Decorated headhunting trophies of Borneo: a forgotten ritual art.
Mally, Markus
Headhunting played a central role in the social organization,
religion, and worldview of nearly all Dayak groups of Borneo. (1) A few
groups decorated their trophy skulls in characteristic ways by either
attaching wooden or other elements to individual skulls and/or by
engraving mostly floral elements on the neurocranial and facial parts of
the trophy. Some of these decorative techniques resulted in lavishly
adorned objects that are found hardly anywhere else in the world. This
article describes the different techniques and motifs which were used to
embellish trophy skulls. In order to emphasize the ritual importance of
such skulls the various motives that gave rise to headhunting are
briefly reviewed.
Introduction
Numerous methods have been practiced by the various indigenous
groups of Southeast Asia, Melanesia and Polynesia to decorate severed
heads or the skulls of either their ancestors or enemies for ritualistic
and sometimes simply for commercial reasons. The overmodeled or engraved
Iatmul skulls from the Sepik River area in Papua New Guinea, the
decorated skulls of the Asmat from West-New Guinea, or the mummified
moko heads of the Maori, to name just a few examples, have long achieved
a high level of awareness among scientists and collectors (e.g. Bonney
and Clegg 2011:51; Kocher-Schmid 2009:118-123; Robley 1896:167-182;
Stodder 2006:77-89).
By contrast, decorated trophy skulls from the various ethnic groups
of Borneo are still only known to a minority of scholars,
anthropologists, historians, and museum curators. Therefore this article
(i) tabulates the different techniques and decorations which were used
to embellish these trophies, (ii) documents the different decoration
styles which some ethnic groups in Borneo--mainly in West Kalimantan and
adjacent regions of Sarawak--used to embellish their trophy skulls,
(iii) provisionally classifies the motifs found on incised,
relief-carved, or tinfoil covered skulls, and (iv) links these motifs
with specific manufacturing techniques.
In order to understand the significant role which severed heads and
trophy skulls played in the indigenous belief systems of most Dayak
groups a brief review listing various motivations that led to
headhunting is provided below.
Material and methods
The current presentation is based on an evaluation of 31 decorated
trophy skulls from the following museums which I visited between 2012
and 2014: Tropical Museum, Amsterdam (n=3); Museum der Kulturen, Basel
(n=3); Ethnological Museums in Berlin (n=7), Dresden (n=5), and Leipzig
(n=2); National Museum of World Cultures, Leiden (n=4); British Museum,
London (n=2, plus one incised gourd which served as a skull receptacle);
Osteological Research Laboratory, Stockholm (n=1); Linden-Museum,
Stuttgart (n=1); Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna (n=2). In addition, one half
skull from a private collection and photos of a specimen from the Museum
Anatomicum, Marburg, Germany, were used, respectively, to document
certain floral motifs and to provide information on anthropomorphic
decoration. Most of these skulls are portrayed in the following sections
(Table 1).
To resolve shortcomings of current photographic skull
documentations which usually show only small sections of the overall
pattern, this documentation utilizes drawings from standard
perspectives. This technique allows a better depiction of complex
ornamentations which usually cover the whole skull vault and parts of
the facial area, and yields better results than photographic depictions,
particularly when the decoration is only based on superficial incisions
or is in a poor state of preservation.
The following aspects were evaluated for each individual skull and
will be published in a separate article:
documentation: in almost all cases the existing records were not
sufficient to allow an unambiguous assignment of specific manufacturing
techniques and motifs to a particular ethnic group or geographic region.
Only for two skulls reportedly acquired from the Bidayuh of the
Sambas/Kapuas area was there sufficient documentation (A 828, A829, both
Dresden);
decorations: both manufacturing techniques as well as motifs that
constitute the overall decoration were evaluated;
individual characteristics: signs of artificial defleshing,
discoloration due to heat/smoke/ soot, and decapitation were recorded.
Age, gender and race determinations were not performed as these
aspects appear, on the basis of the available literature, to have had no
relevance for the selection of headhunting victims:
both sexes and all age groups including small children and senile
persons were the victims of headhunting attacks;
the heads of children and women were as highly valued as those of
men;
the heads of defenseless persons who were ambushed appear to
have been as highly valued as those acquired during face-to-face
fights (e.g. Beccari 1986:316; Evans 1922:187; Harrisson 1984:94;
Hatton 1882:17; Kessel 1857:404; Lumholtz 1920:II:253; Marryat
1848:81; Okumura and Siew 2011; (2) Rousseau 1990:264; Rutter
1985:74, 141, 186; St. John 1974:II:66; Witti 1880:12).
Earl (1853, cited in Roth 1896:II:162, footnote 13) reported that
perhaps "some of the tribes consider the heads of women and
children to be more valuable than those of the men ..." In
addition, Doty and Pohlman (1839, cited in Roth 1896:II:163, footnote
13) wrote that "... Dayaks are very careful to defend their
females, hence in their system of head-taking, the heads of females are
more highly valued than those of the men, inasmuch as it requires more
artifice and bravery to obtain them." In this respect Andaya
(2004:23f) pointed out that generally taking "... the head of a
woman, older person or a child was considered a particular prize, since
it demonstrated that the warrior had penetrated into the heart of enemy
territory and captured those very individuals whom men should
protect."
Last but not least, even Serapoh, the cultural hero of the Iban who
is said to have introduced headhunting among this group as the proper
custom to end mourning observances severed the head of a child as his
first victim (Pringle 1970:22f; Heppell et al. 2005:36).
Whether the idea that the value of head trophies from European,
Chinese, or Muslim victims differed from that of hostile pagans is based
on evidence or merely represents the opinion of individual informants
remains a subject for further investigation (Lumholtz 1920:II:253;
Pringle 1970:62; St. John 1974:I:186).
Although in most cases the possession of a whole head or skull was
the goal, headhunting rites did not always require a complete trophy.
Certain conditions demanded the division of a skull into two halves, for
example, when two Bidayuh tribes went on a headhunting expedition but
obtained only one head, it was--after its defleshing--divided along the
middle axis and both parties received one half (Low 1968:304). Such
skull divisions--quartered in some cases--were also reported from
southeastern Sabah (Witti 1882:26) and for the Tagal of Sabah even
smaller pieces of a fresh head trophy were sufficient (Harrisson
1984:241). Referring to the Iban, Brooke Low (cited in Roth 1896:II:159)
reported that in cases of too many claimants, a skull was broken into
pieces and a fragment given to each claimant.
Motives of headhunting--a brief review
The sheer variety of hypotheses proposed to explain headhunting
makes it very clear that severed heads were not mere trophies of valor
and success in war but played important roles in the social
organization, the religious belief system and worldview for nearly all
Dayak populations (e.g. Hose and McDougall 1912:II:23; Hoskins
1996:1-49; Rousseau 1990:275). To most of the different ethnic groups an
enemy's head was an object of veneration, a blessing to the village
community, and a kind of sacrifice to the supernatural beings (Ave and
King 1986:64; Furness 1902:65; Rutter 1985:191-202; St. John
1974:II:27f). As head/skull trophies were imbued with spiritual power,
they were treated with great care to ensure their positive effects, as
with poor treatment the owners were at risk that skulls would become
dangerous.
However, one must be careful in generalizing from a single ethnic
group: there were obvious differences between groups in the ritual
significance of taking heads (Durrans 1993:xxvii; Guerreiro
1992:36f;1998:80f; Metcalf 1982:113). Even within one ethnic group (i.e.
the Kenyah communities in the upper Baram River area) Southwell (cited
in Metcalf 1982:113) noted that the number of trophy skulls owned varied
considerably between individual longhouses. Some kept clusters of them,
accumulated over decades whereas others seemed satisfied with only a few
and gave away others to allies or buried them in the jungle; most
probably to avoid the supernatural dangers of a large number of skull
trophies (Rousseau 1990:275; 1998:56). One occasion for reducing the
number of skulls was in moving to a new longhouse. Hose and McDougall
(1912:II:22) describe the precautions that were taken by the Kayan to
avoid the risk that the skulls--or the spirits of the heads associated
with them--recognized that they were being left behind.
Although simple revenge was a frequent cause for headhunting all
over Borneo, there were also specific circumstances under which either
the adat, personal motivations, or strategic and economic decisions
would demand a fresh head or skull. Such trophies were either secured
during a raid on an enemy's village or by ambushing villagers on
their way to their fields, the nearby river, etc. As soon as the
successful warriors arrived back home in their village elaborate
reception ceremonies, the head feasts, that surrounded the ritual
welcoming of the victim's head enabled it's spirit to become a
friend, guardian, and benefactor of the headhunters' community
(e.g. Freeman 1979:239-243; Harrisson 1984:104f; Hose and McDougall
1912:I:174-178; McKinley (1976:95-97); Nieuwenhuis 2009:205-210; Roth
1896:II:167-174; Rousseau 1998:88f, 201-213; Rutter 1985:191-200; St.
John 1974:I:65ff, 186ff).
The most relevant reasons that required a fresh head trophy are
listed below. However, it should be kept in mind that a single
headhunting expedition could serve more than one purpose.
I: Mourning
One of the most frequently described reasons for headhunting
expeditions was the requirement of a severed head to terminate a
village's mourning prohibitions for an important person (3) (e.g.
Amster 2003:280; Andaya 2004:14; Bock 1881:142, 216, 229; Davison and
Sutlive 1991:171f; Elshout 1926:232; Furness 1902:92f, 139f; Haddon
1901:394flf; Hose and McDougall 1912:I:158f, 176; 11:38; LeBar 1972:172,
184, 197; Metcalf 1982:28, 112; Nicolaisen 2003:126, 130; Pringle
1970:22f; Rutter 1985:164; Wilder 2003:17).
Answers to the question why severed heads would terminate mourning
include: (i) the effort expended for severing a head is what assuages
the anger of the deceased against the living; (ii) the victim provides
company to the deceased's soul; (iii) by taking heads slaves are
provided for the deceased in the afterworld (Davison and Sutlive
1991:171; Haddon 1901:394; Lumholtz 1920:II:258; Metcalf 1996:262f;
Scharer 1940:26; St. John, 1974:I:35f).
The Saribas Iban believed that only by taking a head could the
spirits of the dead be finally released from the earthly world and so
become fully incorporated in Sebayan, their afterworld (Sather 2003:201,
footnote 18).
In connection with the tiwah rituals of the Ngaju in southern
Borneo, Scharer (1940:6f, 19, 26) postulated that the severed head--or
the blood of a human sacrifice--was required to restore the cosmic order
that was destroyed by the death of an important person, and to cleanse
the village. Only by performing this ritual could a disaster be avoided
and normal life resumed.
Although an old dried head or skull from a friendly community or
borrowed from certain Sarawak government forts (4) served all the
purposes of the rites performed to terminate a period of mourning, a
fresh trophy, especially in the case of mourning for an important chief,
was more desirable (Haddon 1901:395; Hose and McDougall 1912: I:159;
II:38, footnote 2).
II: Fertility, life generating potency, prosperity
Another important aspect that required the acquisition of a head or
skull trophy was the promotion of fertility of the crops and village
women (e.g. Andaya 2004:14; Ave and King 1986:63; Davison and Sutlive
1991:163, 174, 192, 203, 212; Freeman 1979:239-243; Geddes 1954:21;
Harrisson 1984:95; Heppell et al. 2005:21, 33ff, 42; Needham 1976:77f;
Nicolaisen 2003:126, 130, 132; Sellato 1992:34; St. John 1862:240).
Southwell (1959:41) specified that for Kayans, each movement into a
new territory required fresh heads to ensure prosperity and fertility in
the new settlement.
Among the Rungus of Sabah, heads from human sacrifices or from
individuals purchased from the coastal Muslims, were occasionally used
for fertility ceremonies of infertile females (Appell and Appell
2003:101f).
About the Bidayuh St. John (1974:I:193f) writes that the
"processing and feasting of a fresh head trophy [is] supposed to be
the most efficient means of securing ... [that] their rice grow well, to
cause the forest to abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs ...
to be successful in securing game, to have the streams swarm with fish,
to give health and activity to the people ... and to ensure fertility to
their women."
For the Kenyah of the upper Baram area taking heads secured the
well-being of the community (Needham 1976:77f). It brought fertility and
a general prosperity in the form of gongs, pigs, wild game, abundant
crops, and anything else the Kenyah desired. It was assumed that the
spirits would get angry and punish them with sickness and death if they
did not take heads.
III: Erection of a new longhouse
To ensure firmness of the structure, Berawan hung head trophies on
the first post of a new longhouse, and, to ensure peace for the
occupant, on the posts of a new mausoleum, (Metcalf 1982:129). Also
Elshout (1926:232) who lived with Kenyah in the Apo Kayan described the
requirements for a trophy head in connection with the erection of a new
longhouse. The Kayan of the Mahakam area needed fresh heads to lift the
various taboos which had to be observed during the construction phase of
a new longhouse (Nieuwenhuis 2009:205). Rutter (1985:183) reports that,
at least in the Pensiangan district of Sabah, headhunting expeditions
were customary after new longhouses were finished.
Writing about the ethnic groups of Sabah, Evans (1922:159f) reports
the requirement to bury a head under the central post of a new house in
order to pacify the outraged spirits of the soil who had been disturbed
by the operations of the house-builders.
Such headhunts must not be confused with the so-called penyamun
scares that have recurred periodically in widespread areas of Borneo and
were first reported during Charles Brooke's reign in Sarawak.
Penyamun are mysterious headhunters with supernatural powers who can
materialize and dematerialize anywhere at will. Such scares usually
started with rumors that the government or even foreign-owned companies
would need fresh human heads to bury in the foundations of new
construction projects to fertilize them (Drake-Brockman 1959:31f; Haddon
1901:338-342; Metcalf 1982:129; 1996:280-285; Pringle 1970:269; Tsing
1996:199-202). Typically, the Bidayuh from the Sadong River in Sarawak
identified such penyamun as Iban from around the Saribas River. The
distinct penyamun fear may partly be explained by the fact that it was
already instilled during early childhood and used by the parents as a
disciplinary measure against their children (Geddes 1954:22f).
IV: Health
All kinds of sickness and epidemics were supposed to be caused by
evil spirits which could best be placated using a fresh trophy head or
skull (Dalton 1837:49; St. John 1974:I:193; Geddes 1954:21). For ethnic
groups of the upper Mahakam the presence of heads in a village compelled
evil spirits to depart. Thereafter the village became purified and free
from disease. In contrast, if no heads were brought home the village
could be punished by these spirits with an outbreak of disease (Lumholtz
1920:II:258).
Headhunting for securing health was also reported for the Bidayuh
(St. John 1974: I:193). For those of the Sadong region in Sarawak the
festival for new heads was regarded as giving the invited ancestors
supreme pleasure and therefore the most likely way of obtaining their
blessings for the health and prosperity of a village (Geddes 1954:21).
For the Kayan of central Borneo fresh trophies were required to
compensate for epidemics (Rousseau 1990:275). The Berawan of the Tinjar
River were confident that by taking heads sickness and pain could be
kept away (Furness 1902:59)
V: Status, prestige, marriage
By killing an enemy, the warrior gained prestige. Therefore, the
participation in a headhunting expedition offered the possibility to win
individual renown and status (e.g. Davison and Sutlive 1991:173; Freeman
1979:238; Rousseau 1998:84). For the Ngaju, Birim (2004:157)
distinguishes between two different motivations for headhunting: (i)
"headhunting to revenge a murder" (e.g. the assassination of a
kin), and (ii) "headhunting to borrow blood of a human being";
the latter being undertaken to gain personal prestige.
Among the Leppo Tau Kenyahs of Long Nawang (upper Kayan River), and
other ethnic groups in northwest Kalimantan and northern Sarawak,
successful headhunting expeditions were required to hold the great mamat
feasts, which accompanied the initiation of warriors into their graded
system of statuses, the suhan (Galvin 1966:296-304; Harrisson
1966:287-295; Maping and Galvin 1966:305-320).
Among the Kelabits headhunting was especially associated with the
aristocracy and leadership. However, by taking a head, lower class
persons could raise their personal prestige and the social position of
their family, provided that no person in a higher social position was
offended by this act (Harrisson 1984:92).
Women saw those who participated in headhunting raids as more
virile and thus as highly desirable husbands; however, securing a trophy
head was not a necessary precondition for marriage (Andaya 2004:32-35;
Davison and Sutlive 1991:160, 173; Heppell et al. 2005:23, 41; Hose and
McDougall 1912:I:76, footnote 2, 186f; Lumholtz 1920:II:258; Rutter
1922:336).
Already well before 977 A.D. severed heads of people defeated in
battle were described as important items of bridewealth. This early
information is included in part 2 of a traditional Brunei Malay epic
poem (Sya'ir Awang Simawn) which depicts the origin and development
of the Brunei sultanate (Maxwell 1996:91f).
VI: Territorial expansion, individual motives
The significant expansion of the Iban settlement area during the
19th century was traced back by some authors to the aggressive
headhunting raids that may have exerted additional displacement pressure
on already assaulted ethnic groups (Davison and Sutlive 1991:166f,
172ff; Vayda 1961:354; 1969:214f).
Harrisson (1984:95) lists two further motivations for headhunting
within the Kelabit uplands: (i) feelings of hatred or to insult another
community with whom some intractable disagreement has arisen, and (ii)
an act of individual protest, for example, by upper class men who felt
humiliated through some failure--or alleged failure--of their own in
some ordinary activity; particularly if their wives complained to them
of their shortcomings. An analogous behavior to escape domestic hardship
by going on a headhunt was also described by St. John (1974:I:56) and
Beccari (1985:47).
Among the Murut taking a head was also a measure used to settle the
lack of devotion of a widower when he disregarded mourning taboos for
his deceased wife or married another woman too early. Instead of killing
the widower, the closest male relative of the deceased and the widower
could go and secure a head each, which were then both placed at the
grave of the wife. Thus, her grave was ritually cleansed and both
opponents settled their conflict (Rutter 1985:165f).
Mundy (1848:331) cites a note from the journals of James Brooke in
which the Rajah describes the Bidayuh Babukid (syn. Bubukkid): "...
it is appealed to as a final judgement in disputes about property, and
usually occurs in families when the right to land and fruit trees comes
to be discussed. Each party then sallies forth in search of a head: if
one only succeed, his claim is acknowledged; if both succeed, the
property continues common to both."
Based on the outstanding ritual and emotional importance of
headhunting and trophy skulls, it is not surprising that various Dayak
ethnic groups emphasized the importance of their skull trophies by
specific ornamentations. The skulls on which this study is based were
mostly collected in what is today West Kalimantan, including the Kapuas
River area. However, to provide more complete information, the next
section also refers to skull decorations which were used throughout
Borneo.
Decorative elements of trophy skulls from Borneo and their relation
to selected ethnic groups
What makes the ornamented Dayak trophy skulls so outstanding,
compared to specimens from other regions of Southeast Asia, is the
enormous variety of decorations that were applied to the skulls within
this geographically confined area. Basically, two kinds of decorations
can be distinguished: (i) embellishments which were affixed to the
skull, and (ii) motifs which were carved into the surface of the skull
bones (Table 2).
This wide range of different decorations allows room for many
individual combinations, which may have supported the statement of
Tillotson (1994:194f) that probably every ethnic group had its own
decorating style. (5) While some of the listed adornments--for instance
the use of tinfoil to cover the skull--can be linked to the Bidayuh,
others (e.g. the frayed palm leaves) were used by a number of groups.
The following Dayak groups created decorations with certain
characteristic, but, unfortunately, not exclusive, features:
Bidayuh and neighboring groups:
Trophy skulls may be decorated with:
(i) an overmodeled facial area and a carved wooden "nose"
which is fixed in the nasal cavity (Table 3e);
(ii) cowrie snail shells mounted on overmodeled wooden discs which
close the orbital cavities--they represent "closed eyes with
lashes" (6) (Table 3b);
(iii) tinfoil, which is glued to the facial area (mostly including
the mandible) or the whole skull (Table 3e). On the skullcap mainly
floral motifs are cut from this foil--characteristic ornaments are the
"lotus flower" and different depictions of "cup-shaped
flower" motifs (Fig. 1,2; Table 3b). On a few skulls an
anthropomorphic figure, cut from tinfoil is glued to the skullcap (Fig.
9);
(iv) teeth or the whole mandible may be replaced by wooden
imitations (Table 3c);
(v) painted lines of white or red, and occasionally blackened with
antimony; on some skulls the whole neurocrania are painted
blackish-brown (Guerreiro 2012:91, 96; Kessel 1857:407; Low 1968:304;
Roth 1896:II:147, 149; Sellato 1992:35) (Fig. 14).
Meyer (cited in Roth 1896:II:150), basing his studies on decorated
skulls from south and southwestern Borneo, ascertains that engraved
skull decorations and tinfoil overlaying may occur on the same skull; a
finding that has been confirmed in this study. An interpretation of this
feature might be that both Bidayuh and Barito-groups (see below) used
decorative techniques of the other. However, Winzeler (1999:201) states
that the Bidayuh of Sarawak had no tradition of engraving skulls.
Heppell, who did fieldwork among Bidayuh living in the upper reaches of
the Sambas River in West Kalimantan, reports that they, too, did not
decorate their trophies (M. Heppell, personal communication). Instead,
Heppell notes that the local group whose members did, in fact, decorate
skulls were the Kanayatn, who practiced highly elaborate rituals to
welcome newly taken skulls into their villages. He speculates that,
consistent with the attention they paid to skulls, embellishing these
trophies may well have been an integral part of these rituals. In the
Sanggau area of West Kalimantan Kanayatn and Bidayuh live in close
proximity and here, and elsewhere in province, the two groups are often
confused with one another even though they speak very different
languages. Heppell suggests that some of the early decorated skulls in
museum collections attributed to the Bidayuh may have, in fact, been
embellished by Kanayatn craftsmen. Alternatively, Bidayuh in the Sanggau
area may have adopted the practice of elaborately decorating skulls from
the Kanayatn, but Heppell regards this as less likely (M. Heppell,
personal communication).
"Barito" and related southern Borneo groups:
Decorated skulls are mainly characterized by floral motifs carved
into the bones--either as high-relief or incision/engraving (Roth
1896:II:147-153). Frequently recurring motifs on incised skulls are
again the "lotus flower" and the "cup-shaped flower"
(Fig. 1, 2; Table 3a, 3b). In contrast skulls which are decorated with
high-relief carvings show motifs like "sprouting plant
shoots," spirals, etc. (Fig. 10, 11; Table 3c). Red and/or black
paint may be used as an additional stylistic element (Table 3c, 3d).
According to Guerreiro (2012:91, 96) the original distribution of
such trophy skulls covers an area stretching from the southern
tributaries of the Melawi River to the southern regions of Borneo along
the Katingan, Kahayan, and Kapuas Rivers. Guerreiro considers it likely
that the Luangan (inhabiting the area between the middle Barito and the
middle Mahakam River) also used this type of decoration and that it was
probably also common further east among the Kayanic peoples from the
Mahakam and Malinau; an assumption which, of course, awaits
confirmation.
Murut (Apad Duat peoples, Tagal and Rundum):
A boar's tusk fixed with its curvature pointing upward in the
nasal cavity is a characteristic feature of trophy skulls from these
ethnic groups (Rutter 1985:192; Whitehead, cited in Roth 1896:II:147).
Like the Bidayuh they also utilized cowrie shells in the eye sockets as
decorative elements (Sellato 1992:35). Skulls with a kind of wig from
human hair which are each mounted in a carved and decorated wooden frame
were also prepared by the Murut (Coppens, personal communication)
Kayanic Long Glaat:
A few skulls discovered in caves of the upper Mahakam River area
are overmodeled (probably with gutta percha) on the facial and the
anterior skullcap portions. Furthermore these sections are decorated
with a large number of variously colored, tiny glass beads thereby
achieving a colorful surface on the overmodeled area. On the skullcap
they are arranged to form large star-shaped patterns. Guerreiro
(2012:96) reported that these skulls may have been pusaka burial goods
of the Long Glaat chiefs. Nevertheless, as this kind of skull decoration
has not been documented from elsewhere in Borneo it would be best to
remain cautious about their authenticity. Whether or not the glass beads
were chosen because of their high mana value (Sellato 1992:45) remains
open for discussion.
Kayan and Kenyah:
Among Kayan and Kenyah sub-groups from the Apo Kayan and the Baram
area trophy skulls may be adorned with large wooden ears festooned with
earrings, charms and on occasion a tuft of hair besides frayed silat
palm leaves (Licitala sp.). These decorations somehow recall the
frightening hudo '/udo' spirit masks appearance (Hose and
McDougall 1912:II:pl. 162; KIT 1987:283; Guerreiro, personal
communication). Brooke Low (cited in Roth 1896:II:146f) ascribed incised
patterns to the Kayan, most probably those inhabiting the Rejang River
area where he was principally stationed during his service in Sarawak
(Roth 1896:I:xi).
Manufacturing techniques and related ornaments from West Kalimantan
and neighboring regions
This study focuses on five of the most elaborate techniques that
were utilized to embellish trophy skulls with highly artistic
decorations:
(i) superficial incisions (depth [less than or equal to] 0.5 mm)
and engravings (depth >0.5 mm; often with V-shaped cross-sections)
(Table 3a, 3b);
(ii) high-relief carvings (the motifs are plastically carved out
from the bone surface) (Table 3c);
(iii) overmodeling of the facial area including the lower jaw (for
instance with guttapercha; e.g. Table 3b, 3e). To fix the edentulous
mandible in the correct anatomical position and--due to the missing
teeth--to close the gap between the mandible and maxilla, small wooden
plates could be fixed both between and to the outside of the upper and
lower jaws; those on the outside served as a wooden foundation for the
"cheek" of the modeled "face"; (7) Wooden imitations
of the lower jaw were either overmodeled like the original mandibles or
only painted (Table 3c);
(iv) painting (mostly black with soot or antimony powder, red with
"dragon's blood" or brownish with different resins)
(Table 3c, 3d, 3f);
(v) tinfoil (glued to the bone surface; either limited to the
facial portion [with/ without overmodeling] or covering the whole
skull); colorless or reddish-brown resins served as glue and on the
neurocranial area motifs were cut from this foil; e.g. Fig. 6b, c; Table
3b, 3e, 3f).
As far as we know today mostly the Bidayuh/Barito (and related
groups) and some Kayan groups applied one or more of these techniques.
Carving complex designs into the hard bone of human skulls or
cutting such designs from a tinfoil, which is glued to the skull, is
both an artistically and mentally challenging activity. It is therefore
reasonable to assume that only a few men, probably those with more
leisure time, were experts in this task. As Hose and McDougall
(1912:I:236)--although referring to wood carvings--pointed out:
"Some men were well known as experts in the production of designs,
and such men could produce a wonderful variety, all or most being well
known conventions. Their mode of working frequently implies that the
artist is working to a pattern, mentally fixed and clearly visualized,
rather than working out any new design." It is highly likely that
this statement can be extended to the elaborate decoration of individual
trophy skulls as it would explain:
(i) the limited number of main motifs that were used to embellish
the trophies,
(ii) the different arrangements of these decorations on individual
skulls, and
(iii) the individual addition of further artistic elements that
influence the overall impression of an otherwise common design.
Some of the characteristic and constantly recurring motifs are
linked to specific manufacturing techniques. Therefore the following
description interconnects the various processing techniques with the
related individual designs:
[TABLE 3 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
I: Incised/engraved and tinfoil covered trophy skulls
"Lotus flower"
A large flower motif, arranged mostly with four (main) petals
around a circular center; the latter being the characteristic feature of
this decoration that represents the spiritually important receptaculum
of the common lotus flower illustration in Borneo (see below
"Significance of these decorations"). On most skulls this
motif decorates the center of the frontal bone; sometimes it also frames
the drilled hole on the skullcap which served for hanging up the trophy
in the longhouse (Fig. 1; Table 3a, 3b).
"Cup-shaped flower"
This provisional nomenclature is proposed for certain, usually
large flower motifs with various cup-shaped outlines of their calyces
and tripartite corollas. When this motif is carried out in pairs and
multiples thereof it is arranged in a characteristic symmetrical
position along the centerline of the skullcap--the calyces either facing
to the midline or the temples of the skull. Between the anterior and
posterior pair of flowers usually a curved or bud-like protrusion is
depicted (Fig. 2 and 6a, b).
Variations of the "cup-shaped flower" motif appear also
as single depictions without the symmetrical aspects as described above.
With the motifs shown in Fig. 2 these portrayals share the cup-shaped
calyx and the mostly tripartite corollas (Fig. 3).
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
"Leaf-shaped" motif
Certain highly variable depictions are provisionally defined as
"leaf-shaped" motifs. Their leaf tips may be prolonged like
curved tendrils and their basal parts are either symmetrically broadened
or show a characteristic asymmetric and bellied structure (Fig. 4).
"Eyebrows"
These decorations are represented by different illustrations. They
are either independent motifs, or integrated in other decorating
elements. Sometimes small holes were drilled above the eye sockets, into
which hairs or small feathers were fixed to mimic eyebrows. Altogether,
these are interesting stylistic components as mostly both males and
females had their eyebrows and eyelashes completely removed by plucking,
mostly for the sake of beauty (Beccari 1986:278; Bock 1881:134;
Harrisson 1984:13, 98; Hose and McDougall 1912:I:38; Lumholtz 1920:I:76;
Marryat 1848:78; Richards 1959:15f; Southwell 1959:54) (Fig. 5 and 1c-f,
8b).
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
"Jagged boundary strip"
On many skulls the decoration on the skullcap is framed by a
ribbonlike and often jagged motif, which is provisionally defined as
"jagged boundary strip" It usually starts near the outer edges
of the "eyebrows" and runs from here along the temple region
to the occiput (Fig. 6).
"Arch" and "hook" motifs
Only in rare cases "arch" and/or "hook" motifs
serve as standalone ornaments. In most cases these motifs are combined
to create more complex decorations (Fig. 7a, b). ~-shaped
"hooks," strung together like a chain, decorate "boundary
strips" on both tinfoil overlaid skulls and skulls which are
ornamented with high-relief carvings (Fig. 6b, 10e, 11b, 12d).
The term "hook" is taken from Hose and McDougall
(1912:I:242 and Fig. 58) who use it for similarly shaped decorations on
plaited baskets. The authors refer to a basket specimen collected by
Brooke Low from the Kanowit and figured in Roth (1896:I:365; Swayne,
cited, edited and annotated by Sellato 2012:128, Fig. 12). Similar
motifs are also displayed on plaited mats or baskets from the Kapuas and
Kahayan River areas of Central Kalimantan. In contrast to Hose and
McDougall, however, two experts from this region define them as
"leeches" (Klokke 2012:361 and 262 Fig. 7a6).
[FIGURE 6 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 7 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 8 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 9 OMITTED]
Circles
Perfectly circular incisions/engravings, each with a distinct
dot-shaped drilled center are displayed on two skulls. Unlike the other
ornaments, additional technical tools, beside knife and chisel, were
used to create these decorations (Fig. 8).
Anthropomorphic representations
The cranial vault of two skulls is decorated with a large
anthropomorphic figure cut from tinfoil and glued to the bones (Fig. 9).
II: Trophy skulls decorated with high-relief carvings
Ornaments which are worked out from the bone surface as reliefs
represent the most elaborate form of skull decoration. A characteristic
of such high-relief carvings is the arrangement of different motifs in
individual "fields"; (8) their dimensions correspond with the
size of the bones or area of the skull on which they are located. This
is reflected in the proposed nomenclature:
(i) one (rarely two) "frontal field(s)" on the frontal
bone,
(ii) two "parietal fields" one on each parietal bone,
(iii) two "temporal fields" stretching over each temporal
region, and
(iv) one "occipital field" on the upper part of the
occipital bone.
The boundaries of these individual "fields" are marked by
either simple undecorated "boundary lines," (9) decorated
"boundary strips" (Fig. 10b), by the sutures of the skull
(Fig. 10d), or simply by the different motifs of these
"fields" (Fig. 10h, between "frontal" and
"parietal field". In contrast to most incised and tinfoil
covered skulls the elaborate decoration extends to the zygomatic and
even maxillar bones which frame the lateral and lower edges of the eye
sockets (Fig. 10c, e-g).
Compared to incised and tinfoil covered trophy skulls the number of
characteristic motifs on high-relief carved skulls is comparatively
small. A very commonly used pattern is provisionally defined as
"sprouting plant shoots" (Fig. 11a, "parietal
fields"). It is represented by a reticular interwoven pattern of
tendrils mostly with only a few simply designed leaves and commonly
Y-shaped tips (but compare e.g. Banks 1941: Plate 16; Sellato 1992:Fig.
78). Variants thereof are "foliate scrolls" (10) (Fig. 10 a-d,
f and 11b). These have no Y-shaped tips and are also found on profane
objects like bamboo containers, caps or sunhats. Haddon (1905:67f),
based on the information of his Iban contacts, defined bamboo carvings
which resemble these "foliate scrolls" as roots of the
parasitic fig tree.
[FIGURE 10 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 11 OMITTED]
III: Painting
Paint served either as exclusive decorating element of trophy
skulls (Fig. 12a) or was used in combination with incisions/engravings
(Fig. 12b, c; Table 3d), high-relief carvings (Fig. 12d; Table 3c) and
tinfoil decorations (e.g. Fig. 9, 12e; Table 3f). In particular black,
red and reddish-brown colors were applied:
(i) black: obtained, for example, from soot or antimony powder,
(ii) red: "dragon's blood," (11) obtained from the
fruit resin of rattan palm species like Daemonorops draconcellus or D.
draco (Beccari 1986:234; Heppell et al. 2005:13),
(iii) reddish-brown: obtained from differently colored resins or
mixtures thereof (Muller 1839-44:364f; M. Bloebaum, personal
communication).
[FIGURE 12 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 13 OMITTED]
Black color served, for instance, to paint relief carved motifs,
highlight incised lines, blacken the wooden teeth replacements, and the
wooden mandible imitations, or the entire skulls (Low 1968:304).
Red "dragon's blood" was also used to enhance
high-relief carvings and highlight incised lines.
Differently colored resins served a triple function: they were used
as glue to attach the tinfoil strips to the bone surface, and, when
motifs were cut out from this foil the reddish color of certain resins
accentuated these patterns against the grayish metal foil. The third
function of colored resins was to serve as reddish-brown paint on
otherwise sparsely decorated skulls (Fig. 12).
"Double decorated" skulls
Four of the studied skulls (360-5268, 427-22, 3600-3381 and 427-22,
Leiden) were apparently decorated twice by using two different
techniques. Initially these skulls were embellished with incised floral
motifs, like the "lotus" and "cup-shaped flower."
Subsequently, a completely different ornamentation was applied. The
neurocranium of one skull was painted and decorated with tinfoil strips,
while the two other skulls were completely overlaid with tinfoil from
which floral and abstract motifs were cut (Fig. 13, 14). As both
decorations conspicuously do not complement each other it is suggestive
that they were crafted at different times and most probably by different
artists.
[FIGURE 14 OMITTED]
The reasons for such a "double decoration" can only be
speculated. The most likely explanation is the passing of an already
decorated skull to another (ethnic?) group that was at this time in need
of a fresh trophy for a required ritual action but could not capture
one. Under such circumstances borrowing or begging of an old skull from
a friendly village was often the most appropriate solution. (12) In this
case such a skull was received and feasted in its new home like a fresh
trophy (Furness 1902:88-92; Harrisson 1966:290; Hose and McDougall
1912:I:159; 1912:II:169; Nieuwenhuis 1904:92; Rousseau 1998:201).
Receiving an old decorated skull could obviously include the
application of another ornamentation in the typical style of its new
owners. As mentioned before, this hypothesis is also supported by
Tillotson (1994:194f) who assumed that each ethnic group had its own
decoration style for these valuable trophies (but note also footnote 7).
Significance of these decorations
The ritual significance of the various ornaments as described above
is still largely unknown. Michael Heppell (personal communication)
supposes that only those ethnic groups who did not practice much
headhunting decorated their few skulls so carefully. Winzeler (1999:202)
assumes the decoration served to enhance the skulls' aesthetic
interest or ritual value. A complementary interpretation suggests that
an elaborate ornamentation, involving specific ethnic designs or charms,
would more efficiently incorporate the trophy into the community. The
skull as a vehicle for the spirit, and ritually processed by such
decorations, would become "domesticated" and its value as a
pusaka would be boosted as well (Guerreiro, personal communication).
Floral motifs, as evidence of a previous Hindu-Javanese influence,
are widespread among ethnic groups such as the Bidayuh, Tunjung,
Benua', and Melanau (compare van der Hoop 1975: 233-273). With
reference to the fertilizing effect of trophy skulls, Sellato (1992:45)
provided the following interpretation for the "lotus flower"
motif, which may also be extended to its use on trophy skulls: "...
among the Land Dayak and some Barito groups, the lotus motif is the
equivalent of the jar [a major underworld symbol and a symbol of the
female sexual organs] ... Both the lotus center and the jar contain the
elixir of life ... [which] secures fertility."
Guerreiro (2012:98) correlated the flower and floral offshoot
motifs, and the scrolled and sprouting tendrils with the growth of
plants--a metaphor for life, fertility and general prosperity of the
village community. This parallels Sellato's interpretation of the
"lotus flower." Also the tumpal(-like) motif that appears on
some trophy skulls (Fig. 6c, 12b) was a widespread symbol of the vital
force, thus of agricultural and human fertility, and it denoted
durability (Sellato 1992:48). Notably, an improvement of factors like
fertility and prosperity were highly important ritual elements of
headhunting.
Whether or not the anthropomorphic figures, cut from tinfoil and
glued to the skullcap of a few trophies (Fig. 9) are associated with
slave sacrifice and fertility, as they are in carvings, paintings or
beadwork (Ave & King 1986:64) must be left for further discussion.
Conclusion
Although some ethnic groups in southwest Borneo elaborately
decorated their trophy skulls, these masterpieces of ritual art have not
been in the focus of ethnological work for a long time. Therefore, the
proposed classification according to the applied manufacturing technique
and the various motifs used for decoration may serve as an initial step
toward a better understanding of these ritually important objects.
However, the number of available skulls for this study was limited and
the origin of most of them was insufficiently documented. Further
research is therefore needed to shed more light on the ritual background
of the various skull embellishments and their geographic and ethnic
distribution.
Acknowledgements
Many persons have helped me to bring this project to life, whether
by generously providing photographs, or permitting me to photograph and
examine the decorated trophy skulls, or preparing documentations for
individual skulls. I offer my sincere thanks to the following persons
and museums: Dries Bargheer (Frankfurt); Francine Brinkgreve and
Laurette Laman Trip (both at the Museum of World Cultures, Leiden);
Dietmar Grundmann (Ethnological Museum, Leipzig); Richard Kunz (Haus der
Kulturen, Basel); Sushma Jansari and Imogen Laing (both at the British
Museum, London); Magnus Johansson (National Museums of World Culture,
Stockholm); Sri Tjahjani Kuhnt-Saptodewo (Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna) who
also commented on the manuscript; Olof Ljungstrom (Karolinska
Institutet, Stockholm); Petra Martin (Ethnological Museum, Dresden);
Georg Noack and Jasmin li Sabai Gunther (both at the Linden-Museum,
Stuttgart); Roland Platz (Ethnological Museum, Berlin); Martijn de
Ruijter (Tropical Museum, Amsterdam); Jan Stora (Osteological Research
Laboratory, University Stockholm); Pirn Westerkamp (at that time in the
Tropical Museum, Amsterdam); Elisabeth Reicher and Heinz Gratzer (both
at the Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna) for their great assistance and prompt
support in literature research.
I thank Michael Heppell for providing me with information about the
Kanayatn practice of decorating trophy skulls, Bernard Sellato for his
most helpful comments on the manuscript, and Antonio Guerreiro for
reading the manuscript and sharing details on certain motivations for
headhunting with me.
My sincere thanks go also to Clifford Sather who provided valuable
advice on ethnic relationships and on stylistic matters. Above all, I
thank my wife for her continuous support of this work.
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Studies of Death, Burial and Reburial Practices in Borneo. Phillips:
Borneo Research Council Monograph Series Volume 7, pp. 3-37.
Winzeler, Robert L. 1999 Notes on Two Engraved Half-Skulls in
Kampung Grogo, Bau. Sarawak Museum Journal 75 (New Series):201-209.
Witti, Franz X. 1880 Diary of F. Witti, Esq., During an Excursion
in North Borneo, from Marudu Bay to Papar, by the Eastern Slopes of
Mount Kinabalu. London.
1882 British North Borneo. Diary of F. Witti. Singapore: Singapore
and Straits Printing Office.
(1) No clear evidence for previous headhunting has been documented
for ethnic groups such as the Rungus of northern Sabah, the Tempasuk
Dusun, located about 50 miles south of the Rungus (Appell and Appell
2003:102), or the Meratus Dayak (Guerreiro, personal communication).
(2) The online version of this article has no page references.
(3) This included, among others, discarding the mourning clothes,
resumption of body care like pulling out eyebrows and eyelashes, and
shaving the parts of the scalp surrounding the crown, as soon as the
fresh trophy was brought into the village (Hose and McDougall
1912:I:176).
(4) Local informants told Haddon (1901:395) that such skulls were
labelled A, B, C, etc. and that a record was kept of each skull
borrowed. When the ceremonies were over the skulls had to be returned to
the fort where they were made available for other occasions.
(5) In the context of this study, the author applies
Tillotson's statement only to those Dayak groups that used
elaborate trophy skull decorations like bone carving, overmodeling or
tinfoil applications. For the sake of clarification, Cliff Sather
(personal communication) notes in this connection that a number of Dayak
groups, including the Iban who were historically among the most
proficient of all Borneo headhunters, did not engrave, overmodel, or
otherwise embellish their trophy skulls (antu pala') except to
enclose them in rattan receptacles (ringka' antu pala') and
attach to them isang palm leaves (Licuala borneensis).
(6) A provisional nomenclature is proposed to allow for an easier
description of the motifs; it is indicated by italics between quotation
marks.
(7) The base of the skull is often blackened by smoke/soot or
discolored to varying shades of brown, the latter indicating the
exposition to heat from an open fire (Beach et al. 2008:137f; Devlin and
Herrmann 2008:11 Off; Walker et al, 2008:130). However, in most of the
studied skulls these wooden elements, including the rear parts of the
wooden nose in the nasal cavity, show not the slightest signs of
discoloration. This points towards a careful smoke-, soot-, and
dust-free storage of the overmodeled skulls after their finalization.
Alternatively, they were probably only finished shortly before being
given away to the Europeans.
(8) Such "fields" were also briefly described by
Guerreiro (2012:98).
(9) As in Fig. 10c between "parietal" and "temporal
field" or Fig. 10e between "frontal" and "parietal
field."
(10) The designation "foliate scroll" takes into account
the nomenclature used by Sellato (1992:Fig. 77, 83), Heppell et al.
(2005:Fig. 152) and others.
(11) Charles Hose (1912:I:153f) described the production of
"dragon's blood" as follows: "The small yellow fruit
of the rattan ... is subjected to prolonged boiling. The fluid becomes a
bright crimson colour; this, boiled down till it has the consistency of
beeswax, is known as dragon's blood ..." More recent
manufacturing methods of "dragon's blood" are described
by H. Christensen (2012:48) who conducted ethnobotanical fieldwork in
two Sarawak longhouse communities, Pa Dalih (Kelabit) and Nanga Sumpa
(Iban): "Red color with rattan fruit. Calamus marginatus,
Daemonorops didymophylla, and D. sabut. The fruit scales of these
species ... are covered in a red substance called "dragon's
blood" ... In Nanga Sumpa, people told me that the fruit scales of
the ripe fruits were shaken in a container to separate the powdery red
resin from the fruits. In both communities water was then added to
produce a paste, which was heated and rubbed onto the surface of bamboo
culms or rattan canes ..."
(12) Such skulls were mostly given and not sold as Bidayuh, Kayan,
and Kenyah believed that bought trophies would have no virtue (Shelford
1985:287; 1901:395). However, von Dewall (cited in Rousseau 1998:85,
footnote 39) wrote that in the Wahau region of East Borneo fresh and old
heads were sold at fixed prices.
Markus Mally
Matteottiplatz 2/26/15
A-1160 Vienna, AUSTRIA
mallymarkus@a1.net
Table 1: Core data regarding the skulls which are discussed below.
Information between brackets represents the author's opinion.
Accession Date of
Current repository number collection
Amsterdam (NL), 1322-171 09.05.1939
Tropen-museum (date of donation?)
A-5286 before 1887
A-5287 before 1887
Basel (CH), Museum der IIc 21421 1981
Kulturen
Berlin (DE), Ethnological IC 425 (1846-48)
Museum
IC 426 (1846-48)
IC 870 (1846-48)
IC 23067 19th century
Dresden (DE), A 828 before 1859
Ethnological Museum
A 829 before 1859
A 1356 (1846-48)
A 1357 (1846-48)
A 1358 (1846-48)
Leiden (NL), National 360-5268 before 1883
Museum of World Cultures
427-22 Acquisition date: 01.1889
3600-3380 Acquisition date: 08.1925
3600-3381 Before 1927 (19th century)
Leipzig (DE), GRASSI Sas 1719 ? (19th century)
Ethnological Museum
Sas 1720 ? (19th century)
London (GB), British As 1950,05.2 before 1922 (19th century)
Museum
As.7574 acquisition date: 1871
Stockholm (SE), currently 1.17 before 1896
Osteological Research
Laboratory
Stuttgart (DE), SA 30558 acquisition date: 1955
Linden-Museum
Vienna (AT), Weltmuseum 056941 acquisition date: 1896
Wien
056942 acquisition date: 1896
Author's collection n.a. 1985
Accession
Current repository number Provenance
Amsterdam (NL), 1322-171 Borneo
Tropen-museum
A-5286 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
A-5287 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Basel (CH), Museum der IIc 21421 (West Kalimantan)
Kulturen
Berlin (DE), Ethnological IC 425 NW-Borneo (Kapuas and its
Museum tributaries)
IC 426 Borneo (Kapuas and
tributaries)
IC 870 NW-Borneo (Kapuas and its
tributaries)
IC 23067 NW-Borneo (West
Kalimantan)
Dresden (DE), A 828 Sambas or Landak
Ethnological Museum
A 829 Sambas or Landak
A 1356 West Borneo (Kapuas and
its tributaries)
A 1357 West Borneo (Kapuas and
its tributaries)
A 1358 West Borneo (Kapuas and
its tributaries)
Leiden (NL), National 360-5268 West Kalimantan
Museum of World Cultures
427-22 West Kalimantan
3600-3380 Borneo, Kalimantan
(West Kalimantan)
3600-3381 West Borneo
(West Kalimantan)
Leipzig (DE), GRASS! Sas 1719 West Kalimantan
Ethnological Museum
Sas 1720 West Kalimantan
London (GB), British As 1950,05.2 Kalimantan (West
Museum Kalimantan)
As.7574 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Stockholm (SE), currently 1.17 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Osteological Research
Laboratory
Stuttgart (DE), SA 30558 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Linden-Museum
Vienna (AT), Weltmuseum 056941 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Wien
056942 Borneo (West Kalimantan)
Author's collection n.a. West Kalimantan, Melawi
area
Accession
Current repository number Main decoration
Amsterdam (NL), 1322-171 painting
Tropen-museum
A-5286 partly overmodeled and
tin-foil covered,
incisions and painting
A-5287 overlaid with tin-foil,
from which motifs are cut
out
Basel (CH), Museum der IIc 21421 incisions
Kulturen
Berlin (DE), Ethnological IC 425 high-relief carvings,
Museum painting
IC 426 incisions/engravings,
painting
IC 870 partly overmodeled and
tin-foil covered,
incisions/engravings
IC 23067 painting, incisions
Dresden (DE), A 828 partly overmodeled and
Ethnological Museum overlaid with tin-foil,
painting
A 829 Partly overmodeled and
overlaid with tin-foil,
painting
A 1356 high-relief carvings
A 1357 high-relief carvings
A 1358 incisions
Leiden (NL), National 360-5268 originally incised; then
Museum of World Cultures partly overmodeled and
overlaid with tin-foil,
painting
427-22 Originally incised; then
partly overmodeled,
overlaid with tin-foil
from which motifs are cut
out
3600-3380 incisions
3600-3381 originally incised; then
partly overmodeled and
overlaid with tin-foil
from which motifs are cut
out
Leipzig (DE), GRASS! Sas 1719 partly overmodeled,
Ethnological Museum overlaid with tin-foil
from which motifs are cut
out
Sas 1720 partly overmodeled,
overlaid with tin-foil
from which motifs are cut
out
London (GB), British As 1950,05.2 Partly overmodeled,
Museum incisions, painting
As.7574 incisions
Stockholm (SE), currently 1.17 Incisions, painting,
Osteological Research remnants of tin-foil
Laboratory
Stuttgart (DE), SA 30558 partly overmodeled and
Linden-Museum overlaid with tin-foil,
incisions
Vienna (AT), Weltmuseum 056941 incisions, engravings,
Wien painting
056942 high-relief carvings,
blackened
Author's collection n.a. incisions
Table 2, facing page: Trophy skull decorations in Borneo (based on
personal observations and information cited in Roth
1896:II:147-153).
Location Affixed foreign elements Direct processing of
the bone
Orbital --sealed with a circular
cavity wooden disc (with/
without painted
pupil; Fig. 12b);
--wooden disc overmodeled
with guttapercha or
another resin;
--Cowrie shells,
representing "closed
eyes with lashes," in
some cases framed by
Nassa snails, (Fig.
1b,c,d,g; 6a,b,c; Table
3b)
--filled with red
seeds (1)
Nasal cavity --nose-shaped (carved) --single case: circular
piece of wood inserted motifs carved in the
(e.g. Fig. 6a,b; Table maxillar bone beside
3e,f); the base of the nasal
--a single boar-tusk cavity (Fig. 10g; Table
inserted 3c)
Lower jaw --U-shaped wooden
replacement, carved or
curved, either as
imitation of the
mandible or the "lower
face" with slightly
opened mouth (Fig. 6a;
Table 3c);
--single case: hairs
fixed to the wooden
replacement
representing a goatee;
--overmodeled and/or
overlaid with tin-foil
(in the latter case
motifs may be cut out
from the foil; Fig. 6b;
Table 3e)
Teeth --wooden imitations
(Table 3c)
Facial skull --overmodeled; --abstract incisions/
--overlaid with tin-foil engravings (partly
from which abstract depicting floral
motifs may be cut out elements) on the
(Table 3b,e); zygomatic and maxillar
--2 boar-tusks tied bones surrounding the
together and fixed to orbital cavities (Fig.
the palate of the 10c,e,f, g; Table 3c)
toothless maxilla;
--painting (e. g., Fig.
12; Table 3c)
Skullcap --hairs, down feathers, --floral or abstract
or tin-foil strips motifs, including
representing "eyebrows" "eyebrows", either
(Fig. 1b,d; 5c,d; 6b; carved as high reliefs
9; 14a,c; Table 3e); (Fig. 1a,c,e,f,i;
--overlaid with tin-foil, 2a,c,d; 10; 11; 12c,d;
from which floral and/ 13b,c;
or abstract motifs are --one or two hole(s)
cut out (Fig. 1b,d,g,h; drilled near the the
2e; 5c,d; 6b,c; 7a; 9; skull (e.g., Fig.
12e; 13a; 14a,c; Tattle 1a,i; 2a,b,d; 4b; 5d)
3f);
--painting (Fig. 1c,i;
2d; 3b; 5a,c,d; 6a; 8a;
9; 12a-d; Table
3c,d,f);
--attachment of hair to
the skullcap in
connection with
mounting the whole
skull in a wooden frame
(see p.147, Murut);
--passing a
bead-decorated cord
loop through one or two
drilled hole(s) to
suspend the skull
Temporal --overmodeled skulls: --abstract motifs (with
region attachment of wooden floral elements) either
ear replacements (Fig. incised/ engraved or
14c; Table 3e); carved as high-reliefs
--attachment of dried (Fig. 4a; 10c,e; 12d)
and frayed Licuala palm
leaves (sang, isang,
silat, silad), or other
objects to the
zygomatic bone(s) (2,3)
(Table 3c, f)
Entire --(partly) overmodeled
skull (excl. with guttapercha, on
skullbase) which tiny colored
glass beads are mounted
Notes:
(1): Quoted in Rutter (1985:202) for some upper Padas villages.
(2): A Munit informant defined the importance of silat as follows:
"it is not a mere representation of hair ... it is rather a sort of
medicine ... without it, the heads would be angry and bring harm
upon us" (Rutter 1985:202).
(3): Among almost all Borneo Dayak groups, Licuala palm leaves were
used for wrapping skulls when handling and carrying them and when
hanging them from rafters or ritual posts (Sellato, personal
communication).
