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  • 标题:Working after childbirth: a lifecourse transition analysis of Canadian women from the 1970s to the 2000s.
  • 作者:Gaudet, Stephanie ; Cooke, Martin ; Jacob, Joanna
  • 期刊名称:Canadian Review of Sociology
  • 印刷版ISSN:1755-6171
  • 出版年度:2011
  • 期号:May
  • 语种:English
  • 出版社:Canadian Sociological Association
  • 摘要:Questions remain concerning how different cohorts of Canadian women have experienced these labor market transitions after childbirth. These changes have taken place over time and, although women's employment participation rates are high, Canadian men and women still have different work trajectories, mainly because the paid work careers of many women are interrupted by childbearing and caring work in a way that men's usually are not (Baker 2005; Kempeneers 1987). Although interruptions are often temporary and facilitated by maternity and parental leave policies, some women remain out of the labor force beyond the time supported by paid leave, and others do not return to work for years after the birth of their children (Marshall 1999; Zhang 2007).
  • 关键词:Childbirth;Delivery (Childbirth);Labor force;Labor supply;Working mothers

Working after childbirth: a lifecourse transition analysis of Canadian women from the 1970s to the 2000s.


Gaudet, Stephanie ; Cooke, Martin ; Jacob, Joanna 等


A FAMILIAR THEME EMERGING FROM POLICY studies and gender analyses over the past few decades is the growing number of women in the paid labor market, with the most notable rise among women with young children. In 2001, 80 percent of Canadian women aged 25 to 54 participated in the paid labor market, placing Canada near the Nordic countries in this regard (Jaumotte 2003). Between 1976 and 2004, the largest increase in employment1 has been among mothers with children under the age of three (Statistics Canada 2005a). This supports the now common assumption that a majority of Canadians are living in "full adult worker" families. The abandonment of the previous "male breadwinner" model is an important aspect of the new welfare regime, prevalent in several Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries, in which policies regarding work and care giving explicitly or implicitly assume women's full labor market participation (Lewis and Giullari 2005).

Questions remain concerning how different cohorts of Canadian women have experienced these labor market transitions after childbirth. These changes have taken place over time and, although women's employment participation rates are high, Canadian men and women still have different work trajectories, mainly because the paid work careers of many women are interrupted by childbearing and caring work in a way that men's usually are not (Baker 2005; Kempeneers 1987). Although interruptions are often temporary and facilitated by maternity and parental leave policies, some women remain out of the labor force beyond the time supported by paid leave, and others do not return to work for years after the birth of their children (Marshall 1999; Zhang 2007).

Widespread employment of mothers has been a fact since the 1970s, but we know little about the evolution and the variations of this social phenomenon. It is important to understand how this lifecourse transition has taken place across cohorts in the Canadian context. For example, comparing the likelihood of returning to work for women who had their children in the early 1970s to later childbearing cohorts can provide insight about how these different cohorts of women will enter older ages, as lifelong labor force activity affects income later in life.

One reason for the lack of knowledge about these phenomena is a dearth of longitudinal data in Canada, especially data that extend to periods before the 1990s (Bernard 2003; Kempeneers 1989). Long-term data are important in order to understand the specific patterns that have arisen in the last 30 years as Canadian families have progressed from a strongly gendered role demarcation model toward one of greater equity. In this article, we focus on the variation of the transition to paid work after childbirth among Canadian women who had their first children between 1970 and 1999. We use retrospective data from the 2001 General Social Survey (GSS) to examine women's entry to work after the birth of a first child, and how this has changed since the early 1970s. We do not directly address the length of women's labor market withdrawal for childbearing, but rather the probability that a woman will be engaged in paid work within two years following first birth. This time period might appear arbitrary; however, this is a common approach used by researchers in various countries to measure postchildbirth employment (Hofferth and Curtin 2006; Marshall 1999). This period is long enough to include most women who planned to return to work after childbirth, and is longer than most standard maternity leaves. Our analysis is grounded in a lifecourse perspective, and is focused on individual transitions and characteristics that influence trajectories, as well as the social and historical context that structures individual lives.

MOTHERS IN THE LABOR MARKET

Breaks in employment can have strong implications for women's individual lifecourses, as well as for gender equity in employment in aggregate. The length of an absence from paid work after childbirth is of critical importance to individual women's long-term economic well-being, their opportunities for human capital development (Kenjoh 2005), their subsequent professional mobility (Felmlee 1995) and eventual retirement. It also has important effects on families' well-being. Women's full-time employment before birth and quick return to work after birth have been found to be strongly protective against poverty among Canadian families (Juby et al. 2005). It is therefore important to understand the characteristics of women who are more likely to remain out of the workforce for some time.

Since the 1990s, the majority of postindustrial countries have been developing social policies based on the "full adult worker family" model (Haas 2005; Jenson and Sineau 2001; Lewis and Giullari 2005). This evolution is rooted in a change in values, but also in economic pressures and macrosocial change (Ranson 2005). Changes in family structures, including the increase in lone parent families headed by women, have also helped to normalize the idea of the financial independence of women. Equal opportunity, equal citizenship and gender equity objectives have led governments to promote full employment for women (Stoltzfus 2003), and Canada is in line with this trend (Baker 2005; Doucet 2010).

Labor market participation by mothers is the new reality facing contemporary societies (Hochschild 2003) and an issue of growing significance for public policy in western and nonwestern countries (Heymann 2006). Several researchers point out that, although women are approaching levels of labor force participation previously associated with men, some aspects of social organization are still based on a male breadwinner model (Lewis and Giullari 2005). For example, most unpaid work at home is still done by women (Doucet 2010; Fast and Frederick 2004; Kershaw 2005), and women predominate among part-time workers (Beaujot 2000; Phillips and Phillips 2000). One of the challenges in understanding this phenomenon is to be aware of the disparity between the normative policy goals of the full adult worker model and the empirical reality of mothers (Crompton 2006). The increases in mothers' employment soon after childbearing since the 1970s may lead analysts, employers, or policymakers to forget this disparity.

TRANSITIONS FROM A LIFECOURSE PERSPECTIVE

The question of women's return to work after childbirth is well suited to a lifecourse approach because this key transition is at the nexus of individual biography and social structure (Reiter 2009). Lifecourse is a multidisciplinary perspective that reflects the "intersection of social and historical factors with personal biography" (Elder 1985:24). Hence, lifecourse patterns and the timing of "transitions" or changes in status or roles (MacMillan and Copher 2005) are expected to fluctuate across time, space, and populations. The lifecourse focuses on how the experience of transitions in interrelated "domains," including the family, work, and employment, affect one another (Elder 1985; Kruger and Levy 2001). This approach helps to connect research on the labor market to that on the family, and provides an especially appropriate framework for those who wish to investigate the relationships between women's childbearing and employment transitions.

For individual women, the employment transition following a first birth is among the key turning points in the lifecourse. The birth event constitutes a more significant rupture in the life trajectories of women than it does in those of men, and for some women it remains associated with an extended absence from the labor market, resulting in a loss of long-term human and social capital. These work interruptions related to childcare can lead to lower incomes over the long term, and contribute to overall gender disparity in income (Phipps, Burton, and Lethbridge 2001), although analyses show that the gap between Canadian mothers and nonmothers income has decreased over the last decade (Zhang 2007).

Furthermore, the career trajectories of women with young children may suffer when they have the primary responsibility for rearranging their work schedules to care for children who are ill, and when they are the partners performing a greater share of the unpaid work in the home. From a lifecourse perspective, these women capitalize their resources, in the sense that they continue to gain human and financial capital by maintaining their attachment to paid work. However, they face different challenges from those of men, even if they have similar labor force attachment, including issues related to workplace equity, accessibility of daycare services, overtime work culture (Blair-Loy and Jacobs 2003; Wharton and Blair-Loy 2006), and wage equity (Fortin and Huberman 2002). At least in the short term, they are also more likely to have health problems related to stress, particularly as they balance childcare and paid work (Duxbury and Higgins 2002, 2003; Higgins, Duxbury, and Lyons 2005).

Traditionally, lifecourse analyses have mainly documented the sequence and the timing of transitions, including how these patterns have changed over time (George 1993). However, more recent lifecourse research has turned to understanding social differentiation within key life transitions (Dewilde 2003; Hynes and Clarkberg 2005; MacMillan 2005). Instead of merely analyzing the sequencing of life events, these researchers are investigating the types of lifecourse trajectories and are relating them to socioeconomic characteristics, such as education or social class (Hogan and Astone 1986).

With respect to this particular lifecourse transition, it is important to consider not only how women's back-to-work transitions have changed, but also whether the characteristics that predict this transition have also changed. In other countries, studies have been conducted on cohort changes in women's work transitions following childbirth. Stanfors (2006), using multinomial logistic regression, compared the odds of part-time paid work, full-time work, or not working at all after childbirth, for five cohorts of Swedish women born between 1949 and 1969. These models found significant cohort differences, even after controlling for previous labor force participation, number of children, parents' employment, religiosity, and self-reported "career orientation." In one U.K. study, Smeaton (2006) compared two birth cohorts of women (aged 23 in 1988 and 2000) in terms of their odds of returning to work one year after childbirth. While there were expectations of an increasing polarization of the timing of women's return to work, due partly to the cost of childcare, their results showed a reduction in the importance of women's social class in predicting this work transition. However, a gap remains in the Canadian research regarding the questions of how women's postchildbirth employment has changed between cohorts.

THE EFFECTS OF STRUCTURAL CHANGE IN THE CANADIAN LABOR MARKET ON WOMEN's EMPLOYMENT TRANSITIONS (1970s-1990s)

The sociohistoric period in which women take the key lifecourse decision to work after childbirth is important, as a key element of the lifecourse perspective is how individual biographies are shaped by particular social and historical contexts. In this paper, we focus our analysis on the 30 years from 1970 to 1999--a period in which important changes in the economy and the labor market took place.

The recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s may have been particularly influential on labor market transitions. Some have identified 1979 as the beginning of the economic change of the period, as the postwar increase in real wages ceased.

Since the vast majority of Canadian families depend on labour market earnings as their primary income source, trends in the level of real wages are key to their economic well-being--and the crucial novelty of Canadian economic events since 1979 is the fact that the growth of average real wages largely halted. (Osberg 2007:14)

The labor market participation of Canadian women rose continuously between the early 1960s and early 1990s. Various factors explain this trend: economic needs, individual values and attitudes, and social changes. Among those, high rates of family dissolution, women's increasing educational attainment, and gender equality claims in the workplace rerated to the second-wave feminist movement (1960-1990) have been key influences on women's labor market behavior.

While paid employment had previously been largely closed to mothers, the 1970s labor market opened up to women with school- and preschool-aged children. However these changes took place very slowly throughout the 1970s and 1980s. As of 1976, 60.9 percent of women under 55 years old and without children were working, compared with just 27.6 percent of mothers with children under three. It has only been since the mid-1980s that a majority of mothers of preschoolers were employed in the labor market. The year 1985 represents the milestone at which a majority (52 percent) of mothers with children aged three to five were employed; 1987 marked a similar point for mothers with children under three (Statistics Canada 2005b).

As well as providing a reminder that mothers' widespread labor force participation is a relatively recent phenomenon, these figures demonstrate how women's trajectories in paid work are linked to the institutionalization of children's lifecourses. In short, women's employment is facilitated by the availability of caring services for children. In 1991, only 22 percent of preschool-aged Canadian children had a daycare space, and the greatest shortage in space availability was for infant care (Phillips and Phillips 2000).

The period of expansion in women's labor force participation ended in the early 1990s, a time of economic crisis, high unemployment rates, and a dramatically changing labor market. New technology, just-in-time management, downsizing, and out-sourcing to developing countries with far lower labor costs were affecting the labor market demand in Canada. Over the 1990s, many Canadians lost their "good jobs" in unionized workplaces, especially manufacturing. A new "flexible" labor market with many "bad jobs," including lower pay, short-term contract and self-employment, and nonstandard working hours began to expand (Canadian Economic Council 1990).

EFFECTS OF INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS ON MOTHERS' EMPLOYMENT TRANSITIONS

Given the changes in the patterns of women's labor force participation and the possibility of the variation of women's lifecourses in this regard, an important research issue is the identification of the various factors that may lead to different work trajectories. Although many scholars would emphasize the importance of structural class and gender effects on the employment transitions of mothers (Kempeneers 1987), the majority of empirical studies examining this transition are rooted in neoclassical economic theories based on rational choice and preference (Charles et al. 2001). Viewed from the perspective of the dominant ideology, women are seen as benefiting more than their husbands from involvement in nonremunerated caring work, while men's higher incomes reinforce their continuous labor force attachment within the family strategy (Becker 1991). Women's decisions to leave work for care giving or to work part-time in order to combine work and family roles are therefore cast as a manifestation of women's (and men's) preferences in light of the available options (Hakim 1995, 1996, 1998). Similar Canadian results have confirmed the fundamental idea of Hakim's research in the United Kingdom--that women make rational choices regarding their working time, considering the utility of childcare and the available wages (Cleveland, Gunderson, and Hyatt 1996).

This theory contrasts somewhat with theories that explain the choice women make in terms of their lifecourses, their occupations, and national policies, as well as gender and class structures (Crompton and Harris 1998). We share this sociological perspective by using a lifecourse analysis in which both structure and individual agency are taken into account. The choices women make remain constrained by structurally determined employment opportunities and also by the points in their lifecourses at which they find themselves faced with employment decisions (Houston and Marks 2003; Lewis and Giullari 2005; Marks and Houston 2002).

Important inequalities between men and women, and particularly between mothers and fathers, still prevail in the labor market, and gender ideology forms a social-structural context for these decisions (Crompton 2006; Zhang 2007). Studies of women's work intentions can demonstrate the relevance of structural determination. Crompton, for example, found that a number of women had not managed to obtain the employment conditions after childbirth (in terms of full- or part-time) that they had hoped for while pregnant, suggesting that there can be a wide gulf between women's "preferences" and their realities (Crompton 2002). Similarly, Tomlinson (2006) examined British women's preferences in choosing to work full-time or part-time and found that they are shaped by a number of factors, including the policy context and their own care networks. She concluded that women make "reactive" or "compromised" choices that affect their subsequent trajectories.

Other factors are often associated with mothers return to work such as their occupational qualifications and educational attainment (Elliott, Angela, and Egerton 2001); culture and religious values (Glass and Leda 2006); the educational attainment of the maternal grandmother and her employment trajectory (Sanders 1997); age at first birth (Elliott et al. 2001; Hynes and Clarkberg 2005); the availability of personal networks for care giving; and the presence of a spouse actively involved in childcare (Feeney et al. 2003; Helms-Erikson 2001). Support from the workplace and access to quality childcare services are also key considerations influencing a mother's decision to return to work (Barrow 1999; Killien 2005), as well as family policies such as maternity/parental leave and affordable quality daycare. Owing to methodological constraints, in this paper we will focus on the effects of women's education and training, their age at childbearing, employment before childbearing, and spousal incomes.

Mothers' Education

In research undertaken in several countries, women's education (defined by credentials and training) is related to the likelihood of working after childbirth. In many countries, it would appear to be the most significant factor affecting reentry into the labor market after birth (Elliott et al. 2001). However, understanding the influence of mothers' education is complex because education and credentials can have a mixed impact on transitions, depending on the type of jobs and workplaces.

In a comparative study of five European countries illustrating different types of welfare regimes, researchers found that it was only in Sweden that women with university degrees did not return to work sooner than those without (Gutierrez-Domenech 2002, 2005). This is noteworthy because this prototypical social-democratic country has a set of family policies based on employment equity for men and women and on well-integrated work-life balance provisions. These data suggest that in other types of welfare state, university-educated women's transition to paid employment is quicker than those without a university degree. Thus, women without university degrees in countries where social policies are less egalitarian seem to have fewer incentives to return quickly to work. If we consider education as a proxy for social class, then this may suggest a growing class differentiation in these lifecourse transitions in these countries.

This phenomenon may be due to a number of factors. University training is often associated with better salaries as well as with qualitative factors that might affect work attachment, such as autonomy and job satisfaction. Armstrong and Armstrong (1994) explain that women often work in jobs with fewer opportunities to regulate their own hours of work, less decision-making power, and fewer outlets for creativity--factors that are usually related to job satisfaction. This lack of control over work might be a barrier for some women trying to balance work and family, and women with higher education may be more likely to have the types of jobs that offer the autonomy to make this balance, or more ability to change their jobs in favor of better arrangements. The relationship between these aspects of work and education is not straightforward, however, and has recently been changing. Although the working hours of Canadian women have generally been longer for those with higher education, the gap in the number of hours worked between college-educated women and those with university degrees almost disappeared between 1997 and 2006. This was due in large part to a significant decrease in the proportion of women with university degrees working more than 41 hours/week (Statistics Canada 2008).

Analyses based on longitudinal data from Britain (Elliott et al. 2001) shed light on important distinctions with respect to women's education and their return to work after childbirth. Specifically, it appears that it is not so much education as the link between education and a given segment of the employment market that influences women's return to work. British women with occupationally specific degrees, such as architecture, nursing, and education, return to work faster than women with nonoccupational degrees, such as degrees in administration, literature, and so on. Again, job satisfaction or the requirement of hours of practice to keep a professional license to practice might influence this transition.

Few Canadian empirical studies exist on the influence of education on this specific life transition. Using data from the 1993 to 1996 Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics, Marshall (1999) found no significant and independent effect of education (high school or less versus higher education) on the likelihood of Canadian women returning to work "quickly" (within one or two months), or within two years of childbirth. However, she did find that women who had shorter tenure in their jobs and who were nonunionized or part-time workers were more likely to return to their jobs quickly--within two months of childbirth.

Using U.S. data for women born between 1958 and 1965, Han et al. (2008) found that, among women who gave birth in 2001, older women and those with degrees above the bachelor's level were more likely than younger or less-educated women to have returned to work nine months after birth. However, at two months, the younger and less-educated women were more likely to be employed. The authors speculate that women with more work experience and better education may be more likely to have savings or maternity leave available, which might make them more likely to return eventually, but would also allow them to delay this transition. Moreover, the employability of these women is greater in a competitive labor market. They have better chances of finding a new position or of returning to their employment even if they delay their return. Women with weaker labor force positions may both need to return in a relatively short period and be less likely to find work if they extend their leave and miss job opportunities. Obviously the U.S. policy context is different from that of Canada. More limited maternity leave programs and private childcare markets in the United States result in differences in returns to work.

Age at First Birth

Since the 1970s we have seen a significant change in life trajectories for women, as the average age of entry into a conjugal relationship and parenthood continues to increase (Ravanera, Rajulton, and Burch 1998). The lengthening of the transition to independence has resulted in ever more Canadian women having their first child after the age of 30. In 1983, only 14 percent of first births were to mothers over the age of 30, compared with 48 percent in 2003 (Statistics Canada 2005a). These temporal changes in the entry into adulthood are mainly explained by the longer period young adults, especially young women, spend in postsecondary education (Cote 2006). These changes appear to have consequences for women's employment transitions after giving birth as well, because highly educated young women are more likely to have children later in life, to remain in stable couple relationships, and to live in high-income households. All these factors are associated with a fairly quick return to the labor market after childbirth (Juby et al. 2005). A number of studies correlate having a child later in life with a greater likelihood of labor market reentry following childbirth (Han et al. 2008; Houston and Marks 2003). However, Marshall's (1999) analysis found no significant independent relationship between age and returning to work within 24 months of childbirth, among Canadian women who had given birth in the period between 1993 and 1996.

Employment Status before First Birth

Employment status before childbearing is obviously an important factor influencing women's subsequent work transitions. This is true for most lifecourse trajectories in which previous conditions, statuses, and roles form the context of later choices. In the case of U.S. women's transitions to work after childbearing, Hynes and Clarkberg (2005) found that college degree-holding women working in full-time jobs were more likely to promptly reenter employment than were part-time workers or women who were outside the labor market before delivery. Women's career or job satisfaction might also be a strong factor influencing the length of her absence from the labor market after childbirth.

Part of the effect of prechildbirth employment on later transitions may be that having a job immediately before childbearing may allow access to maternity leave, which not only facilitates temporary withdrawal from work by replacing income, but also has a "job holding" function, encouraging return to the same employer. There is considerable international evidence that access to parental or maternal leave increases women's rate of return to work after childbearing (Baker 2005; Barrow 1999; Burgess et al. 2008; Haas 2005; Hofferth and Curtin 2006; Klerman and Leibowitz 1999; Zhang 2007).

Family Policies

The effects of social policies on this key life transition have been of interest to many scholars. Three types of policy arrangements might be of importance in mothers' behavior: maternity and parental leaves, childcare policies, and early childhood benefits. In the Canadian context, maternity leave was been extended in all provinces during the 1980s, although there were important provincial variations. In 1971, 15 weeks paid maternal leave was introduced in Canada for female employees, followed by the addition in 1990 of 10 weeks of parental leave to be taken by either parent. By the end of the 1970s, all provinces had passed laws ensuring women employees had access to at least 17 weeks of unpaid maternity leave (Baker 2005). All of these programs excluded nonstandard workers who did not contribute to Employment Insurance, however. In 2006, the province of Quebec extended the program for self-employed mothers and fathers. The most recent change--one year of combined parental and maternity leave--was implemented in 2000, standardizing leave provision across the provinces. (2) In the province of Quebec, a $5 per day childcare policy began in 1997, with the cost increasing to $7 a day in 2000, had an important impact on women's return to work (Cleveland 2008; Lefebvre and Merrigan 2008). However, as the present paper is mainly concerned with the evolution of maternal transitions to work from 1970 to 1999, the effects of these more recent policy measures cannot be addressed in our analysis.

Spousal or Family Income

Another factor affecting women's return to work is their access to the various economic resources that allow them to balance paid and unpaid work after childbearing (Cleveland et al. 1996). The presence and salary of a spouse is clearly important in this context, and previous research on this transition generally finds that spousal income is especially important for women's return to work, particularly in the event of an unplanned pregnancy. For those women who have children in the absence of a spouse or partner, balancing childcare and work is even more complicated, and clearly has potential implications for a woman's labor market participation. However, among those with partners, low spousal income may encourage fast reentry, and high spousal income may give more choices for women to express their preferences to either stay home or return to work (Hakim 1998).

Most of the previous research regarding the effects of structural context and individual characteristics on women's employment transitions has been done outside the Canadian context. We have little information on the characteristics that affect Canadian women's employment or how this has changed over the past few decades. It is these disparities that we mainly address in the present paper.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES

Our main research questions were: (1) what are the characteristics that affect Canadian women's employment and (2) how have women's employment transitions after the birth of a first child have changed over time? In particular, we asked whether women have become more likely to be engaged in paid work fairly shortly after childbearing, whether the probability of this transition can be predicted by women's education or spousal income, and whether the effect of education seems to have changed for more recent childbirth cohorts. Three hypotheses guided our analysis. First, following Marshall's (1999) findings, we expected that the probability of women working two years after childbirth had increased over the decades of the 1970s to the 1990s. In particular, we expected that the economic crises of the early 1980s and 1990s would have had seen increases in women's paid work after childbirth. Second, following the review above, we also hypothesized that mothers' educational attainment and availability of family resources, principally the income of a spouse, would be positively related to their likelihood of working while their children are still young (preschool-age). Third, we expected that education had become more important in women's labor force attachment over the period, and therefore the strength of education attainment in predicting women's work after childbearing would have increased.

METHODS AND DATA

In order to address these hypotheses, we used the 2001 GSS, Cycle 15 on Family History (GSS 15). (3) This nationally representative survey collected retrospective data on a variety of family transitions, including childbirth, union formation and dissolution, work, and education, as well as information on children, siblings, and spouses, from 24,310 Canadians (Statistics Canada 2003). Complete work and childbirth histories in the GSS 15 make it possible to calculate the length of time in months between the birth of that child and the beginning of the next spell of employment. We used binary logistic regression models to investigate how women who began childbearing in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s differed in the probability of remaining out of the paid labor force for at least 24 months after their first birth, and how this was affected by family and personal characteristics. Consistent with previous research (Hynes and Clarkberg 2005; Marshall 1999), the 24-month time period was analyzed. Twenty-four months is especially relevant in Canada because it extends beyond the maximum duration of paid maternity leave.

As discussed above, the probability of a woman beginning work after the birth of a child is affected by a number of factors. Unfortunately, the information on income, household, and family characteristics in the GSS 15 was collected only for the time of the survey, whereas the timing of births and job absences was collected retrospectively. Therefore, as the time since the childbearing and work decisions increases, it becomes increasingly unlikely that the characteristics in 2001 represent the characteristics at the time of those decisions.

In order to ameliorate this potential problem with the data, we estimated two sets of models. In the first, we investigated the effects of birth cohort on the probability of a woman beginning work within 24 months of the birth of her first child (Table 1). Six five-year childbirth cohorts were included as main independent variables, along with women's education and employment status in the year before the birth of their first children. We also included a number of variables as controls. These included the mother's age at first birth, with the expectation that women who had children later in life might be more likely to be strongly engaged in a career than younger women and also return to work faster. It was expected that immigrants to Canada may behave differently with regard to their work after childbearing, so an indicator of place of birth was included as a control. One important reason that women may not return to work is the birth of subsequent children, so we included a control variable indicating whether a second birth took place within 24 months following the first birth. The GSS 15 does not collect information on characteristics of employment, and we were therefore not able to include aspects of occupation or industry for jobs held before or after the first birth.

The second set of models was a separate analysis of the women who had their first children between 1995 and 1999. By limiting the time frame, we were able to include some additional family and demographic characteristics that could not be included in the cohort models because they were only measured in 2001. It is acknowledged that we cannot be certain that their values in 2001 reflect women's characteristics at the time of childbearing, even in this restricted time period.

The GSS 15 data set includes individual income and family income, both as categorical variables, but does not include a measure of spousal income. We estimated an ordinal proxy for spousal income, for those women who were living in families with a spouse or partner, by subtracting the midpoints of the individual income categories from those of the family income categories. Although a direct measure of spousal income would very much be preferred, we can be fairly confident that those in the lower categories of this variable do have access to fewer family financial resources than those in the higher categories.

These models also include a control for lone parenthood as well as indicators for province of residence, which may partially capture regional differences in maternity leaves as well as some labor market differences. Again, these are included with the caveat that some of these women would not have lived in the same province in 2001 as when they had their first children. The other controls includes in the first models; age at first birth, being born outside of Canada, having worked in the 12 months before the first birth, and having a second child within 24 months, were included in these models as well.

After excluding a small number of women for whom the date of first birth was unavailable, and approximately 150 for whom the timing of their prechildbirth employment was unclear, there were 4,889 individuals left for the cohort analysis. Of the women who had their first births between 1995 and 1999, there were 592 included in the second model (Table 1).

RESULTS

Using the population weights provided on the data set, our sample resulted in an estimate that 41.2 percent of the women who had first children during this period, and who were alive to be in the Canadian population in 2001, were working within 24 months of their birth of their first child. As Table 1 shows, the percentage who reported working within this time rose across childbirth cohorts, from less than a third of those in the 1970 to 1974 cohort, to more than 61 percent in the 1995 to 1999 cohort.

As described above, logistic regression models were used to investigate these cohort changes in the probability of women's starting work within 24 months of a first child, and these are presented in Table 2. The effect of cohort remained after introduction of education and the control variables, although the 1975 to 1979 and 1980 to 1984 cohorts were not significantly different from 1970 to 1974. As Figure 1 shows, the likelihood of a woman working within 24 months of childbirth rose so that women who had their first children between 1995 and 1999 were 2.8 times as likely to work within 24 months, as those in the 1970 to 1974 cohort. The increase was particularly strong after the 1985 to 1989 childbirth cohort, and most of the total increase occurred over the last 15 years of the period.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

A woman's education had a clear effect on the likelihood that she was working within two years of her first child. Controlling for the other variables in the model, including cohort, women with less than a high school diploma had the lowest odds of beginning work within this time (OR = .499). The odds of having worked within two years increased with each education level, although there was no significant difference between women with university degrees and those with completed trade, technical, or other non-university qualifications (Figure 2).

In Model 2, interaction terms for women's education and childbirth cohort were included to assess whether the effects of women's education on their work transitions had changed with childbirth cohort (Table 2). This changed the main effects of cohort somewhat, insofar as the effect of 1975 to 1979 birth cohort became significant and much stronger. The general pattern of the other cohort variables remained the same. Overall, the effect of including the interactions was not great, in terms of the significance of parameters or fit of the model. Only one interaction term was significant at the .05 level, although several were just below this level of significance.

Recent Childbirth Cohorts (1995-1999)

Table 3 presents the model results for women who had their first births between 1995 and 1999. In this cohort, those women with less than high school education were significantly less likely than university-educated women to have returned to work, controlling for the other variables in the model (OR = .295). The estimated income of a woman's spouse or partner indeed had a significant, although nonlinear, effect on her likelihood of starting paid work, independent of a woman's own education and the control variables. As shown in Figure 3, women with estimated spousal incomes in the middle categories (between $30,000 and $79,999) in 2001 were significantly less likely to have been engaged in paid work within two years following the birth of the first child, roughly a third as likely as women with estimated spousal income in the highest category (80,000 or more). Women with estimated spousal incomes in the lowest categories were the most likely to have worked within 24 months, not significantly different from the highest category.

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

DISCUSSION

It is generally accepted that women's labor force participation has been increasing since the 1970s, and that we are approaching a "full adult worker model" with roughly equal gender representation in paid work. Indeed, with each successive childbirth cohort since the 1970s, women have been more likely to begin work within two years of the birth of their first child. However, if we look to the transitions, we see that nearly 60 percent of women who had their children over this period were out of the labor force for more than two years. This may have important economic consequences for women and their children since, in the long term, it affects women's retirement savings, their development of human capital, and their career advancement.

To understand these changes, we can consider aspects of the social and economic context. One explanation is that there are clearly broad cultural changes regarding gendered patterns of paid work and the balance of "earning and caring" (Beaujot 2000). The increasing level of education attainment by younger cohorts of women is also a key element explaining changes in women's employment and family trajectories. These, however, have also taken place alongside important changes in the labor market, as we discuss below.

[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]

Variation of Lifecourse Transitions across Cohorts

We had expected that the probability of women beginning work within two years of childbirth had increased over this 30-year period, and also that the increase would be linked to two important economic crises in the early 1980s and 1990s, which would have made women's employment more important for family income. We could therefore have expected a slight decrease in this probability between these two economic crises. We did see a substantial overall increase, but this was really only apparent starting with the 1985 to 1989 childbirth cohort, and increased strongly thereafter.

Although we expected to see the increase begin with the 1980 to 1984 cohort, we can offer some explanation for why the change is not apparent until 1985 to 1989. It could be that the effects of the economic crisis were not directly felt by Canadian households before this period. Interest rates peaked in 1981, (4) but may have only affected young families once mortgages needed to be renewed. Similarly, inflation reached its highest point between 1985 and 1987 (McCallum 1998), years after the economic crisis began. Moreover, men's wages stagnated between 1980 and 1990 (Phillips and Phillips 2000), possibly effecting the household economy and leading to a need for the women's second salaries (Baker 2005). The possibility of a delayed effect may also explain why women's probability of working after childbirth did not fall in the period between the two economic crises. If mothers' increasing work participation was a reaction to difficult economic circumstances, we might expect it to have fallen again after the economy had improved by the end of the 1990s.

There have been other important changes that almost certainly play a role in these dynamics, including changes to gender roles that are somewhat independent of economic conditions. The increase in women's educational attainment likely increased labor force attachment. As Crompton (2002, 2006) proposes, women's choices are the result of a complex nexus of factors, including education and available work, cultural values, gender roles, as well as the economic context, that are not easily taken into account in rational choice theories.

Education and Income as Predictors of Transitions

One potentially important finding is that, while more Canadian women are returning to work two years after the birth of a first child, this phenomenon may be shaped by educational attainment. Although we did not find evidence that this effect has changed across childbirth cohorts, women with lower levels of education were reliably more likely to have remained out of the labor force than those with higher education. In the 1995 to 1999 cohort, it was only women with the lowest level of education, less than high school, that were significantly less likely to have returned to work than were those with a university degree. As well, the knowledge economy and the changes in the 1990s labor market have meant that employment prospects for those with less than a high school diploma are few.

The reality lived by women with a low education is worrisome from the lifecourse perspective. First, the arrival of a child in the lives of these women can put them at risk of social isolation, as they withdraw from their daily work environments, sources of interaction, and social capital (Furstenberg 2005). The fact that many of these women do not return to work for at least two years has potential economic implications, such as the loss of access to extended benefits including additional medical insurance. One of the tenets of the lifecourse perspective is that these negative effects can accumulate over the course of women's lives, and may reduce the resources available to cope with other negative events. Employment before the first birth and a quick return to work together represent an important protection factor for women against poverty (Juby et al. 2005).

Our analysis of the 1995 to 1999 cohort, for which we could include a proxy measure of spousal income, sheds light on another significant element for Canadian women's labor market entry post-childbirth. Women in the highest and lowest categories of estimated spousal income were more likely than those in moderate categories to have returned, controlling for education and lone parent status. This leads us to suspect that women with access to high spousal incomes may be able to afford childcare, allowing them to return to work more quickly. We might also speculate that this could be related to the norms of a new working class characterized by high household earnings, high educational attainment, and strong work attachment by both men and women (Gershuny 2005). As shown by Blair-Loy and Jacobs (2003), women who are engineers, lawyers, brokers, or other professionals and are part of this new working class, may have significant issues with work-life balance, and this may be compounded by their spouses' high attachment to work. On the other hand, for women with more moderate family resources, the decision to return to work may involve weighing the various costs of childcare against the benefits of paid work. Considering the complexity of this lifecourse decision, it might also be based on a different set of work-related values.

Although the data presented here do not allow us to do more than speculate about these reasons for these patterns, the relationships found between spousal income and women's work presents concerns. One is that for these women, as with those with low education, the decision to remain out of the labor force may have implications for their later lifecourses, in terms of employability and future income.

CONCLUSIONS

The results presented in this article allow us to better understand changes in the transition to work after childbirth, across cohorts of women from the 1970s to the 1990s. Other analyses of transitions have already revealed changes in the timing of the work transition after a first child since the 1990s (Zhang 2007). Our intercohort analysis presents the evolution of this key transition in the lifecourse of Canadian women across three decades. The 30-year period analyzed shows one way in which personal biographies may have been influenced by period effects, such as economic crises. Moreover, the transitions analysis reveals, among other things, that the full adult-worker family model remains a goal, rather than a reality. It has taken 30 years of childbirth cohorts for women's labor force participation after childbearing to reach the present level. It is important to lift the veil on this situation because general opinion and political rhetoric often take this model for granted. Many Canadian women did not return to work two years after a first birth, even in the most recent cohorts. A portion of this is explained by differences in women's education and spousal income, suggesting that there are important socioeconomic differences between women who return to the labor market fairly quickly after childbearing, and those who do not.

The data we have used give us reason to be cautious about these findings. The retrospective GSS data suffer from problems with respondent recall and respondent mortality that are less prevalent with prospective longitudinal panel data. Marshall (1999), using longitudinal data from the Survey of Labour and Income dynamics, found that nearly 90 percent of women who had a birth between 1993 and 1996 returned to work in 24 months. However, that analysis included only those who worked before the birth. Our estimates do correspond fairly well to some estimates of the labor force participation of women with young children during the same period, from the Labour Force Survey (Statistics Canada 2005b:105). Although it would be preferable to have a source of long-term panel data, there are no sources of Canadian data that extend back to the 1970s, and which could be used to examine our main research questions.

One important aspect of policy that we were not able to directly address through this analysis is the potential effect of affordable, high-quality childcare services. Taking into consideration analyses conducted in Quebec since the establishment of daycare services at $5 per day in 1997, we can confidently predict that women would benefit from the expansion of such services. Lefebvre and Merrigan (2008) show that, before the implementation of the program in 1997, labor force participation of Quebec women with preschool children was lower than that of their counterparts in other provinces. In 2002, some five years after implementation, Quebec women are the most active in the labor market in Canada, their rate of participation having risen by 13 percent. Provisions of these services may be important for reducing the chance that women with low incomes or low education are further excluded from the labor market after childbirth.

Finally, this analysis produces two conclusions which merit attention in the public policy milieux. The first is that a large proportion of women still appear to withdraw from the labor force for an extended period following childbearing, suggesting that the full adult worker model is not as fully realized as is commonly assumed. Second, we find it is women with lower levels of education, and those with moderate access to spousal income, who are most likely to remain out of the labor force. The structuring of this transition by these social and economic characteristics has implications for the distribution of lifecourse risks.

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STEPHANIE GAUDET

Universite d'Ottawa

MARTIN COOKE AND JOANNA JACOB

University of Waterloo

This research was funded by a standard SSHRC grant (410-2005-1323). The title of the project is: << La participation sociale des Canadiens a travers l'analyse des parcours de vie >>. Stephanie Gaudet is the principal investigator and the co-investigators are Paul Bernard, Susan McDaniel and Martin Cooke. Stephanie Gaudet, Sociologie et anthropologie, Universite d'Ottawa, 55 Rue Laurie E., Ottawa, ON, Canada K1N 6N5. E-mail: sgaudet@uottawa.ca

(1.) There was a 40 percentage point increase among mothers' employment rate during this period (Statistics Canada 2005a).

(2.) In January 2006, Quebec took control over family leave policies in that province, expanding the program to self-employed parents and introducing flexibility in the length of the leave.

(3.) This analysis used confidential data made available through the Research Data Centres Programme. The research and analysis are based on data from Statistics Canada (2003). The opinions expressed do not represent the views of Statistics Canada.

(4) The Canadian Treasury Bill rate peaked at 20.85 percent in August 1981 (Osberg 2007).
Table 1
Sample Description

                                All childbirth cohorts
                                     (1970-1999)

                                Sample       % Began work
                                 (%)       within 24 months
                              (N=4,889)       (N=2,047)

Independent variables

  Childbirth cohort
    1970-1974                    13.5            28.5
    1975-1979                    16.3            33.2
    1980-1984                    20.0            35.2
    1985-1989                    18.1            42.6
    1990-1994                    17.5            51.2
    1995-1999                    14.6            61.3
    Total                        100             41.2

  Education
    Less than high school        13.7            25.0
    High school diploma          21.7            37.8
    Some university,             12.4            42.4
    technical, or CEGEP (a)
    Completed trade or           32.0            46.2
    technical
    University degree            20.3            50.6
    Total                        100              --

  Estimated spousal income
    Less than $20,000             --              --
    $20,000-29,999                --              --
    $30,000-49,999                --              --
    $50,000-79,999                --              --
    $80,000 or more               --              --
    Total

Control variables

  Born outside of Canada         20.5            39.6
    Born in Canada (ref)         79.5            42.5
  Second child within 24         46.2            40.2
  months
    No second child (ref)        53.8            43.2
  Worked 12 months               19.5            57.9
  before first birth (ref)
    Did not work for pay         80.5            38.0
    12 months before
  Lone parent, no spouse/         --              --
  partner
    With spouse/partner
    (ref)
  Region
    Atlantic                      --              --
    Quebec                        --              --
    Ontario                       --              --
    Prairies                      --              --
    British Columbia              --              --
    Total                         --              --
  Age at first birth             26.081 (4.209) (c)

                                   Childbirth cohort
                                      (1995-1999)

                                Sample      % Began work
                                 (%)      within 24 months
                               (N=592)        (N=2,047)

Independent variables

  Childbirth cohort
    1970-1974                  --                --
    1975-1979                  --                --
    1980-1984                  --                --
    1985-1989                  --                --
    1990-1994                  --                --
    1995-1999                  --                --
    Total                     100.0             61.3

  Education
    Less than high school       5.9             35.4
    High school diploma        14.7             60.2
    Some university,           12.9             70.3
    technical, or CEGEP (a)
    Completed trade or         35.8             64.2
    technical
    University degree          30.6             67.5
    Total                      99.9 (b)          --

  Estimated spousal income
    Less than $20,000           8.4             47.2
    $20,000-29,999              7.5             49.4
    $30,000-49,999             24.6             55.4
    $50,000-79,999             30.7             61.1
    $80,000 or more            28.9             71.3
    Total                     101.9

Control variables

  Born outside of Canada       21.8             57.8
    Born in Canada (ref)       78.2             65.4
  Second child within 24       45.8             62.1
  months
    No second child (ref)      54.2             64.9
  Worked 12 months             73.2             77.3
  before first birth (ref)
    Did not work for pay       26.8             58.6
    12 months before
  Lone parent, no spouse/      16.2             53.0
  partner
    With spouse/partner        83.8             54.6
    (ref)
  Region
    Atlantic                    6.6             62.2
    Quebec                     25.2             66.9
    Ontario                    38.2             64.1
    Prairies                   16.8             60.2
    British Columbia           13.2             62.0
    Total                     100.0              --
  Age at first birth              27.920 (4.063)

Source: Statistics Canada General Social Survey Cycle 15 Master
File, Weighted data (2003).

(a) CEGEP is a postsecondary program in the province of Quebec.

(b) Totals may not sum to 100 due to rounding.

(c) Mean (standard deviation).

Table 2
Logistic Regression Models of Beginning Paid Work within 24 Months
of First Birth, 1970-1999 Childbirth Cohorts

                                                  Model 1

                                         Exp(B)      B        SE(B)

Intercept                                 .159    -1.8383   .2108 ***
Childbirth cohort
  1970-1974 (ref)                        1.000
  1975-1979                              1.194      .177    .118
  1980-1984                              1.199      .182    .112
  1985-1989                              1.584      .460    .114 ***
  1990-1994                              2.127      .755    .114 ***
  1995-1999                              2.864     1.052    .121 ***

Education
  Less than high school                   .488     -.717    .117 ***
  High school diploma                     .732     -.311    .096 **
  Some university, technical, or CEGEP    .792     -.233    .110 *
  Completed trade or technical            .944     -.057    .087
  University degree (ref)                1.000

Control variables
  Born outside of Canada                  .860     -.150    .077
  Second child within 24 months           .861     -.150    .062 **
  Worked for pay 12 months before        2.017      .702    .077 ***
    first birth
  Age at first birth                     1.050      .049    .007 ***

Education x cohort interactions
  1975-1979 x less than high school        --        --         --
  1980-1984 x less than high school        --        --         --
  1985-1989 x less than high school        --        --         --
  1990-1994 x less than high school        --        --         --
  1995-1999 x less than high school        --        --         --
  1975-1979 x high school diploma          --        --         --
  1980-1984 x high school diploma          --        --         --
  1985-1989 x high school diploma          --        --         --
  1990-1994 x high school diploma          --        --         --
  1995-1999 x high school diploma          --        --         --
  1975-1979 x some postsecondary           --        --         --
  1980-1984 x some postsecondary           --        --         --
  1985-1989 x some postsecondary           --        --         --
  1990-1994 x some postsecondary           --        --         --
  1995-1999 x some postsecondary           --        --         --
  1975-1979 x completed trade or tech      --        --         --
  1980-1984 x completed trade or tech      --        --         --
  1985-1989 x completed trade or tech      --        --         --
  1990-1994 x completed trade or tech      --        --         --
  1995-1999 x completed trade or tech      --        --         --
N = 4,889
df = 13
AIC = 6,186.463
 -2LL = 6,158.463
                                                  Model 2

                                         Exp(B)      B        SE(B)

Intercept                                 .135    -1.9991   .263 **
Childbirth cohort
  1970-1974 (ref)                        1
  1975-1979                              1.974      .680    .263 **
  1980-1984                              1.483      .394    .245
  1985-1989                              1.833      .606    .250 **
  1990-1994                              2.194      .786    .245 **
  1995-1999                              3.287     1.190    .247 ***

Education
  Less than high school                   .689     -.372    .280
  High school diploma                     .803     -.219    .273
  Some university, technical, or CEGEP   1.440      .365    .313
  Completed trade or technical            .982     -.018    .259
  University degree (ref)                1.000

Control variables
  Born outside of Canada                  .87      -.134    .078
  Second child within 24 months           .86      -.155    .062 *
  Worked for pay 12 months before        2.03       .710    .077 ***
    first birth
  Age at first birth                     1.05       .048    .007 ***

Education x cohort interactions
  1975-1979 x less than high school       .622     -.476    .386
  1980-1984 x less than high school       .665     -.407    .378
  1985-1989 x less than high school       .560     -.579    .399
  1990-1994 x less than high school       .775     -.255    .400
  1995-1999 x less than high school       .551     -.596    .435
  1975-1979 x high school diploma         .541     -.614    .367
  1980-1984 x high school diploma         .827     -.190    .341
  1985-1989 x high school diploma         .992     -.008    .347
  1990-1994 x high school diploma        1.157      .146    .348
  1995-1999 x high school diploma        1.115      .109    .371
  1975-1979 x some postsecondary          .414     -.881    .420 *
  1980-1984 x some postsecondary          .534     -.628    .410
  1985-1989 x some postsecondary          .472     -.751    .398
  1990-1994 x some postsecondary          .462     -.773    .395
  1995-1999 x some postsecondary          .721     -.327    .408
  1975-1979 x completed trade or tech     .570     -.563    .344
  1980-1984 x completed trade or tech     .929     -.074    .323
  1985-1989 x completed trade or tech     .914     -.090    .326
  1990-1994 x completed trade or tech     .778     -.251    .321
  1995-1999 x completed trade or tech     .903     -.102    .327

N = 4,889
df = 33
AIC = 6,200.979
 -2LL = 6,132.979

***  p<.0001.

** P<.01.

* p <.05.

Table 3
Logistic Regression Models of Beginning Paid Work within
24 Months of First Birth, 1995-1999 Childbirth Cohort

                                         Exp (B)      B       SE(B)

Intercept                                 3.787     1.332    .677 *
Education
  Less than high school                    .295    -1.220    .428 **
  High school diploma                     1.317      .275    .330
  Some university, technical, or CEGEP     .881     -.127    .317
  Completed trade or technical             .849     -.164    .246
  University degree (ref)                 1.000      --        --
Estimated spousal income
  Less than $20,000                       1.371      .316    .305
  $20,000-29,999                           .775     -.255    .400
  $30,000-39,999                           .307    -1.182    .388 **
  $40,000-49,999                           .368    -1.000    .359 **
  $50,000-59,999                           .558     -.583    .458
  $60,000-79,999                           .340    -1.079    .363 **
  $80,000 or more (ref)                   1.000      --        --
Lone parent/no spouse                      .401     -.914    .327 **
Control Variables
   Born outside of Canada                  .516     -.663    .251 **
   Second child within 24 months           .726     -.320    .193
   Worked for pay 12 months before        2.012      .699    .226
     first birth
   Age at first birth                     1.003      .003    .020
Region
  Atlantic                                1.720      .542    .367
  Quebec                                   .702     -.353    .254
  Ontario (ref)                           1.000      --        --
 Prairies                                  .507     -.679    .271 *
 British Columbia                          .768     -.264    .333
 N-585
 df = 22
 -2LL = 696.210

** p <.01.

* p <.05.
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