Asset returns and economic growth.
Baker, Dean ; Delong, J. Bradford ; Krugman, Paul 等
IT IS DIFFICULT to see how real U.S. GDP growth can be as rapid in
the next half-century as it has been in the last. The baby boom is long
past, and no similar explosion of fertility to boost the rate of labor
force growth from natural increase has occurred since or is on the
horizon. The modern feminist revolution is two generations old: no
reservoir of potential female labor remains to be added to the paid
labor force. Immigration will doubtless continue--the United States is
likely still to have only one-twentieth of the world's population
late in this century and to remain vastly richer than the world on
average--but can immigration proceed rapidly enough to make the labor
force grow as fast in the next fifty years as it did in the past fifty?
Productivity growth, the other possible source of faster GDP growth, is
a wild card: although we find very attractive the arguments of Robert
Gordon for rapid future productivity growth, (1) his is not the
consensus view; this is shown most strikingly by the pessimistic projection of the Social Security trustees that very long run labor
productivity growth will average 1.6 percent a year. (2)
A slowing of the rate of real economic growth raises challenges for
the financing of pay-as-you-go social insurance systems that rely on a
rapidly expanding economy to provide generous benefits for the elderly
at relatively low tax rates on the young. An alternative way of
financing such systems is to prefund them, and for that reason
projections of future rates of return on capital play an important role
in today's economic policy debates. The solutions to many policy
issues depend heavily on whether historical real rates of
return--especially the 6.5 percent or so annual average realized rate of
return on equities--are likely to persist: the higher are likely future
rates of return, the more attractive become policies that, at the
margin, shift some additional portion of the burden of financing social
insurance onto the present and the near future, thus giving
workers' contributions the power to compound over time.
We believe that the argument for prefunding--that slowing economic
growth creates a presumption that the burden of financing social
insurance should be shifted back in time toward the present--is much
shakier than many economists recognize. (3) It is our belief that if
forecasts of slower real GDP growth come to pass, then it is highly
likely that future real returns to capital will likewise be
significantly below past historical averages. In our view the links
between asset returns and economic growth are strong: the algebra of
capital accumulation and the production function and the standard
macrobehavioral analytical models that economists use as their finger
exercises suggest this; arithmetic suggests this as well, for we cannot
see any easy way to reconcile current real bond, stock dividend, and
stock earnings yields with the twin assumptions that asset markets are
making rational forecasts and that rationally expected real rates of
return will be as high in the future as they have been in the past
half-century.
Our basic argument is very simple. Consider a simple chart of the
supply and demand for capital in generational perspective (figure 1).
The supply of capital--the amount of investable assets accumulated by
savers--presumably follows a standard (if probably steeply sloped)
supply curve, (4) with relative quantities of total saving and thus of
capital plotted on the horizontal axis, and the price of capital--that
is, its rate of return--on the vertical axis. The demand for capital by
businesses will, of course, depend on the rate of return demanded by the
savers who commit their capital to businesses: the higher this required
rate of return, the lower will be business demand for capital--and the
more eager will businesses be to substitute labor for capital in
production. The demand for capital by businesses depends on many other
factors as well, from which we single out two:
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
--The rate of growth of the labor force. Labor and capital are
complements. A larger labor force for firms to hire from will raise the
marginal product of capital for any given level of the capital stock,
making businesses more willing to pay higher returns in order to get
hold of capital.
--The rate of improvement in the economy's level of
technology. Better technology--also a complement to capital--will boost
business demand.
What is the effect of a slowdown in economic growth--through either
a fall in the rate at which the labor force grows, or a fall in the rate
at which technology and thus equilibrium labor productivity increase--on
this equilibrium? Assume that these changes do not affect the saving
behavior of the accumulating generation: (5) then they affect only the
demand curve and not the supply curve. Each of these shocks moves the
demand curve leftward: having fewer workers reduces the marginal product
of capital and hence firm demand for capital; slower productivity growth
does the same. The equilibrium capital stock falls, and the rate of
return that savers can demand, while still finding businesses willing to
invest what they have saved, falls as well. Slower economic growth
brings with it lower real rates of return.
We make our case as follows. After first laying out what we see as
the major issues to be resolved, we discuss how the algebra of the
production function and capital accumulation suggests that rates of
return and rates of growth are strongly linked. We then analyze the
standard, very simple, macrobehavioral models that economists use to
address these issues and find that they, too, lead us to not be
surprised by a strong positive relationship between economic growth and
asset returns. We then turn to the arithmetic: starting from current
bond, stock dividend, and stock earnings yields, we find it
arithmetically very difficult to construct scenarios in which asset
returns remain at their historic average values when real GDP growth is
markedly slowed.
Next we turn to what we regard as the most interesting possibility
for escape from this bind. In the late nineteenth century, slower growth
in the British economy was accompanied by no reduction in returns on
British assets, as Britain exported capital on a scale relative to the
size of its economy never seen before or since. Could the United States
follow the same trajectory? Yes. Is it likely to? Not without a huge
boost to national saving.
Before concluding, we turn to a brief analysis of the equity
premium. Much argument and some analysis of the dilemmas of the U.S.
social insurance system point to the large historical value of the
equity premium in America as a potential source of excess returns. We
argue, however, that once one has conditioned on the level of the
capital-output ratio, returns on balanced portfolios in the long run
depend only on the physical return to capital and the margins charged by
financial intermediaries. (However, attitudes toward risk do affect the
long-run capital-output ratio.) They do not depend on the equity premium
or the price of risk.
We conclude that if economic growth over the next century falls as
far as envisioned by forecasts like those in the 2005 Social Security
trustees' report, then it is not very likely that asset returns
will match historical experience. If the stock market today is
significantly overvalued and about to come back to earth, if the
distribution of income undergoes a significant shift away from labor and
toward capital, or if the United States massively boosts its national
saving rate and runs surpluses on the relative scale of pre-World War I
Britain, for more than twice as long as Britain did--then a real GDP
growth slowdown need not entail a significant reduction in asset
returns. But these seem to us to be possible, not probable, scenarios,
and not the central tendency of the distribution of possible futures
that is a real economic forecast.
Issues
The United States is in all likelihood undergoing a minor
demographic transition: from a twentieth century in which the
population's rate of natural increase was high, to a twenty-first
century in which, many suspect, fertility will be at or below levels
consistent with zero population growth. This will translate into a
slowdown in growth in labor input. From 1958 to 2004, total hours worked
in the economy grew at 1.5 percent a year as the entrance of the
baby-boomers--male and female--and their successors into the labor force
vastly outweighed a decline in average hours worked. The Social Security
Administration's 2005 trustees' report projects that hours
worked will grow at only 0.3 percent a year from 2015 through 2045. (6)
Meanwhile some economists--although far from all--are projecting a
slowdown in productivity growth] The Social Security Administration
foresees economy-wide labor productivity growing at only 1.6 percent a
year in 2011 and thereafter. In contrast, between 1995 and 2004
economy-wide labor productivity grew at 2.5 percent a year, between 1990
and 2004 it grew at 2.0 percent a year, and between 1958 and 2004 at 1.9
percent a year. (8) Thus, less than a decade from now, the Social
Security forecasters at least see a significant change in both key
factors in economic growth: a fall of 1.2 percentage points a year in
the rate of growth of labor input, and a fall of between 0.3 and 0.9
percentage point, depending on whether one takes the long 1958-2004 or
the short 1995-2004 baseline, in labor productivity growth. The total
growth slowdown forecast to hit in a decade or less is thus in the range
of 1.6 to 2.2 annual percentage points of real GDP.
What implications will this growth slowdown--if it comes to
pass--have for asset values and returns? One position, taken implicitly
by the Social Security Administration and explicitly by others, (9) is
that there is no reason to expect asset returns to be lower in the
future. Whereas U.S. economic growth is determined by productivity
growth and labor force growth in the United States, U.S. asset returns
are determined by time preference, the intertemporal elasticity of
substitution in consumption, and attitudes toward risk, all in a global
economy. Why should they be connected? Thus, we hear, past asset
performance is still the best guide to future returns.
We take a contrary position. Yes, safe asset returns are equal to
the marginal utility of saving, stock market returns equal safe asset
returns plus the cost of bearing equity risk, and the United States is
part of a world economy. Yes, economic growth is equal to productivity
growth plus labor force growth. But only in the case of a small open
economy with fixed exchange rates are asset returns determined
independently of the rate of economic growth. In a large open economy,
they are jointly determined and will be linked. (10)
Perhaps an analogy will be helpful. In international trade, the
trade balance is the difference between what exporters are able to sell
abroad and home demand for imports. In international finance, the trade
balance is the difference between national saving and national
investment. How can this be? Why should a change in exporters'
success at marketing abroad change either national saving or national
investment? Great confusion has been caused throughout international
economics over how, exactly, to think of the connection. We believe that
claims that national economic growth is unconnected with asset returns
reflect a similar failure to grasp the whole problem.
This is an important issue to get straight now, because the
relative attractiveness of pay-as-you-go versus prefunded social
insurance systems depends to some degree on the gap between the return
on capital r and the rate of real economic growth n + g, the sum of the
rate of growth of employment n and the rate of growth of labor
productivity g. If we are willing to be simple Benthamites, with a
social welfare function that shamelessly makes interpersonal comparisons
of utility, the argument is straightforward. The higher is the rate of
economic growth n + g relative to the return on capital r, the more
attractive do pay-as-you-go social insurance systems become. When n + g
approaches r, pay-as-you-go systems appear to be very cheap and
effective ways of increasing social welfare by passing resources down
from the rich and numerous future to the poorer and less numerous
present. By contrast, the larger is r relative to n + g, the greater are
the benefits of prefunding social insurance systems. Prefunded systems
can use high rates of return and compound interest to reduce the wedge
between productivity and after-contribution real wages. They thus
sacrifice the possibility of raising social welfare by moving wealth
from the richer distant future to the near future and the present, but
in return they gain by reducing the social insurance tax rate and thus
its deadweight loss. And whenever we make utilitarian arguments other
than those of pure Pareto-preference for why one set of policies is
superior to another set, we are all, in our hearts, secret Benthamites.
Thus, to the extent that the political debate over the future of
social insurance in America is conducted in the language of rational
policy analysis, getting the gap between r on the one hand and n + g on
the other hand right is important. Policies predicated on a false belief
that r is much larger relative to n + g than it is will unduly burden
today's and tomorrow's young people and will leave many
disappointed when returns on assets turn out to be less than anticipated
and prefunding leaves large unexpected holes in retirement financing.
Policies predicated on the belief that n + g is higher relative to r
than it is pass up opportunities to lighten the overall tax burden and
still provide near-equivalent income security benefits in the long run.
Algebra
Let us begin by distinguishing a number of different rates of
return. In this paper we use r to stand for a physical gross marginal
product of capital, and we assume that it is the product of a
Cobb-Douglas production function:
(1) r = [alpha]Y/K.
We distinguish this physical capital rate of gross profit r from
the net rate of return on a balanced financial portfolio [r.sub.j] and
from the net rate of return on equities [r.sub.e].
Only under the assumptions of constant depreciation rates [delta],
constant financial markups, and a constant price and amount of risk is
the mapping among these three straightforward. Toward the end of this
paper we briefly consider the equity premium, but otherwise we assume
that depreciation rates, financial markups, and other factors that could
vary the wedges between r, [r.sub.f], and re are unimportant. Thus we
will move back and forth between these three different rates of return:
things that raise or lower the return on stocks will also raise or lower
the return on bonds and (after the capital stock has adjusted) the
physical marginal product of capital as well.
Robert Solow studied a constant-returns Cobb-Douglas production
function with [alpha] as the returns-to-capital parameter, and with Y,
K, L, and E as aggregate output, the capital stock, the supply of labor,
and the level of labor-augmenting technology, respectively: (11)
(2) Y = [K.sup.[alpha]][(EL).sup.1-[alpha]].
Assume constant rates of labor force growth n, of labor-augmenting
technical change g, of depreciation 8, and of gross saving s. In the
closed-economy case, in which all of domestic capital K is owned by
domestic residents and in which all of national saving goes into
increasing the domestic capital stock, we know that, along a
steady-state growth path of the economy,
(3) K/Y = s/n + g + [delta]
This tells us that, along such a growth path,
(4) r = [alpha](n + g + [delta]/s)
If permanent shocks that reduce n + g cause the economy to transit
from one steady-state growth path to another, the rate of return on
capital falls, with the change in r being
(5) [DELTA]r = ([alpha]/s)([DELTA]n + [DELTA]g).
As long as [alpha] is greater than or equal to s--that is, as long
as the economy is not dynamically inefficient (12)--the reduction in r
will be greater than one for one. From this algebra we would expect the
roughly 1.5-percentage-point reduction in the rate of real GDP growth
forecast by the Social Security Administration to carry with it a
greater than 1.5-percentage-point reduction in r.
These are steady-state results. How relevant are they for, say, the
seventy-five-year standard forecast horizon used in analyses of the
Social Security system? In the Solow model the capital-output ratio
approaches its steady-state value at an exponential rate of -(1 -
[alpha])(n + g + [delta]), which, at historical values, is roughly 3.6
percent a year. That closes half the gap to the steady-state
capital-output ratio in twenty years. After seventy-five years the
capital-output ratio has closed 93 percent of the gap between its
initial and its steady-state value.
In this simple Solow setup, only three things can operate to
prevent a permanent downward shock to n + g from reducing r. Perhaps the
depreciation rate [delta] could fall. We have been unable to think of a
coherent reason why a reduction in labor force growth n or labor
productivity growth g should independently carry with it a reduction in
[delta]. (However, the reduction in r could plausibly carry with it an
extension of the economic lives of equipment and buildings, and so bring
about a partly offsetting fall in 8 that would moderate the decline in
r.) Or perhaps the production function could shift to increase the
capital share of income [alpha].
Last, perhaps a permanent downward shock to n + g could also bring
about a reduction in the saving rate s. If it were the case that
(6) ds = -(s/n + g + [delta])(dn + dg),
then the rate of return r would be constant. There is a reason to
think that a fall in n would carry with it a reduction in s: an economy
with slower labor force growth is an aging economy with relatively fewer
young people and, presumably, if the young do the bulk of the saving, a
lower saving rate. (A decline in g, however, would tend to work the
other way: the income effect would tend to raise s.)
Analysis
Are the effects just discussed plausibly large enough to keep the
rate of return on capital constant at the rate of economic growth? To
assess that, we need to model saving decisions, which requires moving
from algebra to model-based analysis.
The Ramsey Model
We move now from Solow to Ramsey-Cass-Koopmans. (13) Consider a
version of this Ramsey model in which the representative household has
the following utility function:
(7) [[infinity].summation over t = 0][(1 + [beta]).sup.-t]
(U([C.sub.t]))[N.sup.1-[lambda].t],
where [beta] is the pure rate of time preference, C, is consumption
per household member, and N, is the number of members of the
representative household, growing according to
(8) [N.sub.t+1] = (1 + n)[N.sub.t],
where n now measures growth in the size of the household. In the
standard Ramsey model setup as presented by David Romer, (14) the
parameter [lambda] equals zero, so that the household utility function
becomes
(9) [[infinity].summation over t=0][(1 +
[beta]).sup.-t](U([C.sub.t]))[N.sub.t].
This choice drives the result that changes in labor force growth do
not have long-run effects on steady-state capital-output ratios or rates
of return. But, to us at least, this assumption seems artificial. If it
is indeed the case that the utility function is that specified in
equation 9, then the more members of the household, the merrier:
household utility is linear in the number of people in the household but
suffers diminishing returns in consumption per capita. A household with
this utility function, provided it has control over its own fertility,
would choose to grow as rapidly as possible; that would be the way to
make individual units of consumption contribute as much as possible to
total household utility. It seems reasonable to allow X to be greater
than zero and so have a utility function with diminishing returns both
with respect to household consumption per capita and with respect to
household size.
There is yet another reason to be uncomfortable with the assumption
that [lambda] = 0. If the term "golden rule" were not already
taken in the growth theory literature, we would use it here, for
[lambda] = 0 requires that those household members making decisions in
period t love others (the new household members joining in period t + 1)
as they love themselves. They assemble the household utility function by
treating the personal utility that others receive in the future from
their consumption per capita as the equivalent of their own personal
utility. Since we cannot call this the "golden rule," we
instead call it perfect familial altruism. If 1 > [lambda] > 0,
there is imperfect familial altruism: those making decisions in period t
care about the personal utility of extra family members in period t + 1,
but not as much as they care about their own.
And if [lambda] = 1, decisionmakers in period t act as if they care
only about their own personal utility. We are comfortable with altruism;
we are uncomfortable with perfect familial altruism.
To the extent that changes in population growth are due to changes
in rates of international migration, the assumption that [lambda] = 0 is
not defensible. The representative agent in period t would then regard
the future-period utility of unrelated strangers of different
nationality who migrate into the country on an equal footing as her own
utility, or the utility of her direct descendants. (15)
In this version of the Ramsey-Cass-Koopmans model, the first-order
condition for the representative household's consumption-saving
decision is
(10) U'([C.sub.t])d[C.sub.t] = [(1 + n).sup.1-[lambda]]/(1 +
[beta])U'([C.sub.t+1])d[C.sub.t+1].
If the household faces a net rate of return on financial
investments of [r.sub.f] then
(11) 1 [r.sub.f]/1 + n d[C.sub.t] = d[C.sub.t+1],
because resources in period t + 1 must be split among more members
of the expanded household.
For log utility we then have
(12) [C.sub.t+1]/[C.sub.t] = [(1 + n).sup.-[lambda]] (1 +
[r.sub.f])/ (1 + [beta]).
Along the economy's steady-state growth path, with consumption
per worker growing at the rate of labor augmentation g, this becomes
(13) [r.sub.f] = (1 + g)[(1 + n).sup.[lambda]](1 + [beta]) - 1.
and in the continuous-time limit,
(14) [r.sub.f] = [beta] + g + [lambda]n.
Looking across steady-state growth paths, one sees that reductions
in the rate of output growth per worker g reduce [r.sub.f] one for one
in the case of log utility. (They reduce [r.sub.f] by a multiplicative
factor [gamma] of the change in g in the case of
constant-relative-risk-aversion utility: U([C.sub.t]) =
[([C.sub.t]).sup.1 - [gamma]]/[1 - [gamma]].) Reductions in the rate of
labor force growth n also reduce [r.sub.f], except in the case of
[lambda] = 0. If 1 > [lambda] > 0, slower rates of labor force
growth reduce [r.sub.f], but less than one for one. And if [lambda] = 1,
decisionmakers in period t are not altruistic at all: they act as if
they care only about their own personal utility, and reductions in n
reduce [r.sub.f] one for one--the same amount as do reductions in g.
The Ramsey model converges to a balanced-growth path, and this plus
the assumption of a representative agent is sufficient to nail down the
relationship between economic growth and asset returns. In the steady
state, consumption per capita is growing at rate g, and so the relative
marginal utility of consumption per capita one period into the future is
(15) [(1 + [beta]).sup.-1][(1 + g).sup.-1]
in the case of log utility. And the rate at which consumption per
capita can be carried forward in time is
(16) (1 + [r.sub.])[(1 + n).sup.-1].
To drive the rate of return on capital [r.sub.f] away from
(17) [r.sub.f] = (1 + g)[(1 + n).sup.[lambda]](1 + [beta])-1
requires that the consumption of those agents who are marginal in
making the consumption-saving decision in period t grow at a rate
different from that of growth in consumption per capita. This requires
heterogeneous agents. And the simplest suitable model with heterogeneous
agents is the Diamond model.
The Diamond Model
In the overlapping-generations model of Peter Diamond, (16) each
agent lives for two periods, works and saves when young, and earns
returns on capital and spends when old. Thus, for a given generation
that is young in period t, their labor income per worker when young
[w.sub.t], their consumption per worker when young [c.sub.yt], their
consumption per worker when old [c.sub.ot + 1], the net rate of return
on capital [r.sub.t+1], and the economy's capital stock per worker
in the second period [k.sub.t+1] are all linked:
(18) [w.sub.t] = [c.sub.yt] + [k.sub.t+1]
(19) [c.sub.ot+1] = (1 + [r.sub.t+1])[k.sub.t+1].
With a Cobb-Douglas production function, output per (young) worker
when the period-t generation are young--in period t--is
(20) [y.sub.t] = [E.sup.1 - [alpha].sub.t] [([k.sub.t]/1 +
n).sup.[alpha]],
where E is our measure of the efficiency of labor, growing at
proportional rate g each period, and where (1 + n) appears in the
denominator because n is the rate of population growth per generation.
With this production function, labor income is a constant fraction of
output per worker,
(21) [w.sub.t] = (1 - [alpha])[y.sub.t],
and the real return on capital will be the residual, capital
income, divided by the capital stock:
(22) [r.sub.t] = [alpha][y.sub.t]/[k.sub.t] = [alpha] [E.sup.1 -
[alpha].sub.t][k.sup.[alpha] - 1.sub.t]/ [(1 + n).sup.[alpha] - 1].
Once again take time-separable log utility for our utility
function,
(23) ln([c.sub.yt]) + ln([c.sub.ot + 1])/1 + [beta]
and look for steady states in capital per effective worker by
requiring that
(24) [k.sub.t] = [E.sub.t][k.sup.*].
From this we get the following steady-state first-order condition:
(25) 1/[c.sub.yt] = (1 + r)/(1 + [beta]) 1/[c.sub.ot + 1].
The model can be solved by substituting in the budget constraint,
(26) 1/[(1 - [alpha])[E.sup.1 - [alpha].sub.t][([k.sub.t]/1 +
n).sup.a] - [k.sub.t + 1] = (1 + r)/(1 + [beta]) 1/(1 + r)[k.sub.t + 1],
to get
(27) 1/[1 - [alpha]/1 + g[([k.sup.*]/1 + n).sup.[alpha]] -
[k.sup.*] = 1/ (1 + [beta])[k.sup.*],
which leads to
(28) [k.sup.*] = [((1 - [alpha])/(1 + g)[(1 + n).sup.[alpha]] (2 +
[beta])).sup.(1/1 - [alpha])]
Recalling that r = ([alpha][k.sup.*[alpha]-1)/[(1 +
n).sup.[alpha]-1], we have
(29) r = ([alpha](1 + g)(1 + n)(2 + [beta])/(1 - [alpha])).
In this equation, the lower the rate of productivity growth g, and
the lower the rate of labor force and population growth n, the lower is
the rate of return on capital r.
Conclusion
Thus, in the Diamond overlapping-generations model as well as in
the Ramsey model and the Solow model, slower economic growth comes with
lower net returns on capital. In the Ramsey model, there is reason to
think that reductions in labor productivity growth have a greater effect
on rates of return than do reductions in labor force growth:
--In the basic Solow algebra, the reduction in gross returns r is
proportional to ([alpha]/s) times the reduction in growth.
--In the Diamond model, the reduction in net returns [r.sub.f] is
equal to 2[alpha]/(1 - [alpha]) times the reduction in labor
productivity growth g and, to a first approximation, equal to
2[alpha]/(1 - [alpha]) times the reduction in labor force growth n.
--In the Ramsey model, the reduction in [r.sub.f] is equal (with
log utility) to the reduction in labor productivity growth g and, to a
first order, to [lambda] times the reduction in labor force growth n
(where [lambda] is the degree to which familial altruism is imperfect).
At some level, the same thing is going on in all three setups.
Reductions in economic growth in these setups are all declines in the
rate of growth of effective labor relative to the capital stock provided
by previous investment. Effective labor becomes relatively scarcer and
capital relatively more abundant. The terms of trade move against
capital, and so the return to capital falls.
Why, then, does a fall in labor force growth not reduce rates of
return in the Ramsey model in the case of perfect familial altruism,
[lambda] = 0? Because a reduction in population growth also reduces the
utility value of moving consumption forward in time--an important
component of the value of saving in the Ramsey model with perfect
familial altruism comes from the possibility of dividing the saving
among more people in the future and thus escaping the diminishing
marginal utility of consumption. Thus the marginal household utility of
saving falls in the Ramsey model when population growth falls. This fall
reduces the effective supply of capital by as much as the fall in the
rate of population growth reduces the effective supply of labor. To the
extent that a slowdown in economic growth is driven by a reduction in
the rate of immigration, this representative-agent effect in the Ramsey
model is not an effect that we want the model to have: perfect familial
altruism is not an assumption that anyone would wish to make.
These models say that there is some economic reason to believe that
a slowdown in economic growth would carry a reduction in asset returns
with it. These models are the standard models that economics graduate
students and their professors use routinely. They are oversimplified.
They are abstract. They are ruthlessly narrow in their conceptions of
human motivation and institutional detail. Are they relevant to the real
world? Are they telling us something that we should hear when we try to
forecast the long-run future?
Arithmetic
Is it possible to imagine scenarios in which asset returns remain
close to their historical averages even when real GDP growth slows
markedly? Yes. Are any such scenarios plausible forecasts in the sense
of being the central tendency of a distribution of possible futures? We
believe not. In this section we conduct some simple arithmetic exercises
to make our case.
Earnings and Returns
Jeremy Siegel believes that stocks are "in the middle range of
fair market value" and that therefore the current earnings yield of
5.45 percent is a "good long-term estimate of real returns."
(17) The sum of dividend payouts, net buybacks, and investment financed
by net retained earnings must add up to 5.45 percent of today's
stock values. (18) Returns to investors are payouts--dividends and net
buybacks--plus the value of investments financed by net retained
earnings.
Firms, which have traditionally paid out, on average, roughly 60
percent of their accounting profits through dividends and buybacks and
rely on retained earnings to finance a substantial share of any increase
in their capital stock, have little room to boost risk-adjusted returns
by massively expanding payouts, unless they can do so without crippling their earnings growth--that is, unless a good deal of today's
retained earnings are wasted. Firms similarly have little room to boost
risk-adjusted rates of return on their equity by cutting back on
payouts, unless there are very large wedges between rates of return on
retained and reinvested earnings and rates of return in the market--that
is, unless firms have been massively underinvesting. Current earnings
yields thus suggest that the stock market is in accord with the logic of
our algebra and analysis: it is not anticipating the average real return
on the stock market of 6.5 percent a year or so realized over the past
half century.
But reported accounting earnings are not true Haig-Simons earnings
(that is, equal to the amount that can be consumed from earnings without
changing wealth). (19) There is good reason to believe that returns on
retained earnings are higher than market returns. (20) And it is at
least plausible that the wedge between market returns and returns on
retained earnings depends on the rate of economic growth: faster growth
means higher demand and greater profits if returns to scale are
increasing. So the argument that earnings yields do not support high
expected equity returns needs to be shored up by an explicit look ahead
at how payouts and values might evolve. (21)
Dividend Yields, Returns, and Growth
Begin with the identity that is the Gordon equation for equity
prices:
(30) P = D/[r.sub.e] - g,
where D are the dividends paid on a stock or an index of stocks, P
is the corresponding price, [r.sub.e] is the expected real rate of
return on equities, and g is the expected permanent real growth rate of
dividends. This is a standard way to approach the determinants of equity
prices as a whole. (22) In this framework the real rate of return on
equities is
(31) [r.sub.e] = D/P + g.
Returns on an index of stocks differ from the current dividend
yield plus the growth rate of economy-wide corporate earnings for two
important reasons:
--First, g will be less than the growth rate of economy-wide
corporate earnings because those earnings are the earnings of newly
created companies that were not in the index last period. Corporate
earnings are a return to entrepreneurship as well as capital; hence the
rate of growth of economy-wide earnings will in general outstrip that of
the earnings of the companies represented in a stock index.
--Second, dividends are not the only way firms pump cash to
shareholders. Stock buybacks decrease the equity base and thus push up
the rate of growth of the earnings on the index (as opposed to the
earnings of the companies in the index).
It is convenient to think of both of these factors as affecting the
payout ratio rather than the growth rate, and to replace equation 31
with
(32) [r.sub.e] = D + B/P + g,
where B is net share buybacks (buybacks less initial public
offerings), and g is now the growth rate of D + B. (23)
The 2005 report of the Social Security trustees projects a long-run
real GDP growth rate of 1.8 percent a year on a GDP deflator basis. (24)
It projects that labor and capital shares will remain constant in the
long run. (25) With a long-run gap of 0.3 percentage point between the
consumer price index (CPI) and the GDP deflator, (26) and with an
auxiliary assumption that capital structures are in balance, this is an
implicit forecast that the variable g in the Gordon equation will be 1.5
percent a year. Current dividend yields on the Standard and Poor's
(S&P) 500 index are 1.9 percent a year. Current net stock buybacks
are 1.0 percent a year. The sum of these is 4.4 percent a year, which is
thus the expected real rate of return r in the Gordon equation. That is
significantly lower than the 6.5 percent real rate of return that is the
historical experience of the American stock market.
Possible Ways Out
Are there ways to escape from this arithmetic of earnings and
payouts? Yes. The U.S. economy is not on a steady-state growth path.
Three potential ways out seem most worth exploring:
--Perhaps the stock market is currently overvalued and will
decline, significantly raising payout yields.
--Perhaps payout growth will be unusually rapid in the near term
before slowing to its long-term forecast trend rate of 1.5 percent a
year.
--Perhaps the distribution of world investment will shift in a way
that allows U.S. companies to earn greater and greater shares of their
profits abroad.
Diamond argues for the first possibility. (27) A decline in the
stock market, relative to the economy's growth trend, of 40 percent
would carry payout yields up to the 5.0 percent consistent with a
long-run real return of 6.5 percent a year and real profit and dividend
growth (on a CPI basis) of 1.5 percent a year. Such a scenario is
certainly possible: it was the stock market's experience between
the late 1960s and the early 1980s. But we have a hard time seeing it as
the central tendency of the distribution of possible futures. (28)
The second possibility requires payouts--both dividends and net
stock buybacks--to grow rapidly in the near term to validate a
subsequent real growth rate of 1.5 percent a year and a current expected
real return of 6.5 percent a year. If such growth were to be
concentrated in the next decade, the real payouts of the companies in
the S&P index would have to grow at an average of 8.6 percent a
year. Over the past fifty years the earnings on the S&P index have
grown at an average rate of 2.1 percent a year. It could happen: perhaps
we are in the middle of a permanent shift in the distribution of income
away from labor and toward capital. But, once again, we regard these as
unlikely scenarios, not as the central tendency of the distribution of
possible futures that is a rational forecast.
The third way out is the one that we regard as the most interesting
possibility. We take it up in the next section.
The Open-Economy Case
In any open economy the steady-state Gordon equity valuation
equation is as before, except that the rate of growth is not that of the
domestic corporate capital stock g but that of the capital stock owned
by American companies, [g.sub.k]:
(33) [r.sub.e] = D + B / P + [g.sub.k].
If foreign companies, on net, invest in America--that is, if the
United States on average runs a current account deficit--then the rate
of growth of the earnings of American companies in our domestic stock
market index will be slower than the rate of growth of economy-wide
earnings and of real GDP. The open economy will then deepen rather than
resolve the problem of combining slow expected growth with high expected
returns. If instead it is American companies that, on net, invest
abroad, then the rate of growth of the capital stock, and thus of the
earnings of companies in the index, will exceed the rate of growth of
the domestic economy g.
How much larger? If we look over spans of time long enough for
adjustment costs in investment not to be a major factor, the value of
the capital stock will be proportional to the size of the capital stock.
(29) If we assume in addition that companies maintain stable debt-equity
ratios, we have
(34) [g.sub.k] = g + x (Y/K),
where x is that component of the current account surplus (as a
share of GDP) that corresponds to American companies' net
investments abroad, (30) and Y/K is the ratio of current output to
corporate capital.
Here, again, we return to arithmetic. Our rate of return on
equities is
(35) [r.sub.e] = D + B / P + g + x (Y/K).
From the previous section this is
(36) [r.sub.e] = 4.4% + x (Y/K).
Assuming a capital-output ratio of 3, we then have
(37) x = 3([r.sub.e] - 4.4 percent).
In words: for any excess of the rate of return on equities over the
closed-economy benchmark case of 4.4 percent a year, three times that
figure is the current account surplus associated with net corporate
investment overseas needed to produce the higher return.
Note that, for a constant rate of return, the needed surplus grows
over time. In equations 34 through 36, Y/K is not the physical domestic
output-to-capital ratio; it is the ratio of domestic output to total
capital owned by American companies--including capital overseas. As
overseas assets mount, the needed surplus for constant payout yields
mounts as well.
Such enormous current account surpluses are possible. Great Britain had them in the quarter-century before World War I, when it ceased to be
the workshop of the world and became for a little while its financier.
(31) Slowing economic growth in the late Victorian and Edwardian eras
and reduced investment relative to national saving were cause (or
consequence, or possibly both) of the direction of Britons' saving
and of British companies' investment overseas. We see no signs that
the United States will undertake a similar trajectory over the next
several generations. And we are impressed by the scales involved: to be
consistent with current payout yields, and given a forecast real GDP
growth rate of 1.8 percent a year, to achieve 6.5 percent annual returns
on equity the current account surplus produced by American net corporate
investment abroad would have to begin at 6 percent of GDP and grow
thereafter.
Could such large outward levels of net corporate investment abroad
be consistent with relatively balanced overall trade--in other words,
could they be offset by large net portfolio investment inside the United
States? Not without additional forces at work. The reason is that the
open-economy saving-investment relation,
(38) S - NX [equivalent to] I,
(where NX is net exports) is an identity. Consider the three uses
that such large inward portfolio investments could have:
--They could be used to purchase securities newly issued by
American businesses to finance investment in the United States. The flow
of inward portfolio investment would add as much to domestic investment
as the outward-directed flow of corporate investment would have
subtracted. There would be no slowdown in the rate of growth of the
domestic capital stock. Thus the rising domestic capital-output ratio
would push down rates of return at home. Since foreigners are making
these large portfolio investments in the United States, this fall in
domestic rates of return would be associated with a similar fall in
foreign rates of return as well.
--They could be used to purchase securities newly issued by
American businesses to finance investment abroad. In this case, gross
foreign direct investment by domestic firms would have to be large
enough not only to absorb the difference between domestic investment and
domestic saving, and so slow down the rate of growth of the domestic
capital stock, but also to neutralize the portfolio capital inflow. We
are thus back to square one.
--They could be used to purchase already-existing assets from
Americans, who then do not reinvest the proceeds either in expanding the
domestic capital stock or in further funding American investment abroad,
but instead consume the proceeds. (32) This means massive dissaving on
the part of those who sell their assets to foreigners: a large fall in
S. Once again, we see a possible scenario but not the central tendency
of the distribution of possible futures that would constitute a
forecast.
The Equity Premium
Economists do not have a good explanation of the equity premium.
Rajnish Mehra and Edward Prescott titled their well-known paper
"The Equity Premium: A Puzzle," for good reason. (33) Stocks
have outperformed fixed-income assets by more than 5 percentage points a
year for as far back as records go. As Martin Feldstein, former chairman
of the Council of Economic Advisers, has often said, it is as if the
market's attitude toward systematic equity risk were that of a rich
sixty-five-year-old male with a not-very-healthy lifestyle, whose doctor
has told him that he is likely to live less than a decade. Yet we
believe that properly structured markets should--and can--mobilize a
much deeper set of risk-bearers with a much greater risk tolerance. That
they do not appear to have done so is a significant mystery. We find
ourselves persuaded by Mehra that the equity premium remains a puzzle,
unexplained by rational agents in models that maximize individual
utility. (34)
It is quite possible that a substantial part of the equity premium
is a thing of the past, not the future. (35) In the distant past the
fear of a recurrence of the railroad and other "robber baron"
scandals, and in the more recent past the memory of the Great
Depression, kept some investors excessively averse to stocks. In
addition, the United States has had remarkably good economic luck--a
point stressed by Robert Shiller. (36) And, over time, as people
realized that their predecessors had been excessively fearful of equity
risk, rising price-dividend ratios pushed a further wedge between stock
and bond returns. But today our arithmetic projects stock returns of 4.4
percent a year, for an equity premium of perhaps 2.5 percentage points,
not 5.
To the extent to which this past behavioral anomaly was the result
of an excessive fear of stocks and an excessive attachment to bonds, it
is not clear that its erosion should have an impact on the expected
return on a balanced portfolio. The simplest, crudest, and most
extremely ad hoc model of the equity premium would embed the
stock-versus-bond investment decision in the simplest possible
Diamond-like overlapping-generations model, with the capital stock each
period being the wealth accumulated when young by the old, retired
generation. Assume that each generation, when it saves, invests a share
[e.sub.h] of its savings in equities and a share 1 - [e.sub.h] in bonds.
Firms, however, are unhappy with such a capital structure. Unwilling to
run a significant risk of bankruptcy, they are unwilling to commit less
than a share [e.sub.f], where [e.sub.f] > [e.sub.h], of their payouts
to equity. A smaller cushion--in the sense that a smaller cyclical decline in relative profits would run the risk of missing bond payments
and drawing an appointment with a bankruptcy court--is simply
unacceptable to entrenched managers.
If a physical unit of saving when one is young yields returns to
physical capital r when one is old, the rates of return on equity and
debt, [r.sub.e] and [r.sub.d], respectively, are then calculated as
(39) 1 + [r.sub.e] = (1 + r)([e.sub.f]/[e.sub.h])
(40) 1 + [r.sub.d] = (1 + r)(1 - [e.sub.f]/1 - [e.sub.h]),
with the equity premium being
(41) 1 + [r.sub.e]/1 + [r.sub.d] = [e.sub.f]/(1 - [e.sub.f])/
[e.sub.h]/(1 - [e.sub.h]).
In this excessively simple framework, it does seem highly plausible
that (1 + [r.sub.e])/(1 + [r.sub.d]) has fallen with greater household
willingness to hold equity, because of institutional changes (such as
revisions of the "prudent man" rule, the growth of IRAs and
401(k)s, and lower transactions costs associated with stock trading),
the fading memory of 1929, two decades of fabulous bull markets, and
increased financial sophistication on the part of households.
Thus, even if there were no reasons connected with slowing growth
to expect lower returns on capital, one might well anticipate lower
returns on equity in the future than in the past. And past decades have
seen institutional changes that one would expect, from a behavioral
perspective, to boost the share of financial assets channeled to
equities. (37)
A lower rate of return on the assets in a balanced portfolio has
powerful implications for economic policy. A lower equity premium seems,
to us at least, to have powerful implications for one issue, namely,
whether the stock market's apparent failure to mobilize
society's risk-bearing capacity is a large-scale market failure,
and whether a government-run social insurance scheme can and should
attempt to profit from (and thus repair) this failure to mobilize
society's risk-bearing resources. The government has the greatest
ability of any agent in the economy to manage systematic risk. If other
agents are not picking up their share--and if, as a result, there are
properly adjusted excess returns to be earned by the government's
taking a direct position itself or assuming an indirect position by
reinsuring individuals' social insurance accounts--why should the
government not do so?
The difference between, broadly speaking, the economists of the
coasts and the economists of the interior is that the first specialize
in thinking up clever schemes to repair apparent market failures,
whereas the second specialize in thinking up clever reasons why apparent
market failures are not really so. Even though we are from the coasts,
we find enough reasons to believe that the equity premium will be
smaller in the future than in the past to prefer that attempts to
exploit it be implemented slowly and gingerly.
Conclusion
We see strong reasons to think that, over the long run, rates of
return on assets are correlated and causally connected with rates of
economic growth. We would expect the reduction in asset returns to be
greater for a given reduction in productivity growth than for an equal
reduction in labor force growth. We think that reductions in asset
returns could be offset and even neutralized by other factors--by
capital expropriating some of what has been labor's share of
income, by a failure of today's stock market values to soberly
reflect likely future returns rather than irrational exuberance, or by
the United States cutting its consumption beneath its production for
generations and following Britain's pre-World War I trajectory as
supplier of capital to the world. But we see these as unlikely (although
possible) scenarios. We do not see any of them as the central tendency
of the distribution of possible futures that is a proper economic
forecast. And although a combination of partial moves in each of the
three directions could achieve the result, we see no good reason to
presume that such a scenario is likely.
We see the two strands of our argument--our arithmetic
demonstration that equity returns as high in the future as in the past
are unlikely, and our analytical arguments that rates of return and
rates of growth are likely to move together--as reinforcing each other.
Returns must be consistent with the saving decisions of households, the
investment decisions of firms, and the technologies of production. But
returns must also equal payout yields plus capital gains--only in stock
market bubbles can capital gains diverge widely from economic growth,
and then only for a little while.
Powerful economic forces work to make sure that what the
economy's behavioral relationships produce is consistent with its
equilibrium flow-of-funds conditions. That is the logic that applies
here: if slower economic growth reduces the arena for the profitable
deployment of capital, rates of return will fall until less capital is
deployed. By how much will they fall? Until--in steady state--payout
yields plus retained earnings are equal to profits, and retained
earnings are no larger than the sustainable growth of the capital stock
permits.
Comments and Discussion
N. Gregory Mankiw: This paper by Baker, DeLong, and Krugman is
really three papers in one. The first paper is a straightforward review
of how population growth affects the return to capital in standard
models of economic growth. The second paper is a discussion of what
return one should expect for the stock market in the coming decades,
given current measures of valuation. The third paper offers some
ruminations about the equity premium.
What links the three papers is their motivation. President Bush has
called for reform of the Social Security system. According to the Social
Security actuaries, the system faces large unfunded liabilities. That
conclusion, however, is based on a projection that includes much slower
labor force growth (and thus economic growth) than the United States has
experienced historically. This raises the question of what
rate-of-return projections should be assumed as the nation considers
possible reforms.
When evaluating reform proposals, the Social Security
Administration uses a projected real annual return on equities of 6.5
percent (which, given the trustees' assumption about the risk-free
rate, implies an equity premium of 3.5 percent). Paul Krugman has
written elsewhere that "a rate of return that high is
mathematically impossible unless the economy grows much faster than
anyone is now expecting." (1) This three-in-one paper began as an
attempt to justify that assertion. I will discuss each of the three
papers in turn, before addressing the policy motivation.
POPULATION AND GROWTH THEORY. The first paper in this paper reviews
several standard neoclassical growth models. The aim is to see what
these models predict for the relationship between population growth and
the rate of return to capital.
The Solow growth model gives a clear answer to this question:
slower population growth lowers the rate of return. Because the saving
rate is fixed, slower population growth raises the steady-state
capital-labor ratio, which in turn means a lower marginal product of
capital. The Diamond model gives a similar answer, at least for the
functional forms assumed here.
The Ramsey model, however, leads to a very different conclusion. In
that model the saving rate adjusts so that the rate of return is
invariant to the population growth rate. This adjustment of the saving
rate is economically intuitive: if there are going to be fewer people in
the future, we need to save less for the future.
This conclusion is the essence of the analysis presented in a 1990
Brookings Paper called "An Aging Society: Opportunity or
Challenge?" written by David Cutler, James Poterba, Louise Sheiner,
and Lawrence Summers. (2) They used a standard Ramsey model to argue
that, "the optimal policy response to recent and anticipated
demographic changes is almost certainly a reduction rather than an
increase in the national saving rate." I should note that national
saving is currently low by historical standards, but I will not suggest
that this is necessarily the "optimal policy response" that
Cutler and his coauthors were proposing.
Realizing that the Ramsey model does not support the main
contention of the paper, Baker, DeLong, and Krugman propose a new but
unpersuasive generalization of it. The authors claim that the standard
Ramsey model is one of "perfect familial altruism." That is
not how I would describe it. Even the standard Ramsey model includes
discounting, so that my utility is weighted more heavily than that of my
children and grandchildren. What the proposed generalization does is
make the effective discount rate for future utility depend on the
population growth rate. When population growth slows, the effective
discount rate falls, and this fall in the discount rate blunts the
decline in the saving rate that occurs in the standard Ramsey model.
Is this generalization appealing? Not to me. As the parent of three
children, I can attest that one of the things parents do when child N is
born is to assure the N - 1 children that they will be loved just as
much. The generalization of the Ramsey model proposed here is, in
essence, a denial of this claim.
In the end it is clear that the tools of modern growth theory lead
to an ambiguous answer about how population growth affects the return to
capital.
One can write down textbook models in which the two variables move
together (the Solow model), and one can write down models in which they
do not (the Ramsey model). The natural response to this theoretical
ambiguity is to muster evidence, either from time-series data or from
the international cross section, about the actual effect of population
growth. This paper, however, presents no evidence one way or the other.
Perhaps that is a subject for a future Brookings Paper.
STOCK MARKET VALUATION. The second paper in this paper discusses
the expected return on the stock market. The authors begin with the
observation that the current average earnings yield is 5.23 percent a
year, which is about a percentage point lower than the historical
average. As a result, they expect future stock returns to be lower than
historical averages as well.
I give some weight to this piece of evidence. It is possible that
the Social Security Administration's assumption of 6.5 percent a
year for equity returns is about a percentage point too high. The
risk-free rate assumption of 3 percent a year may also be about a
percentage point too high, as judged by current yields on long-term
inflation-indexed bonds. The equity premium of 3.5 percent, however,
seems about right.
After observing the earnings yield, the authors consider stock
market valuation from the perspective of the famous Gordon formula,
according to which the expected return on a share of stock equals the
current dividend yield plus the projected growth rate of dividends per
share. Although the Gordon formula has a long and venerable tradition, I
don't think it provides a particularly edifying approach here. For
a neoclassical economist, the starting point for thinking about the role
of dividends in stock valuation is the classic Modigliani-Miller
theorems, which tell us that the dividend payout is irrelevant to the
value of the firm. It seems unnatural for purposes of stock valuation to
focus on the level and growth of a variable that, to a first
approximation, does not matter.
If the dividend yield is approximately irrelevant, as Modigliani
and Miller tell us, then it is easy to imagine that it could undergo a
major change in the years to come. Looking ahead, it seems plausible to
me that dividend payouts broadly construed could rise significantly. If
we are about to experience a period of slower economic growth because of
demographic change, then firms might well have fewer profitable
investment opportunities and, as a result, might decide to pay out a
larger percentage of their earnings. There are several ways this could
occur. One possibility is by increasing normal dividends or share
repurchases. Another is through corporate reorganizations. Corporate
managers might find cash takeovers and acquisitions more profitable than
internal expansion. Cash purchases of other businesses take money out
the corporate sector and are, in essence, a form of share repurchases.
They are another way to increase dividends, broadly construed.
OPEN-ECONOMY STOCK VALUATION. The authors then consider a related
open-economy issue. Is it possible, they ask, for growth in dividends to
significantly exceed growth in the domestic economy because corporations
are investing and earning profits abroad? They suggest that this is
unlikely, on the apparent ground that it would require something
implausible about capital flows. I am not convinced.
Suppose that General Electric, seeing fewer profitable investments
in the United States, uses some of its earnings to buy a factory in
China. That represents a capital outflow from the United States and a
current account surplus, which I think is what the authors have in mind.
But consider what the Chinese former owners of the factory, who now have
dollars from the deal, might do with them. One possibility is that they
buy U.S.-produced goods, which would indeed mean a current account
surplus for the United States. Another possibility is that they buy U.S.
assets. They might even buy stock in General Electric or be given GE
stock as part of the transaction. In this case General Electric can
diversify abroad while the United States has balanced trade.
Here is one scenario that seems plausible to me. With much of the
rest of the world, such as China and India, growing so rapidly, U.S.
companies will increasingly find profitable opportunities abroad. At the
same time, foreigners will increasingly invest in U.S. companies, which
will be among the driving forces behind global growth. Under this
scenario an increasing share of the earnings of U.S. corporations could
come from abroad, without any obvious implications for the U.S. current
account.
The authors conclude that this is a "possible scenario but not
the central tendency," but they do not cogently explain how they
reach this conclusion. At least we can agree it would be a mistake to
call this scenario "mathematically impossible."
THE EQUITY PREMIUM. Let me turn now to the last paper in this
paper, which concerns the equity premium. Here the authors give us a
model that is creative, bizarre, or vacuous, depending on your point of
view.
Most analysis of the equity premium begins with the premise that it
has something to do with the trade-off between risk and return. Not so
in this model. Here the household sector decides exogenously what
fraction of wealth to put in equities, and the corporate sector decides
exogenously what fraction of the capital return to pay out to equity
holders. From these two exogenously determined shares, the equity
premium emerges.
The model reminds me of John Kenneth Galbraith's worldview.
Households are not sufficiently intelligent to make portfolio decisions
based on risk and return. Corporate managers are sufficiently immune to
market forces that they divide up the economic pie however they see fit.
If I took this model seriously, it would do more than inform my view of
the equity premium. It would shake my faith in corporate capitalism!
But there is a less dramatic way to view this part of the paper.
Perhaps the equations presented here should be viewed less as behavioral
descriptions and more as accounting identities. If this interpretation
is right, then I am at a loss about what purpose these equations serve.
They do not seem readily adapted to calibration, to gauge how the equity
premium has changed over time. I am comfortable with the authors'
suggestion that the equity premium may be smaller in the future than it
has been in the past because institutional changes have made the
spreading of risk more efficient. But this model does not shed much new
light on this familiar conjecture.
IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL SECURITY REFORM. Let me close with a few
words about Social Security reform. The authors were drawn to this set
of topics because they think it is central to the debate over the
president's reform proposal. I disagree.
There are two elements to the president's proposal. First, the
president wants to eliminate the system's unfunded liabilities by
bringing promised benefits into line with the dedicated payroll tax revenue. Various ideas for doing this have been put on the table, such
as raising the retirement age and changing indexation rules. Second, the
president wants to give workers the option of converting some of their
defined-benefit retirement income from Social Security into a defined
contribution, which would be placed in a personal account and invested
in a broadly diversified portfolio of stocks and bonds.
Reasonable people can disagree about the merit of these proposals.
I made the case for the president's proposals as I see it in a
recent article in the New Republic. (3) The case for reforming benefits
is that the government should not promise more than it has the
wherewithal to pay. The case for moving Social Security from a
defined-benefit to a defined-contribution structure is that it gives
individuals more choice and control over their retirement income and the
government greater transparency in its finances. These arguments are not
based on any particular estimate of the average return to capital or of
the equity premium. I don't think the key issue in the debate over
Social Security is whether, over the next century, the risk-free annual
return will be 1 or 3 percent, or whether the equity premium will be 2
or 4 percent. So even if I agreed with the arguments raised in this
paper and lowered my estimates of rates of return, it would not change
my mind about the need to reform Social Security or the kinds of reforms
that are desirable.
I would guess that, in their hearts, the authors agree with me
about this. To see if I am right, I would like them to ponder the
following question: Suppose that, next week, the stock market falls by
50 percent, so that dividend and earnings yields double. Would Baker,
DeLong, and Krugman suddenly change their minds and favor President
Bush's proposal for Social Security reform? I suspect they would
not. If I am right, this suggests that although the paper raises some
interesting questions about the future of asset returns, as far as the
debate over Social Security goes, it is largely a non sequitur.
(1.) "Many Unhappy Returns," New York Times, February 1,
2005.
(2.) Cutler and others (1990).
(3.) "Personal Dispute," The New Republic, March 21,
2005.
William D. Nordhaus: What are the prospective returns on stocks?
This is a question with multi-trillion-dollar stakes, and so it is
always of much interest to many people. It has recently become a
political as well as an economic question with the proposal by the Bush
administration to introduce private (or personal) accounts as a
component of Social Security pensions. This paper by Baker, DeLong, and
Krugman argues that the returns assumed in the Bush
administration's calculations are too high, that historical returns
do not provide a reliable benchmark for future returns, and that
structural changes to the U.S. economy are likely to lower returns in
the future. The last act of the political-economic drama is missing from
this play, however, for the authors do not discuss in any detail the
consequences of their findings for Social Security.
My comments are primarily directed to the question of estimating
the prospective long-run returns to equity. There are several approaches
to this question. One is to examine historical returns. Estimates here
are highly dependent on the time period. A second approach, which the
paper uses, is based on the Gordon equation. This approach is difficult
to apply because it relies on price-per-share data, ignoring the fact
that the number of shares can change over time.
To provide some perspective, I will look at the
"fundamental" return on stocks by examining the rate of return
on corporate capital, using different approximations. Before going down
this road, two caveats should be mentioned. First, the returns data
customarily examine the returns to nonfinancial domestic corporations.
This component of profits is, unfortunately, a declining share of
corporate profits as measured in the national accounts. After making up
around 85 percent of corporate profits in the decade after World War II,
the share of the domestic nonfinancial sector has declined to slightly
over 50 percent in the last three years. The second shortcoming in using
national accounts data is that there are major accounting differences
between reported book profits and national accounts profits. (1) Book
profits contain several inappropriate items (such as gains on pension
plans), whereas national accounts profits are more comparable over time
but are limited to income earned on domestic production. Moreover,
neither concept is conceptually equivalent to a measure of true income.
My table 1 shows several measures of the returns to capital based
on national accounting data on nonfinancial corporations. The first
column presents a first approximation, the real rate of return after
tax, measured as total property return divided by the replacement or
market value of real assets. Total property return includes both
interest and profits after corporation taxes in the numerator, with the
current value of fixed capital, software, inventories, and land in the
denominator. According to this first approximation, the return to
capital averaged 6.1 percent a year over the 1960-2004 period. The
return in 2004 was slightly above the long-term annual average, at 6.9
percent.
A second approximation would take into account the cyclical nature
of profits. I have taken a very simple approach, using as a cyclical
variable the difference between the actual unemployment rate and the
Congressional Budget Office's estimate of the
non-accelerating-inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU). The cyclical
term in the regression is significant and explains some of the peaks and
troughs of the rate-of-return series but does not change the long-term
picture. Most important for my purposes is that the latest year (2004)
shows a cyclically corrected rate of return of 7.0 percent a year, also
slightly above the long-term average (second column in table 1).
A third approximation would take into account that Q (the ratio of
the market value of capital to its replacement cost) may differ from 1.
This is controversial in financial economics, with some economists
holding that a Q ratio that differs from 1 is not possible because of
the fine arbitrage of markets. Readers who believe that can simply skip
the discussion of this third approximation. Baker, DeLong, and Krugman
assume that Q (by which I think they mean average Q) equals 1, but it is
worth thinking about what difference it would make to the results.
Incorporating a nonunitary Q into the prospective returns analysis
is complicated, but I discussed the essence of the matter in an earlier
Brookings Paper. (2) That paper examined several cases, but the most
interesting is the one in which Q fluctuates, because of animal spirits or irrational exuberance, and then reverts to 1 at an exponential rate
of 10 percent a year (a rate consistent with historical data). The third
column of table 1 shows an estimate of Q for nonfinancial corporations,
and the fourth column shows the prospective return under the reversion model of the behavior of Q. The Q-adjusted and cyclically adjusted
prospective return in 2004 was 7.2 percent a year. As it turns out, this
makes very little difference to the estimate using 2004 data, because Q
was very close to 1 for 2004. It would have made a substantial
difference at the peak of the stock market bubble in 2000 or at the
trough of irrational malaise in the 1970s and early 1980s.
A final calculation would look at the Standard and Poor's
earnings-price ratio (last column of table 1). Ignoring accounting and
coverage differences, the earnings-price ratio should equal the
after-tax rate of return on capital divided by average Q. This
relationship is reasonably close for the entire 1960-2004 period.
However, the two approaches provide quite different answers for 2004.
The ratio for 2004 was 4.9 percent. The implicit Q in the Standard and
Poor's returns is seriously inconsistent with the national accounts
estimates just presented: to get the same rate of return would require a
Q ratio of 1.44. I suspect most of the difference is due to differences
in sectoral coverage. Financial corporations have a much higher rate of
return to capital than nonfinancial corporations, and the share of
financial corporations has risen in recent years. As a result the
implicit Q will be higher for the Standard and Poor's calculations,
which includes financial firms. Overall, this look at the
"fundamentals" suggests a prospective return of around 7
percent a year starting from a base year of 2004.
The above analysis of prospective returns assumes more or less
unchanged underlying conditions. The major thrust of the paper, however,
is to examine the impact of potential structural shifts on the rate of
profit and hence on the rate of return on equities. The authors note
correctly that most closed-economy models would predict a decline in the
rate of profit with a decline in the growth of labor inputs or of
labor-augmenting technological change, all else unchanged.
The authors' discussion of rates of return in an open economy
raises more questions than I can answer. However, at least two
developments could well raise the return on equities. The first is the
impact of correcting the U.S. current account imbalance. Virtually every
study of this issue (including those in the present volume) suggests
that at some point the dollar is in for a big real depreciation. Such a
depreciation would be expected to raise domestic profits as well as
provide capital gains on foreign assets. A second and more complicated
issue involves the potential opening of foreign economies to U.S.
capital. That process has begun but is by no means complete. It may turn
out that opening foreign markets would raise the potential return on
foreign investment, which would be part of U.S. stock returns.
The final point I would emphasize concerns uncertainty. The fact is
that we cannot precisely estimate the prospective return on stocks. The
authors' estimates are serious ones. Their analysis concludes that
the appropriate estimate for future real returns is 4 1/2 percent a
year, less 1 or 2 percentage points should a slowdown occur. My
estimates suggest something more like 7 percent a year, with an
uncertain adjustment for future changes. These are central tendencies,
even before taking into account inherent variabilities. It may be
possible to reduce this factor-of-two uncertainty, but I doubt it.
Given the inherent uncertainty, policies should be robust to a
significant range of possible outcomes. Policies should also be
intrinsically robust--that is, able to withstand a financial meltdown without causing a political meltdown. I suspect that a pension system
where (as is increasingly the case) most private pensions and a
substantial part of public pensions are defined-contribution plans is
not politically robust to two or three decades of plausibly low returns.
In the end, I may not agree with all of the authors' numbers
and analyses. But I do agree with their central conclusion, slightly
restated: Given the uncertainty about the prospective equity premium,
policymakers should be very hesitant to base major public policy
programs such as Social Security on the continued existence of a large
equity premium and high stock returns in the future. Those who design
policies should be able to answer the following questions: What would be
the economic results if returns were at the low end of the plausible
range? Who will compensate those who realize low or negative returns?
And how will that compensation occur?
General discussion: Several panelists commented on the substantial
uncertainty surrounding forecasts of population, output, and rates of
return for the long horizons relevant to Social Security. Robert Gordon
declared himself highly skeptical of the prediction by the Social
Security trustees, adopted by the authors, of a substantial long-term
decline in U.S. economic growth caused by a decline in both population
and productivity growth. In particular, he doubted the official
assumption that immigration will remain constant, so that immigrants are
projected to make up a declining share of the population. According to
historical experience, even without illegal immigration, immigration as
a fraction of the population has increased steadily since about 1955,
and the number of immigrants arriving annually has been growing at a
rate between 3 and 4 percent a year. Moreover, Gordon expected
substantial increases in U.S. income and therefore a steady increase in
the demand for immigrants, as well as no shortage of supply. He noted
that the conservative assumption in his Fall 2003 Brookings Paper made a
large difference in the outcome. In particular, that paper shows that,
if annual immigration does no more than rise gradually over the next
twenty years from its current 0.4 percent of the population to 0.5
percent, the total U.S. population seventy-five years from now will be
610 million, instead of 425 million as currently projected. The implied
population growth rate is 1 percent rather than 0.3 percent as Baker,
DeLong, and Krugman assume.
Gordon also believed the trustees' projected decline in
productivity puts too much weight on the dismal years of growth from
1973 to 1995. Dean Baker agreed, noting that the trustees use average
productivity growth in the last four completed business cycles to make
their projections, thus ignoring the recent strong performance. Gordon
observed that productivity growth in the past twenty, fifty-five, or
eighty years has been substantially higher than the official
projections. He also noted that, as long as benefits are indexed to
wages, a reduction in productivity growth automatically reduces Social
Security obligations.
Discussion turned to the authors' predictions of lower rates
of return on equity investment, conditional on slower growth of
population and productivity. Henry Aaron suggested that, with slightly
higher assumptions about immigration and total factor productivity
growth and a modestly lower saving rate, the rate of return would not
fall much below its historical average of about 6.5 percent a year. He
did not think this an implausible combination of events. Olivier
Blanchard agreed that there is substantial uncertainty about future
rates of return and that Aaron's scenario is possible. But he
thought it wise to worry about the adverse tail of the distribution of
outcomes. He viewed the paper as arguing simply that there is a
significant risk that growth rates will be low and that it is precisely
in those cases that investment in equities, whether in the Social
Security trust fund or in private accounts, will be disappointing.
William Brainard supported the life-cycle model as the framework
for analyzing the effect of demographic changes on saving, much
preferring it to the assumption of infinitely lived families in the
Ramsey model. But, although he found the authors' use of the
two-period life-cycle model clarifying, he wished they had drawn on the
extensive literature that examines more realistic versions of the model
and estimates empirically the effects of changes in birth rates, life
expectancy, and immigration on saving.
Martin Baily thought it important to distinguish between the rate
of return on domestic assets and the return on the U.S. stock market.
Foreign earnings are important to U.S. corporations and the U.S. stock
market: in the past ten years or so, U.S. companies have been quite
successful at earning high rates of return overseas, even though the
rate of return on foreign capital in general is lower than the return on
capital in the United States. They are able to do this because of
proprietary technology and better management methods, advantages that,
Baily warned, may not persist. He noted that the other large, mature
industrial regions, Japan and Europe, have even lower birth rates than
the United States, as does China. These dramatic demographic trends
overseas are going to play an important role in the return on capital
within a global context.
William Brainard likewise emphasized the distinction between
domestic and national capital stocks and the importance of taking into
account likely changes in global saving. In the authors' analysis,
growth in the domestic labor force affects the rate of return on the
domestic capital stock, including capital owned by foreigners as well as
capital owned by U.S. investors. U.S. investors, on the other hand, hold
claims on the returns on capital abroad, both through their ownership of
U.S. multinational firms and through their ownership of
foreign-headquartered firms. Brainard amplified Baily's comment
about global trends, noting that the reduction in saving required to
maintain the rate of return on capital in the face of reduced U.S. labor
force growth was similar in magnitude to net foreign investment in the
United States today. Gradual elimination of that capital inflow, in the
absence of increases in national saving, would largely avoid the capital
deepening that, in the authors' analysis, forces down the return to
capital.
Aaron agreed with Gregory Mankiw that Social Security solvency and
Social Security privatization are two distinct issues. Aaron argued,
however, that privatization as proposed by the administration would
significantly aggravate the solvency problem, increasing the projected
seventy-five-year deficit by slightly more than a third from the level
projected by the actuaries. Aaron also believed the plan posed
significant risks to individuals: In the administration's proposal,
what matters far more than the average long-range rate of return over an
individual's lifetime is the return over the final years of the
individual's working life. A significant market decline just before
a worker retires or becomes disabled could be devastating to that
worker. Aaron believed acceptance of so great a risk was inconsistent
with the fundamental purpose of social insurance. Benjamin Friedman commented that the pros and cons of privatization would make for an
interesting debate regardless of whether Social Security has unfunded
liabilities. Although he agreed with Mankiw that the two issues would
best be discussed separately, he observed that it was President Bush,
not the present authors, who had chosen to confound them, and he
regarded Mankiw's complaint about the authors linking them as an
implicit criticism of the president.
(1.) An excellent discussion of the differences is contained in
Petrick (2001).
(2.) Nordhaus (2002).
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(1.) Gordon (2003). Oliner and Sichel (2003) and Kremer (1993)
provide additional reasons to be very optimistic about future
productivity growth.
(2.) Board of Trustees of the Federal Old Age and Survivors
Insurance and Disability Insurance Trust Funds (2005; all citations from
this report are for the intermediate projection). Contrast this with the
2.0 percent average annual rate of economy-wide labor productivity
growth from the fourth quarter of 1989 through the first quarter of
2005.
(3.) An argument challenged, for reasons similar to but not exactly
aligned with those we discuss here, in Cutler and others (1990).
(4.) Supply is likely to be steeply sloped because of opposing
income and substitution effects. An increase in the rate of return
increases the total lifetime wealth of savers, which presumably
increases their consumption when young and so diminishes their saving.
An increase in the rate of return also increases the incentive to save,
which presumably increases saving. The net effect--which we believe to
be positive--is likely to be relatively small.
(5.) As Gregory Mankiw points out in his comment on this paper, and
as we discuss below, in the standard Ramsey model a reduction in the
rate of natural increase does affect the saving of the accumulating
generation--and shifts the saving supply curve inward exactly as much as
investment demand shifts inward, keeping the real rate of return
unchanged. This is due to the powerful bequest motive behind the
assumption of an infinitely lived representative household whose utility
for a given level of consumption per capita is linear in the size of the
household.
(6.) Board of Trustees (2005).
(7.) See Oliner and Sichel (2003); Gordon (2003); Nordhaus (2005).
(8.) An alternative breakdown would distinguish 1958-73, during
which economy-wide labor productivity growth averaged 2.6 percent a
year; the productivity slowdown period of 1973-95, when it averaged 1.2
percent a year; and the post-1995 "new economy" period, when
it averaged 2.6 percent a year. Much depends on whether one interprets
the 1973-95 productivity slowdown period as an anomalous freak
disturbance to the economy's normal structure, or as just one of
those things one can expect to see every half-century or so.
(9.) Council of Economic Advisers (2005).
(10.) Even in a small open economy, real returns on assets and
rates of economic growth will be linked unless the real exchange rate is
fixed. Even perfect arbitrage by mammoth amounts of risk-neutral foreign
capital only equalizes expected rates of return at home and abroad
calculated in foreign currency. With a flexibly changing real exchange
rate, the rate of return in foreign currency is not the same as the rate
of return in domestic currency.
(11.) Solow (1956).
(12.) We have every reason to believe that the economy is
dynamically efficient, in that capital in the steady state exceeds the
"golden rule" level. See Abel and others (1989).
(13.) See Romer (2000).
(14.) Romer (2000).
(15.) Approximately 0.3 percentage point a year of the slowdown in
labor force growth projected by the Social Security trustees'
report (Board of Trustees, 2005) is due to a slowdown in immigration.
(16.) Diamond (1965).
(17.) Siegel (2005, p. 8).
(18.) There is a wedge of 0.3 percentage point a year between the
GDP deflator and the CPI. Siegel's estimated real rate of return
becomes 5.15 percent a year in the CPI-basis numbers used by the Social
Security Administration.
(19.) Haig (1921).
(20.) See Hubbard (1998).
(21.) See Baker (1997) for the first argument along these lines of
which we are aware.
(22.) Campbell and Shiller (1988).
(23.) Subtracting initial public offerings ensures that the ratio
of total economy-wide earnings to the earnings of companies in the index
does not grow. Adding gross buybacks takes account of the antidilution
effects of narrowing the equity base of companies currently in the
index.
(24.) Board of Trustees (2005, table V.B2).
(25.) The assumption of a constant income share follows from the
derivation of real wage growth from productivity growth, which is
discussed on pages 85-88 of Board of Trustees (2005).
(26.) Board of Trustees (2005, table V.B1).
(27.) Diamond (2000).
(28.) Certainly no investment adviser who anticipates that real
equity returns will average -0.6 percent a year over the next decade has
any business advising clients to shift their portfolio in the direction
of equities today. That is true even when the U.S. government is the
adviser, and the relatively young future beneficiaries of Social
Security are the clients.
(29.) We here dismiss the possibility that investments overseas
might provide higher risk-adjusted rates of return in the long run than
domestic investments: Tobin's q = 1 both here and abroad. The
Bureau of Economic Analysis reports that as of the end of 2003 the
market value of foreign-owned assets in the United States is about $10.5
trillion, compared with foreign assets held by U.S. residents of about
$7.9 trillion, yet the associated income flows are about the same. We
attribute this difference to a difference in risk. The experience of
nineteenth-century British investors with such landmarks of effective
corporate governance as the Erie Railroad suggests that, although there
are supernormal returns to be earned in the course of rapid economic
development, people with offices separated by oceans are unlikely to be
the ones who reap them.
(30.) The phrase "corresponds to American companies' net
investment abroad" is needed to abstract from current account
deficits that finance net government consumption or net household
consumption.
(31.) Edelstein (1982).
(32.) This is the possibility that Mankiw stresses in his comment
on this paper: that if domestic saving rates fall sharply, the reduction
in the rate of growth of the domestic capital stock required to keep
rates of return high can be accomplished without a large current account
surplus.
(33.) Mehra and Prescott (1985).
(34.) Mehra (2003).
(35.) In conversation, Randall Cohen of the Harvard Business School has been an especially forceful advocate of this point of view.
(36.) Shiller (2005).
(37.) Barberis and Thaler (2003).
DEAN BAKER
Center for Economic and Policy Research
J. BRADFORD DELONG
University of California, Berkeley
PAUL R. KRUGMAN
Princeton University
Table 1. Alternative Rate-of-Return Measures and Q Ratios, Various
Periods, 1960-2004
Percent a year except where stated otherwise
Domestic nonfinancial corporations
Average rate of profit (a)
Not cyclically Cyclically Average
Period corrected corrected (b) Q ratio (c)
1960-69 7.1 6.8 0.85
1970-79 5.3 5.4 0.62
1980-89 5.6 6.1 0.55
1990-99 6.5 6.6 1.19
2000-04 5.9 5.9 1.13
1960-2004 6.1 6.2 0.82
2000 6.0 5.5 1.65
2004 6.9 7.0 0.97
Domestic nonfinancial corporations
Prospective ten-
year return with Average earnings
reversion of Q yield on
Period toward 1 (a,d) S&P 500 (c)
1960-69 7.8 5.7
1970-79 8.7 9.0
1980-89 10.4 8.9
1990-99 5.9 4.8
2000-04 5.2 3.6
1960-2004 7.5 6.7
2000 2.5 3.6
2004 7.2 4.9
Sources: Bureau of Economic Analysis, "Note on the Profitability of
Domestic Nonfinancial Corporations, 1960-2001," Survey of Current
Business. September 2002, pp. 17-20, updated by the author with data on
profits and capital from www.bea.gov; Federal Reserve data from
www.federalreserve.gov/releases/zl/current/default.htm; Data Resources,
Inc. (DRI); Standard and Poor's, data from
www2.standardandpoors.com/spt/xls/index/SP500EPSEST.XLS
(a.) Property income after tux (national accounts concept) divided by
the current or replacement cost of real assets (capital, land,
inventories).
(b.) Profits estimated using a cyclical correction derived from
regressing the rate of profit in the first column on the difference
between the unemployment rate and the Congressional Budget Office's
estimate of the non-accelerating-inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU)
using annual data.
(c.) Ratio of the market value of equities plus net financial assets to
the replacement cost of real assets, all for U.S. nonfinancial
corporations (constructed from Federal Reserve data).
(d.) Estimates constructed by adjusting the cyclically corrected return
on the assumption that Q reverts to 1 at an exponential rate of 10
percent a year.
(e.) Historical data from DRI, using reported earnings, updated by the
author using data from Standard and Poor's.