate
(4) In ([econaid.sub.j]) = ln (1 + [H.summation over
(h=1)][x.sub.hj,t])
where [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and H is
the total number of potential donors to country j. We can then replace
the original aid measures with these summed estimated measures. (17)
Because there are different ways to specify the first stage, we use
and show two of the six different specifications (second-stage findings
are consistent across all first-stage specifications). A comparison of
results when we instrument for aid flows and when we do not is presented
in Table 4. First note that the coefficient on the instrumented aid
variable ([[theta].sub.1]) dramatically falls to insignificance,
ostensibly validating the concerns of some researchers that aid may flow
to already relatively successful regions. However, as we discuss below,
military aid and conflict regime variables are important controls in
such growth regressions. The estimated economic aid-military aid cross
effect remains positive and statistically significant no matter how we
instrument for economic aid ([[alpha].sub.5]). This gives us a fortiori
evidence that economic assistance with military assistance generally has
positive growth effects.
V. GROWTH EFFECTS FROM NATION BUILDING
Wielding these coefficient estimates, we answer two fundamental
questions: does aid affect growth, and does conditional aid affect
growth? As we mention earlier, the latter question directly addresses
our interpretation of growth effects from nation-building activities. We
take each question in turn:
A. Does Economic Aid Affect Growth?
Consider again Equation (2). The partial derivative of
[DELTA][y.sub.j,t] with respect to logged economic aid is as follows:
(5) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].
As we can see from this expression, the interpretation of
[[phi].sub.1] is the partial derivative of [DELTA][y.sub.j,t] with
respect to logged economic aid when conflict = post - conflict =
militaryaid = 0. A t-test for [[phi].sub.1] = 0 is a test of the null of
no growth effects from aid only when there is no military aid or any
conflict. This is a fairly restrictive case.
Rather, to test for no effects of aid on growth overall, we need to
test if ([[phi].sub.1] [[alpha].sub.1], [[alpha].sub.2],
[[alpha].sub.5], [[alpha].sub.6], [[alpha].sub.7]) = (0,0,0,0,0,0). That
is, we need to test for joint significance, using for example an F test.
(18) The null hypotheses of no growth effects from economic aid are
always rejected. (19)
Our results demonstrate the importance of controlling for military
aid and conflict variables when assessing the overall effects of
economic aid on economic performance. This study suggests that such aid
injections interact with military support and conflict regimes in
important and nontrivial ways.
B. Does Conditional Economic Aid Affect Growth?
So if the growth effects from economic aid are nonzero, through
which channel(s) do they operate? Is aid more or less effective when
military assistance is also being given? How do these effects change
during and after conflict? To answer these questions, we are essentially
interested in the effects of economic aid conditional on the presence of
military assistance ([a.sub.2]) and the presence or recent incidence of
conflict ([c.sub.1] or [c.sub.2]). That is, we consider:
(6) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
which jointly assumes that military assistance is being provided
and conflict is occurring, and
(7) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
which jointly assumes that military assistance is being provided
and the country is in post-conflict. To test the significance of the
above partial derivatives require linear restriction tests of the
estimated coefficients. Such tests are necessary to gauge the net
effects of aid given during different periods. (20)
Results from these linear restriction tests are provided in the top
portion of Table 5. While in the uninstrumented case the net effect of
economic aid in the presence of military aid and conflict appears
negative, it is positive when economic aid is instrumented. Furthermore,
without military assistance, economic aid does not appear to produce any
growth effects either during conflict or directly after conflict.
However, the net effects of economic aid assuming military aid is being
given are negative (although not estimated with statistical
significance). These linear restriction tests support our suggestion
that nation building helps growth during conflict but not directly after
conflict. At the very least, they suggest that economic aid in the
presence of military assistance is more effective during conflict
periods than post-conflict periods. Furthermore, while we demonstrate
results only for instrumented 1, results for these linear restriction
tests are similar for all six instrumentations.
How economically significant are these results? Consider the
estimated effect on growth from joint economic aid and military
assistance during conflict: 0.014. This implies that a doubling of
economic aid during a period of military assistance and conflict results
in a roughly 1% rise in overall growth rates. (21) Consider a country
growing at a paltry 1% that is under conflict and receiving military
assistance. A doubling of economic aid in this case would in effect
double its rate of growth.
Given that we do not instrument for conflict regimes and military
assistance, can we hang our hats on these results? We argue yes. First,
as noted above, conflict itself appears to be negatively related to
growth; if anything this potentially biases the estimated effect of
nation building during conflict periods downward. As for military
assistance, it is possible that such help only comes to countries
already with strong growth potential. However, our results in Table 2
suggest that this is unlikely--military assistance is also negatively
related to growth. Thus, we would argue that the estimated positive
growth effects of nation building funds during conflict periods are
fairly conservative.
C. Are There Complementarities between Different Aid Types?
A distinct but related question is whether economic aid and
military assistance tend to complement each other, or if they tend to
crowd each other out. In the context of this study, this is similar to
inquiring over the sign of [[partial
derivative].sup.2][DELTA]y/([partial derivative]ln (econaid) [partial
derivative]military). Again these can be conditionally evaluated for
periods of conflict ([c.sub.1] = 1) or post-conflict ([c.sub.1] = 2). In
other words, we test:
(8) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
for potential complementarities between aid types during conflict,
and
(9) [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
for potential complementarities between aid types during
post-conflict.
Results from these tests are shown at the bottom of Table 5. In
general, there appear to be fairly strong complementarities between
economic aid conditional on military assistance for all periods (based
on estimates for [[alpha].sub.5]). Furthermore, these effects do not
appear to diminish in the presence of conflict (based on estimates for
[[alpha].sub.5] + [[alpha].sub.6]). This may indicate some
complementarities in assistance, meaning that economic aid is more
effective when it is buttressed with military assistance that can
provide security. During post-conflict, however, the conditional effect
of economic aid appears to in fact harm economic growth. These negative
effects are not precisely measured, but still perhaps indicate a type of
crowding out in that economic support may stymie the natural forces of
post-conflict growth. In any case, it appears that the positive
complementarities typically observed for economic aid and military
assistance are greatly weakened directly after conflict periods.
The positive and significant marginal effect from economic aid
conditional on military assistance during conflict may be driven by a
number of factors. As the two types of aid appear to act as complements
during conflict, they may together make other types of external
investments more productive, increasing economic growth. It could be
that military assistance provides the necessary security for economic
aid to work properly, thereby improving the marginal effect of the
economic aid on private investment and economic growth.
It is particularly in the post-conflict scenarios that the
complementary nature of these two types of aid disappears. In
post-conflict environments, this suggests that the security factor
generated from the military assistance becomes less important for the
productivity of economic aid. This lack of complementarity could be
again driven by a number of factors. There may be less of a need for
security during post-conflict, so it does not improve the productivity
of economic aid. Or, perhaps the security of military assistance being
provided is perceived negatively by the citizens in post-conflict
scenarios, so it no longer improves the effectiveness of economic aid.
This is particularly true if military efforts cause disruptions in other
ways, or if it fails to acknowledge special community characteristics
(see e.g., Berman, Shapiro, and Felter 2011).
There are important normative implications in this. Naturally,
there are many reasons why one nation may wish to provide assistance of
some form to another nation. In matters of per capita growth, however,
it appears that a conflict-riddled nation is best served by a
combination of military and economic support. After the conflict, a
persisting military presence may help growth further; economic aid
however should pull out and allow private growth forces to re-emerge on
their own.
D. Military Aid Providers
Finally, we turn our attention to military aid, as questions of
endogeneity may remain concerning the provision of military assistance.
Of course most cases of military aid are not motivated expressly by
economic concerns, but instead by needs to support government or rebel
forces, perform evacuations, or patrol areas (this according to the
providers of the International Military Intervention Dataset). These
efforts may be thought to influence economic prosperity even if they
were not directly motivated by such (or lack of such) prosperity. Still
the endogeneity concern may remain, and we cannot perform a similar
instrumental variable approach for military aid given that instances of
military support are relatively rare and dollar aid amounts are not
available. (22)
Rather, we split the military aid variable into different aid
providers--the United States, nations other than the United States, and
UN peacekeeping troops. We re-estimate Equation (2) still using the
estimated aid measures but now using these more restrictive measures of
military interventions one by one. The reason for doing this is
straightforward. The military and strategic concerns of the United
States arguably were and remain radically different from those of other
countries. It thus stands to reason that the causal channels through
which military aid is administered may differ between the different
potential providers. This may be especially true for UN peacekeeping
missions that may spring from very different motivations. Dobbins et al.
(2008) argue that multilateral organizations such as the United Nations
may have a different approach to nation building than single country
actors. If growth itself influences certain potential military
interventionists to provide support, we should expect very different
results between these different military aid measures.
Results from these estimations are presented in the first three
columns of Table 6. (23) Despite potential differences in motivation for
military intervention, the growth effects from each type of joint
provision are fairly similar. Specifically, in each case it appears that
joint aid provisions are more impactful for growth during conflict
periods than during post-conflict periods. Our estimates on the economic
aid-military aid cross term ([[alpha].sub.5]) are always positive,
whereas estimates on the economic aid-military aid-post-conflict cross
term ([[alpha].sub.7]) are always negative, echoing our overall
findings. While by no means a definitive statement of proof of
causality, these findings do provide a fortiori evidence that joint aid
provisions boost growth, with or without conflict.
Finally, we perform a similar exercise but now split the military
aid variable into "low-level" military support and
"high-level" military support (see Kisangani and Pickering
2008 for definitions and classifications). Roughly two-thirds of all our
military intervention events are characterized as low level. Results
from these estimates are presented in the final two columns of Table 6.
Again qualitative findings remain consistent. Interestingly, the
positive growth effects from joint aid provision (with or without
conflict) appear to be considerably stronger with high-level military
involvement. This makes sense--if we believe that aid provision produces
positive effects for economic development, there is no good reason to
expect positive growth effects from only nominal provisions of military
support.
VI. CONCLUSIONS
Nation building operations occur for many varied reasons, including
attempting to promote the security and stability of strategic regions,
thwarting the spread of terrorism or nuclear weapons or abhorrent
ideologies, protecting natural resource stockpiles, and promoting
democracy. This study suggests that policy makers should consider the
influence on economic growth and development as an important by-product
of these endeavors.
Overall, this analysis has shown that during conflict nation
building can help to increase the economic growth rate of a host nation.
The effects are not extremely strong and not statistically significant
in all specifications. Still, they suggest that a robust intervention of
economic and military support may help an economy in the grips of war.
Once the conflict concludes, the analysis suggests that growth prospects
are strongest with continued military support and receding economic aid.
Excessive aid can in fact hinder the natural rebuilding phase of a
post-conflict nation. Studies which find no evidence that aid helps
countries grow suggest that policy makers need to rethink the entire
apparatus of aid (Rajan and Subramanian 2008). We suggest that an
approach that simultaneously considers conflict and military aid is a
fruitful part of such a rethink.
ABBREVIATIONS
GDP: Gross Domestic Product
OAS: Organization of American States
OAU: Organization for African Unity
doi: 10.1111/ecin.12148
APPENDIX A: DATA SOURCES
This project included a large data collection effort. While most of
the variables have been modified from their original form, all of the
data come from publicly available sources:
1. Penn World Tables: provides data on GDP per capita and
investment share of GDP for 188 countries from 1950 to 2005.
2. World Bank World Development Indicators: provides data on
population growth and education expenditure for 210 regions from 1960 to
present.
3. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Creditor
Reporting System: provides aid data for all 22 donor assistance
countries which include Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
the United Kingdom, and the United States.
4. Uppsala Conflict Data Program-International Peace Research
Institute (UCDP-PRIO) Armed Conflicts Dataset: includes presence of
conflict within a country's territorial borders and number of
battle deaths in a year during a certain conflict. The dataset defines a
conflict as an armed dispute between at least two parties that results
in at least 25 battle-related deaths in a year. One of the parties must
be a government.
5. World Bank Project's Database: provides all grants by the
World Bank, their recipient, and their target sector from 1948 to
present. The dataset includes 10 sectors which were aggregated into 7
sectors.
6. United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Database: records every
location and year of a United Nations peacekeeping operation since 1948.
7. International Military Intervention Dataset: records every
instance when one nation intervenes over the international borders of
another nation from 1946 to 2005, and categorizes the interventions by
level of military involvement and purpose for military operation.
8. U.S. Overseas Loans and Grants: provides data on U.S. foreign
military assistance and economic assistance from 1946 to 2005.
APPENDIX B: NATIONS IN SAMPLE
TABLE B1
Countries Included in Sample
Country Years
Afghanistan 1960-2005
Albania 1960-2005
Algeria 1962-2005
Andorra 1993-2005
Angola 1982-2005
Antigua and Barbuda 1981-2005
Argentina 1960-2005
Armenia 1991-2005
Australia 1960-2005
Azerbaijan 1991-2005
Bahamas 1973-2005
Bahrain 1971-2005
Bangladesh 1971-2005
Barbados 1966-2005
Belarus 1991-2005
Belgium 1960-2005
Belize 1981-2005
Benin 1960-2005
Bolivia 1960-2005
Botswana 1966-2005
Brazil 1960-2005
Brunei 1984-2005
Bulgaria 1972-2005
Burkina Faso 1960-2005
Burundi 1962-2005
Cambodia 1960-2005
Cameroon 1960-2005
Canada 1960-2005
Cape Verde 1975-2005
Central African Republic 1960-2005
Chad 1960-2005
Chile 1960-2005
China 1960-2005
Colombia 1960-2005
Comoros 1975-2005
Republic of the Congo 1960-2005
Costa Rica 1960-2005
Cote d'Ivoire 1960-2005
Croatia 1992-2005
Cuba 1960-2005
Cyprus 1960-2005
Czechoslovakia 1960-1993
Czech Republic 1993-2005
Democratic Republic of Congo 1963-2005
Denmark 1960-2005
Djibouti 1977-2005
Dominica 1978-2005
Dominican Republic 1960-2005
Ecuador 1987-2005
Egypt 1960-2005
El Salvador 1960-2005
Equatorial Guinea 1968-2005
Eritrea 1993-2005
Estonia 1991-2005
Ethiopia 1968-2005
Federated States of Micronesia 1991-2005
Fiji 1970-2005
Finland 1960-2005
France 1960-2005
Gabon 1960-2005
Gambia 1965-2005
Georgia 1991-2005
Germany 1960-2005
Ghana 1960-2005
Greece 1960-2005
Grenada 1974-2005
Guatemala 1960-2005
Guinea-Bissau 1980-2005
Guinea 1960-2005
Guyana 1966-2005
Haiti 1960-2005
Honduras 1960-2005
Hungary 1960-2005
Iceland 1960-2005
India 1960-2005
Indonesia 1960-2005
Iran 1960-2005
Iraq 1960-2005
Ireland 1960-2005
Israel 1960-2005
Italy 1960-2005
Jamaica 1962-2005
Japan 1960-2005
Jordan 1960-2005
Kazakhstan 1991-2005
Kenya 1963-2005
Kiribati 1999-2005
Kuwait 1961-2005
Kyrgyzstan 1991-2005
Laos 1981-2005
Latvia 1991-2005
Lebanon 1986-2005
Lesotho 1963-2005
Liberia 1960-2005
Libya 1960-2005
Lithuania 1991-2005
Luxembourg 1960-2005
Macedonia 1993-2005
Madagascar 1967-2005
Malawi 1964-2005
Malaysia 1960-2005
Maldives 1973-2005
Mali 1960-2005
Malta 1963-2005
Marshall Islands 1991-2005
Mauritania 1960-2005
Mauritius 1968-2005
Mexico 1960-2005
Moldova 1991-2005
Mongolia 1960-2005
Morocco 1960-2005
Mozambique 1975-2005
Myanmar (Burma) 1960-2005
Namibia 1990-2005
Nepal 1965-2005
Netherlands 1960-2005
New Zealand 1960-2005
Nicaragua 1960-2005
Niger 1964-2005
Nigeria 1960-2005
Norway 1960-2005
Oman 1963-2005
Pakistan 1960-2005
Palau 1994-2005
Panama 1960-2005
Papua New Guinea 1963-2005
Paraguay 1960-2005
Peru 1960-2005
Philippines 1960-2005
Poland 1960-2005
Portugal 1965-2005
Qatar 1971-2005
Romania 1960-2005
Russia 1981-2005
Rwanda 1962-2005
Samoa 1976-2005
Sao Tome and Principe 1975-2005
Saudi Arabia 1966-2005
Senegal 1960-2005
Seychelles 1976-2005
Sierra Leone 1961-2005
Singapore 1965-2005
Slovakia 1993-2005
Slovenia 1992-2005
Solomon Islands 1963-2005
Somalia 1963-2005
South Africa 1960-2005
South Korea 1960-2005
Spain 1960-2005
Sri Lanka 1960-2005
St Kitts and Nevis 1983-2005
St Lucia 1979-2005
St Vincent and the Grenadines 1979-2005
Sudan 1960-2005
Suriname 1975-1994
Switzerland 1960-2005
Sweden 1960-2005
Syria 1961-2005
Taiwan 1963-2005
Tajikistan 1991-2005
Tanzania 1961-2005
Thailand 1960-2005
Togo 1960-2005
Tonga 1999-2005
Trinidad and Tobago 1962-2005
Tunisia 1960-2005
Turkey 1960-2005
Uganda 1962-2005
Ukraine 1991-2005
United Arab Emirates 1971-2005
United Kingdom 1960-2005
United States of America 1960-2005
Uruguay 1960-2005
Uzbekistan 1991-2005
Vanatua 1981-2005
Venezuela 1960-2005
Vietnam 1960-2005
Yemen 1960-2005
Yugoslavia 1963-2005
Zambia 1964-2005
Zimbabwe 1965-2005
APPENDIX C: CASES OF NATION BUILDING
TABLE C1
Cases of Nation Building with Multilateral Forces
Country Year Conflict
Afghanistan 2001-2005 Afghanistan War as part of Global
War on Terrorism
Algeria 1963-1964 Algerian-Morocco War
Bosnia and 1993-1996 Bosnian Civil War--Serbian-led
Herzegovina genocide during breakup from
Yugoslavia
Central 1996 Army mutiny leading to ethnic
African violence
Republic
Chad 1980-1982 Chad Civil War, Chad-Libyan
conflict over the Azouza strip
Republic of 1997 First Congolese Civil War between
Congo Congolese military and paramilitary
group
Cote d'Ivoire 2002-2005 Cote d'Ivoire Civil War between the
Forces Nouvelles in north and the
government in the south
Democratic 1978-1979 Shabba II--The Congolese National
Republic Liberation Front invasion of Shaba
of the region
Congo (Zaire)
Democratic 1993-1994 Border spillovers from Rwandan
Republic of genocide
the Congo
El Salvador 1969-1974 Soccer War between Honduras and El
Salvador
El Salvador 1979-1980 Civil Conflict
Eritrea 1998 Eritrean-Ethiopian War
Gabon 1964 Internal coup
Guinea-Bissau 1998 Guinea-Bissau Civil War
Haiti 2004 Rebels against Aristide's
government provoke Civil War
Honduras 1969-1974 Soccer War with El Salvador
concerning territorial border
Indonesia 2004-2005 Ethnic Conflict
Iraq 1991 Gulf War
Iraq 2003-2005 War in conjunction with the Global
War on Terrorism
Kuwait 1990-1991, Iraq Kuwait Conflict
1994
Lebanon 1989 Lebanese Civil War
Liberia 2003 Second Liberian Civil War
Morocco 1963-1964 Algerian-Morocco War
Pakistan 2005 India-Pakistan Conflict
Papua New 1998 Bouganville Revolt by rebel forces
Guinea
Rwanda 1990, 1994 Rwandan Genocide
Sierra Leone 1997 Sierra Leone Civil War
Somalia 1992-1993 Somali Civil War
Sri Lanka 2005 Sri Lankan Civil War
Thailand 1962 Thai/Burmese border conflicts
Vietnam 1965-1972 Vietnam War
Country Year Nations Involved
Afghanistan 2001-2005 Australia, Canada, France, United
Kingdom, United States
Algeria 1963-1964 Ethiopia and Mali under the
auspices of the Organization of
African Unity
Bosnia and 1993-1996 France, Germany, United States
Herzegovina under the auspices of NATO
Central 1996 France. United States
African
Republic
Chad 1980-1982 Organization of African Unity
Republic of 1997 France, United States
Congo
Cote d'Ivoire 2002-2005 France, Germany, United Kingdom,
United States
Democratic 1978-1979 Belgium, France. United Kingdom,
Republic United States
of the
Congo (Zaire)
Democratic 1993-1994 Belgium, France, United States
Republic of
the Congo
El Salvador 1969-1974 Organization of American States
El Salvador 1979-1980 Organization of American States
Eritrea 1998 France, Germany, Italy.
Netherlands, United Kingdom
Gabon 1964 France, United States
Guinea-Bissau 1998 France, Portugal
Haiti 2004 Canada, France, United States
Honduras 1969-1974 Organization of American States
Indonesia 2004-2005 Austria, Japan, Spain, United
States
Iraq 1991 France, United Kingdom, United
States
Iraq 2003-2005 Australia, Denmark, Italy, Japan,
Netherlands, Norway, Portugal,
Spain, United Kingdom, United
States
Kuwait 1990-1991, France, Netherlands, United
1994 Kingdom, United States
Lebanon 1989 France, United States
Liberia 2003 France, United States
Morocco 1963-1964 Organization for African Unity
Pakistan 2005 Australia, United States
Papua New 1998 Australia, United States
Guinea
Rwanda 1990, 1994 Belgium, Canada, France, United
States
Sierra Leone 1997 France, United Kingdom, United
States
Somalia 1992-1993 Canada, France, Italy, United
States
Sri Lanka 2005 United Kingdom, United States
Thailand 1962 Australia, United Kingdom, United
States
Vietnam 1965-1972 Australia, United States
Notes: All conflict data and descriptions are from Uppsala
Conflict Program, Encyclopedia of Conflicts since World War
II, and the Armed Conflicts Database. All military
intervention data are from International Military
Intervention Dataset.
TABLE C2
Unilateral Cases of Nation Building
Country Nation Year Conflict
Australia Cambodia 1997 Coup staged by
Khmer Rouge rebels
Belgium Democratic 1991 Civil War, mutiny
Republic of
the Congo
France Cameroon 1960 Rebel uprisings
(UPC)
France Central 1997 Military coup led
African by Cyriac Souke
Republic
France Central 2003-2005 Rebel uprisings
African led by UFDR
Republic
France Chad 1968-1992 Rebel forces
France Chad 2004-2005 Civil War against
the FUCD
France Comoros 1989 Coup staged by
presidential guard
France Djibouti 1992 Civil War between
government and
FRUD
France Gabon 1965 Military coup led
by Leon M'Ba
France Mauritania 1977-1980 Civil war between
government and
POLISARIO
France Morocco 1960-1962 Reconstruction
after independence
France Morocco 1965-1976 Algerian-Moroccan
War and border
clash
France Rwanda 1993 Rwandan Civil War
and genocide led
by FPR
France Tunisia 1961-1962 Civil War started
by National
Liberation Army
Germany Czechoslovakia 1968-1969 Cold War
Germany Iran 1991 Civil War staged
by People's
Mujahedin of Iran
(MEK)
Germany Sudan 2004 Civil War rebel
factions include
JEM, SLM/A, NDA
Spain Morocco 2002 Territorial
dispute over
island of Ceuta
United Kingdom Kenya 1982 Civil War started
by Mau Mau
United Kingdom Oman 1972-1977 Civil War between
government and
PFLO with help
from People's
Republic of Yemen
United Kingdom Sierra Leone 1998-2002 Civil War, rebel
factions include
AFRC, Kamajros,
and RUF
United Kingdom Yemen 1965-1966 Civil War over
southern areas by
FLOSSY
United States Cambodia 1975 Civil War Khmer
Rouge, Cold War
United States Cambodia 1997 Civil War rebel
factions include
FUNCINPEC and
Khmer Rougue
United States Democratic 1965, 1967
Republic of
Congo
United States Dominican 1961, Civil War after
Republic 1965-1966 1962 elections
negated by
civilian junta
United States El Salvador 1983-1988 Civil War between
government and CNL
United States Guatemala 1987 Rebel factions
URNG
United States Haiti 1994-1995 Operation Uphold
Democracy
United States Haiti 2005 Urban warfare
between Haitian
police, former
Hatian military,
urban gangs, and
armed political
groups
United States Kenya 1982 Military coup led
by Hezekiah Ochuka
United States Kuwait 1996 Iraq-Kuqait
Conflict
United States Laos 1961-1970 Civil War between
Laos government
and Pathet Lao,
Cold War
United States Liberia 1990-1991 Civil War rebel
factions include
INPFL and NPFL
United States Liberia 1996, 1998 Civil War rebel
factions include
INPFL and NPFL
United States Morocco 1976-1978 Civil War led by
POLISARIO
United States Nicaragua 1979 Civil War by rebel
faction FSLN
United States Pakistan 2004 Rebel factions in
Baluchistan led by
the BLA
United States Panama 1989-1990 Military Coup led
by Moises Giroldi
United States Philippines 1989 Civil War
initiated by CPP
and military coup
led by Honasan,
Abenina, and Zumel
United States Sierra Leone 1992 Civil War between
government and RUF
United States Sierra Leone 2001-2002 Civil War rebel
factions include
RUF and WSB
United States Somalia 1994 Civil War rebel
factions include
USC and SNA
United States Sudan 1984-1985 Civil War
instigated by
SPLM/A
United States Thailand 1966-1976 Civil War
instigated by CPT
United States Tunisia 1961-1962 Bizerte Conflict
United States Turkey 1986 Civil War rebel
faction includes
PKK
United States Vietnam 1963-1964 Vietnam War before
other nations join
United States Vietnam 1973-1974 Vietnam War before
and after allied
nations pull out
of war
United Nations Afghanistan 1998 Civil War in
Kashmir provinces
United Nations Algeria 1991-2003 Civil War rebel
factions include
Takfir wa'l Hijra,
AIS, GIA
United Nations Angola 1991-1993, UNITA
1995, 1998
United Nations Bosnia and 1996-2002 Bosnian War,
Herzegovina Bosnian-Serbian
Conflict, genocide
United Nations Burundi 2004 Civil War rebel
factions include
CNDD, Frolina,
Palipehutu-FNL
United Nations Cambodia 1993 Cambodian-
Vietnamese
Conflict
United Nations Central African 1999-2000 Military Coup by
Republic Cyriac Souke
United Nations Croatia 1994-2002 Bosnian War
United Nations Cyprus 1974-1979 Turkish invasion
of Cyprus
United Nations Democratic 1960-1964 Civil War
Republic of
the Congo
United Nations Democratic 2002-2005 Civil War rebel
Republic of factions include
the Congo MLC, RCD, RCD-ML
United Nations Egypt 1967-1978 Egyptian-Israeli
Conflict
United Nations El Salvador 7 1991, 1993, Civil War led by
1995 the FMLN
United Nations Ethiopia 2000-2004 Eritrean-
Ethiopian War
United Nations Georgia 1994-1998 War in Abkhazia,
"Frozen Conflict"
United Nations Guatemala 1992,1997 URNG
United Nations Haiti 1994-1996, Civil War
2005
United Nations India 1961-1981 Indio-Pakistani
Wars
United Nations Iran 1988 Iran-Iraq War
United Nations Iraq 1988 Iran-Iraq War
United Nations Israel 1960-1975 Egyptian-Israeli
Conflict, Israeli-
Syrian Conflict,
Israeli-Jordan
Conflict, Israeli-
Lebanon Conflict
United Nations Jordan 1967 Israeli-Jordan
Conflict
United Nations Jordan 1972 Israeli-Jordan
Conflict
United Nations Lebanon 1977, 1978 Israeli-Lebanon
Conflict
United Nations Lebanon 1993-1995 Israeli-Lebanon
Conflict
United Nations Liberia 2004-2005 Second Liberian
Civil War led by
LURD and Movement
for Democracy in
Liberia
United Nations Morocco 1991-1994 Territorial
dispute with
Polisario Front
over Saharawi Arab
Democratic
Republic
United Nations Mozambique 1992-1994 Civil War against
Renamo Faction
United Nations Nicaragua 1991-1992 Civil War with
FLAA
United Nations Pakistan 1964-1982, Indio-Pakistani
1984-1985 Wars
United Nations Sierra Leone 1998-2000 Civil War
United Nations Sudan 2005 Civil War SPLM/A
and genocide
United Nations Syria 1972-1982, Israeli-Syrian
1984-1985 Conflict
United Nations Tajikistan 1996-2000 Ethinic War and
rebel factions
under United Tajik
Opposition
United Nations Uganda 1993-1994 Civil War
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(1.) This definition of nation building follows from Creasey,
Rahman, and Smith (2012). It differs from other definitions, perhaps
most distinctly from Alesina and Reich (2013), where they define it as
policies intended to foster homogeneity within populations. Our approach
focuses more on the foreign interventionist aspects of nation building.
(2.) See Traub (2010).
(3.) For a full list of nation building operations, see Tabled.
(4.) The conflict-related costs in Afghanistan and Iraq since 2001,
have totaled to roughly 1.3 trillion dollars for the United States
alone--see Belasco (2011).
(5.) See Appendix A for a full description of military financial
assistance.
(6.) Rajan and Subramanian (2008) and Hansen and Tarp (2001)
discuss the potential effects on total factor productivity from the
allocation of foreign aid.
(7.) See the recent meta-analysis of the study by Mekasha and Tarp
(2011) which suggests that aid has generally been good for growth.
(8.) Here we are assuming that capital depreciation and total
factor productivity are similar across nations and therefore absorbed
into the time-specific effects [[zeta].sub.j,t].
(9.) We also included a measure of conflict intensity (captured by
number of battle deaths), which not surprisingly tends to be negatively
related to growth. Inclusion of this variable does not alter our
findings in any meaningful way.
(10.) The UCDP-PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset uses a threshold of 25
battle deaths to define conflict. We utilize a larger threshold to
capture those situations where conflict is strong enough to affect
macroeconomic output. Using a lower threshold however does not alter our
qualitative findings in any meaningful way.
(11.) This is a convention suggested by Collier and Hoeffler
(2002).
(12.) From 1946 to 1988 Pearson and Baumann (1993). From 1989 to
2005 Kisangani and Pickering (2008).
(13.) Due to data restrictions, the nation building includes only
observations in which the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development's (OECD) 22 Donor Assistance Countries (DAC), the
United Nations, the Organization for African Unity (OAU), the
North-Atlantic Treaty Organization, or the Organization of American
States (OAS) execute the construction. For a full list of nation
building operations, see Tables C1 and C2.
(14.) Also see Barro and Lee (2005) for discussion of IMF loan
provision.
(15.) This procedure is similar to the one implemented by Frankel
and Romer (1999). That article uses geographic instruments to identify
the causal effects of trade using a similar two-stage approach of
estimation and aggregation. Specifically, the authors first estimate a
bilateral trade model and aggregate the predicted trade values for each
country. They then use these predicted values to estimate country-level
growth in per capita GDP.
(16.) This index contains six factors pertaining to each potential
donor: total population, urban population, iron and steel production,
energy consumption, military personnel, and military expenditures. The
measure provides information on the potential of the country to give aid
to any region.
(17.) The aggregation of instruments makes standard error
calculations extremely complicated, so all results in Table 4 use
pair-clustered bootstrapped standard errors. This procedure re-samples
the clusters with replacement from the original sample. This is the most
popular bootstrapping approach for panel data, although there are a
number of alternative possibilities (Cameron, Gelbach, and Miller 2008).
Ader, Mellenbergh, and Hand (2008) recommend the bootstrap procedure for
situations when the theoretical distribution of a statistic of interest
is complicated or unknown, as is our case due to the summative nature of
our aid measures. This procedure roughly doubles the errors from
uncorrected standard error estimates.
(18.) The preceding discussion applies the general logic by Balli
and Sorensen (2013) on how to interpret single coefficients in the
presence of interaction effects.
(19.) For all instruments used, tests produce p values less than
0.001.
(20.) As an example, if economic aid in general produces more
growth, while aid provided specifically during times of conflict
diminishes growth, the net effect of aid during conflict could well be
zero.
(21.) To see this, consider that [y.sub.t+T] - [y.sub.t] =
[[beta].sub.0] + [[beta].sub.1][x.sub.t] can be rewritten as
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Thus, if [x.sub.t]
increases by factor F, the ratio [y.sub.t+T]/[y.sub.t] increases by a
factor of [MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. So if F =
2, [y.sub.t+T]/[y.sub.t], increases by a factor of [2.sup.0.014]
[approximately equal to] 1.01. or 1%.
(22.) Roughly 20% of all military interventions in the sample
include the "protection of economic interests" as a stated
objective. Of course the precise nature of this objective remains
unclear (whose economic interest is being protected?), and we also redo
exercises excluding this form of military intervention. Results (not
reported) do not alter in any meaningful way.
(23.) The full set of results of interaction tests are not reported
but are available on request.
ELLYN CREASEY, AHMED S. RAHMAN and KATHERINE A. SMITH *
* The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the authors
and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the U.S.
Department of Defense.
Creasey: Ensign, U.S. Navy, Department of Economics, U.S. Naval
Academy, Annapolis, MD 21402. Phone 410-2936880, Fax 410-293-6899,
E-mail eacreasey@gmail.com
Rahman: Associate Professor, Department of Economics, U.S. Naval
Academy, Annapolis, MD 21402. Phone 410293-6897, Fax 410-293-6899,
E-mail rahman@usna.edu
Smith: Associate Professor, Department of Economics, U.S. Naval
Academy, Annapolis, MD 21402. Phone 4102936882, Fax 2406026718, E-mail
ksmith@usna.edu
TABLE 1
Summary Statistics
No. of
Observations Average SD
Per Capita GDP (2008 $)
Overall 7,126 8575.7 10857.6
Between n = 184 9939.6
Within [bar.T] = 38.7 4372.9
Investment (share of GDP)
Overall 7,126 21.2 13.3
Between n = 184 11.5
Within [bar.T] = 38.7 6.8
Education (average years of
schooling)
Overall 7.126 9.3 5.9
Between n = 184 5.4
Within [bar.T] = 38.7 2.3
Population Growth (annual)
Overall 8,190 .019 0.018
Between n = 184 0.012
Within [bar.T] = 44.5 0.012
Conflict (binary)
Overall 8,667 0.085 0.29
Between n = 184 0.17
Within [bar.T] = 47.1 0.23
Post-conflict (binary)
Overall 8,667 0.053 0.22
Between n = 184 0.07
Within [bar.T] = 47.1 0.21
Economic Aid (mil. 2008 $)
Overall 7,923 239.1 603.2
Between n = 178 421.8
Within [bar.T] = 44.5 427.5
Military Aid (binary)
Overall 7,923 0.070 0.25
Between n = 178 0.15
Within [bar.T] = 44.6 0.20
Instrumented Economic Aid
(mil. 2008 $)
Overall 8,667 53.4 123.8
Between n = 184 98.9
Within [bar.T] = 47.1 71.8
Min Max
Per Capita GDP (2008 $)
Overall 153.4 111622.8
Between 559.7 62754.2
Within
Investment (share of GDP)
Overall -18.8 105.6
Between 3.4 61.5
Within
Education (average years of
schooling)
Overall 0 24.6
Between 0.91 22.1
Within
Population Growth (annual)
Overall -0.55 0.48
Between -0.005 0.085
Within
Conflict (binary)
Overall 0 1
Between 0 1
Within
Post-conflict (binary)
Overall 0 1
Between 0 0.34
Within
Economic Aid (mil. 2008 $)
Overall 0 24517.4
Between 0 3401.2
Within
Military Aid (binary)
Overall 0 1
Between 0 0.67
Within
Instrumented Economic Aid
(mil. 2008 $)
Overall 0 1590.3
Between 0 732.1
Within
Notes: GDP and investment data come from the Penn World Tables
(2009). Education expenditure shares of GDP and population growth
rates come from the World Bank Development Indicators (2009).
Economic aid data come from the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development's Creditor Reporting System (OECD CRS, 2007) and the
World Bank Projects Database (2008). The military assistance data
come from the International Military Intervention Dataset. The joint
Uppsala Conflict Data Program and International Peace Research
Institute (UCDP-PRIO) Armed Conflict Dataset (2009) provides all
conflict-related data. Conflict is a binary variable that captures if
a country incurs at least 100 battle-related deaths within time
period t. Post-conflict indicates whether a conflict occurred within
the preceding 3 years.
TABLE 2
Fixed Effects Estimation with Economic Aid and Conflict Measures
(1) (2)
ln(econaid) -- 0.008 ***
(0.003)
conflict -0.003 0.0006
(0.010) (0.044)
post--conflict 0.005 -0.003
(0.012) (0.035)
ln(econaid) * conflict -- 0.00003
(0.007)
ln(econaid) * post -- 0.002
(0.006)
military -- --
military * conflict -- --
military * post -- --
ln(econaid) * military -- --
ln(econaid) * military * conflict -- --
ln(econaid) * military * post -- --
-0.010 -0.007
(0.009) (0.010)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.044 *** 0.046 ***
(0.017) (0.015)
ln(education/GDP) -0.009 -0.012
(0.007) (0.008)
ln(pop. growth) -0.222 -0.201
(0.426) (0.406)
No. of observations 6,162 5,287
No. of countries 176 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.07 0.07
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.09 0.02
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07 0.06
(3) (4)
ln(econaid) -- 0.008 ***
-- (0.003)
conflict -0.012 -0.042 *
(0.008) (0.024)
post--conflict 0.002 -0.003
(0.011) (0.035)
ln(econaid) * conflict -- 0.006
(0.004)
ln(econaid) * post -- 0.001
(0.002)
military -0.013 -0.072 *
(0.023) (0.042)
military * conflict 0.057 0.332 ***
(0.047) (0.101)
military * post 0.020 0.173
(0.049) (0.113)
ln(econaid) * military -- 0.011 **
(0.005)
ln(econaid) * military * conflict -- -0.050 ***
(0.014)
ln(econaid) * military * post -- -0.029 **
(0.014)
-0.009 -0.006
(0.009) (0.011)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.044 *** 0.045 ***
(0.017) (0.017)
ln(education/GDP) -0.009 -0.011
(0.009) (0.008)
ln(pop. growth) -0.204 -0.155
(0.312) (0.456)
No. of observations 6,162 5,287
No. of countries 176 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.07 0.08
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.10 0.03
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07 0.07
Notes: Dependent variable is ln[y.sub.j](t + T)-ln([y.sub.j](t)).
Figures in parentheses are clustered bootstrapped standard errors.
Year effects not reported. Economic aid is in millions of 2008
dollars. Military is a binary variable that indicates whether or not
military aid is being given. Conflict is a binary variable that
captures if a country incurs at least 100 battle-related deaths
within time period
t. Post-conflict indicates whether a conflict occurred within the
preceding 3 years.
*** Significant at 1%; ** significant at 5%; * significant at 10%.
TABLE 3
First Stage Tobit Estimation of Economic Aid Flows with Donor Fixed
Effects
(1) (2)
UN voting [similarity.sub.ij] 0.36 *** 0.64 ***
(0.03) (0.03)
Former colonizer [indicator.sub.ij] -- --
Current colonizer -- --
[indicatory.sub.ij]
Former years of -- --
[colonization.sub.ij]
Current years of -- --
[colonization.sub.ij]
Donor national capabilities -- --
[index.sub.ij]
ln([GDP.sub.j]) 0 40 0 73
(0.004) (0.08)
ln([GDP.sub.j]/[population.sub.j]) -0.93 *** -1.00 ***
(0.009) (0.07)
ln([investment.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.30 *** 0.25 ***
(0.014) (0.02)
ln([education.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.001 -0.23 ***
(0.01) (0.04)
ln([pop. growth.sub.j]) 5.64 *** 213 ***
(0.41) (0.41)
No. of observations 76,068 76,068
Donor countries 22 22
Donor fixed effects Yes Yes
Recipient fixed effects No Yes
Pseudo [R.sup.2] 0.22 0.29
(3) (4)
UN voting [similarity.sub.ij] 0.45 *** 0.67 ***
(0.03) (0.03)
Former colonizer [indicator.sub.ij] 3.43 *** 3.38 ***
(0.06) (0.05)
Current colonizer 6.30 *** 7.80 ***
[indicatory.sub.ij] (2.72) (2.37)
Former years of -0.03 *** -0.029 ***
[colonization.sub.ij] (0.001) (0.001)
Current years of -0.03 -0.06 *
[colonization.sub.ij] (0.04) (0.03)
Donor national capabilities -- --
[index.sub.ij]
ln([GDP.sub.j]) 0.41 *** 0 71
(0.004) (0.07)
ln([GDP.sub.j]/[population.sub.j]) -0.92 *** -0.98 ***
(0.009) (0.07)
ln([investment.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.29 0.24 ***
(0.01) (0.02)
ln([education.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.02 * -0.19 ***
(0.013) (0.04)
ln([pop. growth.sub.j]) 5.62 *** 2 17
(0.39) (0.39)
No. of observations 76,068 76,068
Donor countries 22 22
Donor fixed effects Yes Yes
Recipient fixed effects No Yes
Pseudo [R.sup.2] 0.22 0.31
(5) (6)
UN voting [similarity.sub.ij] 0.06 ** 0.22 ***
(0.03) (0.03)
Former colonizer [indicator.sub.ij] 3.33 *** 3 29
(0.06) (0.05)
Current colonizer 5.75 ** 7.22 ***
[indicatory.sub.ij] (2.69) (2.34)
Former years of -0.02 *** -0.02 ***
[colonization.sub.ij] (0.001) (0.001)
Current years of -0.03 -0.05
[colonization.sub.ij] (0.03) (0.03)
Donor national capabilities 45.35 *** 427 ***
[index.sub.ij] (1.13) (1.01)
ln([GDP.sub.j]) 0 41 0.61 ***
(0.004) (0.07)
ln([GDP.sub.j]/[population.sub.j]) -0 90 -0.89 ***
(0.009) (0.07)
ln([investment.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.30 *** 0 24
(0.01) (0.02)
ln([education.sub.j/[GDP.sub.j]) 0.03 ** -0.11 **
(0.013) (0.04)
ln([pop. growth.sub.j]) 5.45 *** 2.25 ***
(0.39) (0.39)
No. of observations 76,068 76,068
Donor countries 22 22
Donor fixed effects Yes Yes
Recipient fixed effects No Yes
Pseudo [R.sup.2] 0.23 0.32
Notes: Dependent variable is logged total aid given by a donor
country to a recipient country in a particular year. Figures in
parentheses are standard errors. Donor fixed, recipient fixed, and
year effects not reported.
*** Significant at 1%; "significant at 5%; *significant at 10%.
TABLE 4
Fixed Effects Estimation of Economic Aid and Conflict Measures
with Instruments
Noninstrumented Instrumented 1
ln(econaid) 0.008 *** 0.00003
(0.003) (0.007)
conflict -0.042 * -0.011
(0.024) (0.02)
post-conflict -0.003 -0.003
(0.035) (0.014)
ln(econaid) * conflict 0.006 0.0018
(0.004) (0.003)
ln(econaid) * post 0.001 0.002
(0.002) (0.003)
military -0.072 * -0.05
(0.042) (0.035)
military * conflict 0.332 *** 0.033
(0.101) (0.04)
military * post 0.173 0.11
(0.113) (0.07)
ln(econaid) * military 0.011 ** 0.014 **
(0.005) (0.007)
ln(econaid) * military * conflict -0.050 *** 0.002
(0.014) (0.003)
ln(econaid) * military * post -0.029 ** -0.036 **
(0.014) (0.018)
ln([y.sub.j](t)) -0.006 -0.006
(0.010) (0.009)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.045 *** 0.045 ***
(0.017) (0.018)
ln(education/GDP) -0.011 -0.007
(0.008) (0.009)
ln(pop. growth) -0.155 -0.228
(0.456) (0.42)
No. of observations 5,287 5,290
No. of countries 155 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.08 0.07
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.03 0.10
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07 0.07
Instrumented 2
ln(econaid) -0.0006
(0.005)
conflict -0.014
(0.02)
post-conflict -0.003
(0.02)
ln(econaid) * conflict 0.002
(0.004)
ln(econaid) * post 0.002
(0.004)
military -0.048
(0.032)
military * conflict 0.033
(0.037)
military * post 0.107
(0.07)
ln(econaid) * military 0.013 **
(0.006)
ln(econaid) * military * conflict 0.002
(0.004)
ln(econaid) * military * post -0.033 *
(0.018)
ln([y.sub.j](t)) -0.007
(0.009)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.045 ***
(0.018)
ln(education/GDP) -0.007
(0.007)
ln(pop. growth) -0.226
(0.39)
No. of observations 5,290
No. of countries 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.07
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.10
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07
Notes: Dependent variable is ln[y.sub.j](t + T)--ln[y.sub.j](t)).
Figures in parentheses are clustered bootstrapped standard errors.
Economic aid is in millions of 2008 dollars. Military is a binary
variable that indicates whether or not military aid is being given.
Conflict is a binary variable that captures if a country incurs at
least 100 battle-related deaths within time period t. Post-conflict
indicates whether a conflict occurred within the preceding 3 years.
*** Significant at 1%; ** significant at 5%; * significant at 10%.
TABLE 5
Interpreting the Interactions between Economic
Aid and Military Aid
Noninstrumented Instrumented 1
Marginal effects of economic
aid on growth ([partial
derivative][DELTA]y/
[partial derivative]ln
(econaid)) conditional on
No military aid and conflict 0.014 *** 0.003
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION
NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (.002) (.675)
No military aid and 0.009 ** 0.006
post-conflict [MATHEMATICAL
EXPRESSION NOT REPRODUCIBLE
IN ASCII] (.011) (.338)
Military aid and conflict -0.026 * 0.014 **
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (.062) (.05)
Military aid and -0.009 -0.018
post-conflict (.49) (.17)
[MATHEMATICAL EXPRESSION NOT
REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
Complements or Substitutes
[[[partial derivative].sup.2]
[DELTA]y/[partial derivative]
ln(econaid)[partial derivative]
military]
conditional on
Peacetime [[[??].sub.5]] 0.011 ** 0.014 **
(.043) (.05)
Conflict [[[??].sub.5] +
[[??].sub.6]] -0.040 *** 0.015 ***
(.003) (.01)
Post-conflict [[[??].sub.5] +
[[??].sub.7]] -0.018 -0.021 *
(.16) (.10)
Notes: All estimates derived from linear restriction tests
of estimates from Table 4. Each specific linear restriction
is provided in brackets. Figures in parentheses are p
values. All standard errors are bootstrapped. Economic aid
is in millions of 2008 dollars. Military is a binary
variable that indicates whether or not military aid is being
given. Conflict is a binary variable that captures if a
country incurs at least 100 battle-related deaths within
time period t. Post-conflict indicates whether a conflict
occurred within the preceding 3 years.
*** Significant at 1%; ** significant at 5%; * significant
at 10%.
TABLE 6
Fixed Effects Estimation of Aid and Conflict Measures with
Instruments Alternative Definitions of Military Aid
Non-US UN
US Mil Mil Peacekeeping
In(econaid) -0.001 0.00009 -0.001
(0.004) (0.004) (0.004)
conflict -0.01 -0.01 -0.01
(0.01) (0.01) (0.01)
post-conflict 0.01 -0.001 -0.001
(0.01) (0.01) (0.014)
ln(econaid) * conflict 0.001 0.003 0.002
(0.002) (0.002) (0.002)
ln(econaid) * post -0.002 0.0008 -0.0006
(0.003) (0.003) (0.003)
military 0.023 -0.063 *** -0.044 *
(0.043) (0.015) (0.022)
military * conflict -0.01 0.037 ** 0.034 **
(0.04) (0.018) (0.016)
military * post 0.075 0.112 *** 0.062 ***
(0.062) (0.031) (0.024)
ln(econaid) * military 0.011 0.012 *** 0.011 **
(0.010) (0.004) (0.005)
ln(econaid) * military * 0.007 -0.008 -0.003
conflict (0.011) (0.006) (0.004)
ln(econaid) * military * -0.042 *** -0.031 *** -0.012 *
post (0.017) (0.008) (0.0069)
ln([y.sub.j](t)) -0.007 -0.008 -0.008
(0.006) (0.006) (0.006)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.047 *** 0.046 *** 0.046 ***
(0.004) (0.004) (0.004)
ln(education/GDP) -0.008 -0.008 -0.008
(0.004) (0.004) (0.004)
lnfpop. growth) -0.23 ** -0.21 ** -0.18 *
(0.10) (0.10) (0.10)
No. of observations 5,290 5,290 5,290
No. of countries 155 155 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.07 0.07 0.07
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.10 0.09 0.09
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07 0.07 0.07
Low-Level High-Level
Military Military
In(econaid) -0.0009 -0.0006
(0.004) (0.004)
conflict -0.01 -0.005
(0.01) (0.01)
post-conflict 0.006 0.005
(0.013) (0.012)
ln(econaid) * conflict 0.003 0.0003
(0.002) (0.002)
ln(econaid) * post 0.0001 -0.001
(0.003) (0.003)
military -0.022 -0.147 ***
(0.017) (0.037)
military * conflict 0.052 *** 0.111 ***
(0.019) (0.035)
military * post 0.090 *** 0.186 ***
(0.035) (0.043)
ln(econaid) * military 0.008 * 0.037 ***
(0.0048) (0.01)
ln(econaid) * military * -0.007 0.003
conflict (0.006) (0.011)
ln(econaid) * military * -0.035 *** -0.046 ***
post (0.009) (0.014)
ln([y.sub.j](t)) -0.008 -0.007
(0.006) (0.006)
ln(investment/GDP) 0.046 *** 0.046 ***
(0.004) (0.004)
ln(education/GDP) -0.008 -0.007
(0.004) (0.004)
lnfpop. growth) -0.19 * -0.26 ***
(0.10) (0.10)
No. of observations 5,290 5,290
No. of countries 155 155
[R.sup.2] (within) 0.07 0.08
[R.sup.2] (between) 0.10 0.09
[R.sup.2] (overall) 0.07 0.07
Notes: Dependent variable is ln [y.sub.j](t +
T)-ln([y.sub.j](t)) Figures in parentheses are clustered
standard errors. Economic aid is in millions of 2008
dollars. Conflict is a binary variable that captures if a
country incurs at least 100 battle-related deaths within
time period t. Post-conflict indicates whether a conflict
occurred within the preceding 3 years.
*** Significant at 1%; ** significant at 5%; * significant
at 10%.