Fatherhood and Faith in Formation: The Developmental Effects of Fathering on Religiosity, Morals, and Values.

Palkovitz, Rob ; Palm, Glen

This qualitative study of 64 diverse men examines the relationship between fathering and the development of men's religiosity, values, and morals. Grounded Theory Analyses revealed a variety of change patterns in relation to fatherhood and each of these areas. The findings indicate that engagement in fatherhood roles may present a sensitive period for men in the development of religious faith, values, and morals. Implications for practitioners and potential barriers to men's generativity are discussed.

"Does fatherhood as an experience influence men's development as adults?" was the starting point for this study. Despite the recognition that the bi-directional nature of parent-child relationships is important (Bell, 1968), there have been few systematic attempts to outline the impacts of parenthood on men (Ambert, 1992; Palkovitz, 1996a). This study began as an initial exploration of men's perceptions of their own experiences of fatherhood and how fatherhood has taken their adult lives in new directions. The specific focus of this paper is on the possible impact of fatherhood on men's religious faith, morals, and values. Does fatherhood as an experience lead to significant changes in men's views about what is important, their moral beliefs, and their religiosity (religious beliefs and practices)?

Recent social movements including Promise Keepers and the Fatherhood Initiative (Blankenhorn, 1995; Promise Keepers, 1995) have begun to re-emphasize the role of fathers in contributing moral leadership to families. The U.S. history of fatherhood suggests that men had traded the role of "moral overseer" for the provider role during the 19th Century (Palkovitz, 1996b; Pleck, 1987; Rotundo, 1985, 1993). During the past 100 years, mothers have been more likely to take primacy in maintaining moral standards within the family (Hoffman, 1981), and initiating church connections for their family and children (Bohannon, 1991). The impact of fatherhood on adult male development and specifically moral and religious beliefs and behavior has been limited (Cowan, 1988; Newman, & Newman, 1988; Palkovitz, 1996a; Palm, 1993; Snarey, 1993). While fathers' influence on children's moral development has been addressed (e.g., Hoffman, 1981), and the role of father as moral leader has been a focus of concern (e.g., Blankenhorn, 1995), the reciprocal effects of parenthood on fathers' moral behavior and religious beliefs and practices has not been directly studied. Griswold (1997) identifies a therapeutic tone from the 19th Century about parenthood's making men less selfish, more refined, and better disciplined. This study seeks to find out from men in the 1990s their perceptions of how fatherhood has changed them in relation to what they value, what their religious beliefs and practices are, and how they view moral issues.

The current qualitative study was a collaborative effort by the two authors to examine the perceived impact of fatherhood on male adult development. Men were interviewed concerning their perceptions of changes in their life course and personality attributable to fathering. The focus of this paper is on one subset of questions that focused on fathers' perceptions of changes in values, moral views, and religious practice and faith since becoming fathers.

IMPORTANT DEFINITIONS

The following set of definitions is presented to clarify the major areas of study. They are based on the common (American Heritage Dictionary) understanding of the three important areas that were addressed in the study.

 * Religion -- a set of beliefs, values, and practices based on the
 teachings of a spiritual leader

 * Values -- principles or standards considered worthwhile or desirable

 * Moral Issues -- issues that are based on the judgment of goodness or
 correctness of character and behavior

The next two definitions come from the professional literature and represent some basic concepts that are used to interpret the qualitative data from the study.

 * Generativity -- the developmental task of caring for the next generation
 (based on Erikson, 1968)

 * Generative Fathering -- fathering that meets the needs of children by
 working to create and maintain a developing ethical relationship with them
 (from Dollahite, Hawkins, & Brotherson, 1997)

METHODOLOGY

SAMPLE

Sixty-four men who participated in the interviews were recruited from a number of settings and represent various ages, family structures, SES, and cultural backgrounds. Data were collected in two U.S. regions. Forty fathers that composed the East Coast sample were contacted through a health-care setting, while 24 fathers who made up the Midwest sample were contacted through early childhood family education programs, an Adult Basic Education program, and a correctional facility. The men's ages ranged from 17 to 50 years and all had at least one child between infancy and 15 years of age. The sample also included non-Caucasian fathers (approximately 30 percent of the sample), a wide range of educational and income levels, and a variety of different religious backgrounds. The purpose of the sample was to include a diverse group of men that encompassed different cultural, SES, and marital status backgrounds. These variables are not used to systematically control and study the questions but to begin to identify common patterns across these variables.

PROCEDURES

The two authors used the same basic questions and open-ended interview technique. Each assumed a grounded theory approach with no preconceived notions about what to expect. Both, however, are fathers and have studied and worked with fathers for a number of years. In addition, both authors are invested in the centrality of faith, morals, and values in informing decisions concerning their own fathering. These experiences as well as our reading of the literature cannot help but be a strong filter for interpreting the data.

The authors engaged in separate analyses of the transcripts, searching for themes, writing memos, and writing an outline of the primary themes and ways they were expressed or manifested by the fathers in the samples. After engaging in these individual processes, they exchanged notes before collaborating further on this report. There was a high degree of consensus on themes between the two investigators. Though slightly different labels were selected to name the themes, the content was essentially identical. Neither researcher identified themes the other had not also noted, and the salience or importance of themes was similarly represented by the two investigators. As such, there was satisfactory inter-researcher consistency in analyzing the data.

Although overall interview schedules and styles were parallel, there was not complete comparability in the range and scope of questions covered with the two samples. For this study, there were some noteworthy differences. The East Coast sample was asked four specific questions regarding changes in (1) morality, (2) religious practices, (3) religious faith, and (4) values. The Midwest sample was asked two less differentiated questions regarding men's perceived changes in (1) commitment to religion and (2) values attributable to fathering. The analysis will focus on the following questions and the rationales that fathers used to explain how or why they have changed or not changed:

 1. Has fatherhood influenced your commitment to religion/religious beliefs?

 2. Has fatherhood resulted in any shifts in your values?

 3. Has fatherhood influenced your views of moral issues?

RESULTS

The analysis of each question will be presented in the form of general patterns of change and more specific themes related to each area of change. The themes provide some insight into the motivation and meaning behind the general patterns. The first question is the change in general commitment to religion. This general question was addressed by all 64 fathers in the sample. This issue was more specifically probed with the East Coast sample of 40 men to distinguish changes in beliefs (faith) and practice. A second major question addresses how fatherhood has changed individual values or what is most important in life. The final question addressed is the impact of fatherhood on understanding of moral issues. This question--fatherhood's influence on one's understanding of moral issues--was presented only to the East Coast sample.

QUESTION 1

"HAS FATHERHOOD INFLUENCED YOUR COMMITMENT TO RELIGION/RELIGIOUS BELIEFS?"

The general pattern of responses to this question reveals that about one-half of the men interviewed reported no change in their religiosity that was specifically stimulated by fatherhood. The other half reported changes, most often in relation to practices. There were also some men in the East Coast sample who reported changes in practice without changes in basic beliefs. The analysis of this specific sub-question will be reported at the end of this section. The men who reported no change had three basic reasons for no change. The first group had continued to hold strong religious beliefs established during childhood or early adulthood. A second group had strong negative feelings towards religion based on earlier negative experiences. A few men in a third group adopted stronger religious beliefs during early adulthood, but they were motivated by other life experiences, not fatherhood. The men who reported changes in religiosity seemed to :fall into two distinct groups. The first group had become more involved and increased participation in religious practices. The men in the second group were aware of the importance of religious commitment but were still seeking the best ways to express their beliefs.

NO-CHANGE GROUP--NEGATIVE EXPERIENCES

Men who have not changed their negative views of religion described some of the important reasons for this position. Fatherhood was not seen as a major influence, because these men had made a previous decision concerning the role of religion in their lives. Many of these fathers appeared to be in a state of religious identity foreclosure. A number of these men described early negative experiences that caused them to reject religion as a viable force in their lives. There were three distinct themes related to this state of foreclosure.

The most pervasive and salient theme involved examples of hypocrisy that soured men's view that faith can be a meaningful anchor. It was seldom the case that the fathers in the study had not been exposed to religious activities; rather, a need to avoid hypocrisy led some men to withdraw from participation in organized religious activities. These men made statements such as:

 You know, if you don't follow your own conscience in this, it's false.

 Anybody can go to church on a Sunday, pick up the Bible for that one
 moment, and follow the preacher, and then do their jig the rest of the
 week.

 I'm a firm believer that if you say it, then do it. If you're going to
 stand there and say it and not do it, then you're really wasting my
 time.... I don't have time for it.

 I tried a lot of different religions since then, and I kind of have a
 negative view toward them. All the exposure to the different types makes
 them seem kind of phony, so fatherhood hasn't influenced them.

A second theme that emerged in this group was the experience of personal loss or hardship that caused a questioning or blaming of God (if He does exist, how can He allow this suffering?). These fathers talked about specific negative events where their prayers were not answered, and they could not understand or believe in a God who would allow evil to happen.

 There wasn't no god around when I was around. He was always busy with
 someone. I did believe until I was about 17, and then after that [brother
 died of leukemia], I didn't believe.

A third theme identified was that the desperate and decaying state of "the world" also caused men to doubt the existence or nature of God.

 Life in general, the more you see around you, you have less confidence in
 religion, just by seeing the state of the world ... it defaces your trust
 in religion or in the Bible.

This group of men who did not change and continued to hold negative views of religion talked about early negative experiences in this regard. The fathers in the correctional facility were among the most negative about their experiences with religion. Some men described their early choices to move away from organized religion, citing combinations of reasons described above.

 I'm not a really religious person, and when I was younger, I had to go to
 church every Sunday, and things happened at our church ... like the pastor
 and his wife setting each other's cars on fire and things like that ... Is
 God telling them to do this or what? ... so I lost faith in what they were
 talking about. By then I was about 13, and my mom didn't keep going, so if
 she didn't go, why should I?

Because of the manner in which these men had reconciled their own experiences with their understandings of God, most fathers expressed a significant degree of ambivalence about religious faith. Many fathers who experienced ambivalence or foreclosure chose to defer religious upbringing of their children to the women in their families.

 My sister takes my son to church, but me, myself, I don't believe in it.

 Me, no. The mother, that's her side, that's the job she does. She takes
 them to church every Sunday.... That's her thing. I teach them how to do
 things; she's responsible for that.

Another important idea expressed by this group of men was that matters of faith were ultimately the child's choice, and that as long as their children were experiencing exposure to religious activity in some manner, they had the opportunity to choose for themselves. These fathers didn't want to bias their children or "force things down their throat."

 I'm a religious person, but I just don't go to church. It's not really
 important to me any more. When I was little, yeah, it was important. But
 now, no. It's up to the kids; if they want to go, they're free to go. If
 not, I don't holler at them or anything about it.

NO-CHANGE--RELIGION ALWAYS CENTRAL

Another group of men had made decisions previous to fatherhood that religious faith was central and vital in their lives. For this group, while fatherhood was not seen as a primary force in forging their faith, they talked avidly about the relationships between fathering and faith. Because faith is central to their personal identities, it informs fathering decisions and behaviors to a significant degree. Religious faith serves as an Axis Mundi for some of these men (Latshaw, 1998, this issue), and all other experiences are given meaning in reference to their active construction of faith. With some men, it was not as clear whether early religious beliefs were merely adopted in a manner of identity foreclosure, or if identity achievement was established prior to fatherhood. What makes this group different from the negative experience group is that they embraced a specific set of religious beliefs instead of rejecting them.

NO CHANGE ATTRIBUTABLE TO FATHERING--OTHER LIFE EXPERIENCES

A few of the men talked about reasons other than fatherhood for changes in religious commitment, such as recovering from alcoholism and having prayers answered.

 No [fathering didn't change my beliefs], alcoholism did ... I was arrested
 for DUI in Massachusetts, which required 30 days in jail, ... so it was
 going to ruin me. So I ... quit drinking and I started praying ... I went
 back, and the paperwork vanished.

This group described significant changes in religiosity but they were not related in a direct manner to fatherhood.

CHANGE GROUPS--INTRODUCTION

The men who identified fatherhood as an important influence on their own religiosity fall into three different groups. The first group described changes in religious beliefs and practices that were stimulated by fatherhood. The second group reported fatherhood as an influence on the deeper development of their religious beliefs. A third group was motivated to seek a place to express its religious beliefs and feelings and was somewhere in the process of this search.

CHANGE GROUP--REINVOLVEMENT

The first group of men saw fatherhood as a catalyst for its own faith development. Fathers in this group expressed this in a variety of ways.

 I mean I wouldn't have been so involved [in church] had I not had children.

 If it weren't for my children going to church, I would not be in church
 today, no.

 Yes, we have attended church pretty regularly from the time the kids have
 been young until now. And some of that comes from having the kids and
 wanting them to be part of Sunday schools. So I think the frequency is
 aided by the fact the kids are there.

 Now that I'm a parent, and I go to church with my children, I've renewed
 myself and gotten back into being a servant of God, which is really good
 for me, really good. I'm teaching my children religion, and it's been a big
 change, big change, big change. Religion is really important to me.

While some men did not see a particularly faith-expanding effect of having children, they realized that becoming fathers had changed their own faith trajectories from erosion to stability.

 Greater faith in the sense that had [the role of] father not come along,
 this gap might have widened to the point where there wasn't any faith left.
 And that certainly is not the case now, so from that standpoint, it's
 stronger on a relative scale ... the direction was kind of towards apathy,
 and it's nowhere near that now. And I can attribute that to fatherhood.

It was partly their own sense of inadequacy as a moral or religious guide that drove some fathers to invest in attending services.

 How has that changed? I guess it's a fear of my children growing up without
 any kind of structure to fall back on.... Well, now I question, do I have
 the ability to teach that to my children? I don't know.... So I'm not
 really sure of myself, and I have a theory that, well, maybe not enough is
 being provided, not enough of the right guidance and insight. So that's
 where I started changing my own feelings on the matter. I altered it so
 perhaps I can bring the kids into it; at least they can go to church and
 have the same choices I had. By the time I was 18 or 19, I considered
 myself an atheist. Although, now I probably consider I was just agnostic
 because I've taken a reversal from that. And I think the reason for it is
 that, raising kids, you have to provide some sort of moral structure. And I
 think religion provides the institution for a moral structure, at least, an
 institution that can provide this in their teachings, in philosophy.
 Although I'm not particularly in agreement with the religious community, I
 do agree with the philosophies. So I think that's affected my judgment as
 far as how to judge religion. I was rather against it. I'm not against it
 now.

CHANGE GROUP--ENHANCEMENT OF RELIGIOUS FAITH

A second group of men who saw faith as central to their own identities cited the miracle of birth or child development as faith bolstering.

 I guess that when I see my kids, what I see is a miracle. And I understand
 the biology of it, but that just doesn't fully describe what I see when I
 see my kids. And I've got to believe from seeing them. I have to believe in
 God.

 Having a son, I think it's kind of expanded my spiritual sense, being able
 to really think about the creator-type thing, because you have a son that
 is a definite miracle, and just seeing him grow and develop is a miracle
 every day that he'll do something different.

Those with relatively high levels of commitment to Christianity discussed learning more about the character of God as Father through parenting their own children.

 Before the girls were born, I had no idea what it was like to be a father.
 We always looked to God as being our father. Well, then, you're going to
 look at him in a different way, if you have been a father.

Some men experienced a deeper faith due to increased commitment to programs related to children, most often Sunday school or youth group involvement. As fathers of children in these programs, they were asked to teach or lead in some capacity, and involvement in religious activity led to reflection and clarification on issues of faith.

 Kind of knowing subconsciously that a gap was there but never doing
 anything about it. And fatherhood was an opportunity to do something about
 it. Because if I wanted to raise my children with strong religious beliefs,
 then I should get back on track myself.

 If those types of things never were challenged before and never stood a
 chance of being challenged. Now I'm in the position of raising children
 with a certain moral belief, so I've got to do that and challenge myself,
 knowing that someday they will challenge me.

Sometimes, it was involvement in programs as a teacher or leader that challenged men to grow in their own faith. Generativity challenged them to maturity.

 My wife suggested that I teach CCD on Sundays to a 6th grade class....
 Prior to fatherhood, it would have been, "What do I want to do with kids,
 and what do I know about religion?" ... This is a way for me to reinvest in
 my religion, get close to God....

CHANGE GROUP--SEEKERS

A third group who reported changes in religious commitment were fathers who were seeking a place to bring children to church but had not yet found one.

 I have gone to church ... I just haven't found a church I like going to
 yet; that's all. So, I do go to church, and it's for the sake of the kids.

Some fathers who advocated church attendance for their children did not necessarily align themselves with the teachings of the church. Rather, they felt the church could provide a socially supportive and positive atmosphere for their children's development.

 At least, where I go to church, I think the people are very nice; I think
 it's a very good social connection. And I think with churches, even though
 I don't really agree with all the things they say, I think they teach good
 morals and give you a good social network for kids ... I think it's good
 for their development.

SUMMARY

Overall, about half of the total group of 64 fathers described some important changes in external behaviors/commitment to religion as a result of fatherhood. For some this meant going back to church after a time of being away from organized religion. Others were looking for an experience that would be more positive than their own experience as children. These responses reflect a variety of potential paths related to religious commitment and fatherhood. Personal interpretations of previous experience appear to play a key role in defining and regulating potential change. The sub-issues of religious practice and religious faith were addressed only in the East Coast sample. This distinction was important for some men who reported changes in their practices but not in their basic beliefs. The men in the East Coast group reported changes in practice about 60 percent of the time, but only about one-third reported changes in their actual underlying beliefs (i.e., belief in God) or faith. In contrast, prior to becoming fathers, almost two-thirds of the men had made previous (rejecting or affirming) decisions concerning the centrality of religious faith in their lives. As such, fatherhood seldom played the "jolt" role as described by Palkovitz (1994) in regard to religiosity (i.e., precipitating major changes in direction), and if it was seen as an influence at all, fatherhood most often operated in the "gentle evoker" (Palkovitz, 1994) mode (i.e., bringing adjustments to preexisting trajectories).

The separate analysis of this question about religious faith versus practice reveals how some of the fathers thought about changes in this area. The one-third who reported changes in faith often described changes in very positive spiritual terms, where prayers had been answered.

 The first two nights we didn't know whether she [a baby daughter] was going
 to live or die.... I prayed. I mean, I didn't know what else to do. And
 after I prayed, I fell asleep. And I know it was because he lifted that
 from me. I know God did that.

 I've seen him [God] intervene in places where 1 just didn't think about it.

Some of the changes that the fathers reported regarding practice included more attendance at church to model for the kids. Some fathers talked about the importance of creating new habits beginning with the transition to parenthood, such as praying or reading the Bible.

 When we got pregnant the first time, the evening prayers went on every
 night. That wasn't something we did much before we were trying to have
 kids.

 Work was really, everything, everything to me.... So, now I've gotten back
 into my spiritual part. Religion's really important for me and my children.

 It [kids] made it more important, just going back to my own childhood where
 religion was a small part. My father never went to church.

QUESTION 2

"HAS FATHERING RESULTED IN ANY SHIFTS IN YOUR VALUES?"

This question reveals the highest degree of articulation concerning the influence of fatherhood on the three different areas that were examined. Close to 80 percent of the fathers in both samples reported some changes or shifts in their basic values. One of the primary values that emerges as a change is the shift from a selfish emphasis to a child-and-family centeredness.

 I am less selfish with my time and more giving ... I think giving more of
 your time, so we do pop those family [video] tapes in once in a while, and
 you look back at how time has passed so quickly. I think probably the
 biggest value is giving your time and caring.

 Right now, if I had a choice between buying a car for $50 and fixing it up
 and selling it or saving that $50 to make sure I had money for diapers this
 month, I would save it for the diapers.

There were also a variety of other value issues that emerged in the descriptions of changes, with more value placed on time and respect for parents, less emphasis on materialism, and more awareness of racism.

 I have a high moral value of life now. My kids saved me from going to
 jail.... I have a higher value system on life, and I also learned through
 the birth of a child how precious life is.

 I tried to teach my girlfriend's kids respect for your mom and your dad,
 because you never know when they're not going to be here.

A small group of fathers, primarily those in the correctional facility, also talked about putting more value on education and employment.

 It made me realize that I have to go to college and get a degree, so I can
 have a better job and career to support the child.

 I should have completed high school.

The major shift from being an individual to being a parent is clearly expressed and described even when fathers did not live with their children. Once again an important rationale behind the changes in values was the need to change some of their own behaviors and begin to practice what they preach.

 I'd say the value system has changed from the standpoint [that if] I expect
 to raise my children with certain values, then I ought to practice those
 myself.

Many of the men talked about being models for their children. The small group of fathers who reported no changes generally felt that they had a stable base of values, and children had no real impact. There were a few fathers who stated that there were no child-catalyzed changes in their values, but then proceeded to talk about the importance of fathering.

 No, I don't think so. I think it was all, it's all been there. It just
 takes the children to be walking around and your realization that this is
 what you're here for.

In summary, the majority of fathers have seen some major shifts in values and how they approach the world. The primary changes cited were less selfishness and greater emphasis on the value of life, time, family, education, modeling, and the environment.

QUESTION 3

"HAS FATHERHOOD INFLUENCED YOUR VIEW OF MORAL ISSUES?"

This question was only used with the East Coast sample of fathers. A slight majority of these men reported that fatherhood had influenced their view of moral issues. Those who reported no changes had clearly established and made some basic decisions about moral issues when they were younger.

 I came to the realization of what they [my morals] were in my earlier 20s
 after I got out of my home ... and I've stuck with those all the way
 through.

 I've basically stayed the same in the respect of morals and stuff.

Some fathers spontaneously talked about other important influences on moral issues, such as jobs or religion. The fathers who did report changes in moral views due to parenthood explained the changes in a variety of ways. For one group, fatherhood was a time to be more thoughtful and reflective about moral beliefs. They noted the importance of being an appropriate teacher and model of morality. Reflection and reevaluation of their own positions and behaviors had often resulted. Again, the need to avoid hypocrisy was strong.

 I would have to say, before I can really give them the morals I want them
 to have, I've got to really take a serious look at my morals.

 I probe more deeply, I would say, from a moral point of view.

Others reported moving beyond reflection to a more careful monitoring of their own behavior. Another subset talked about heightened awareness of some social evils (e.g., early sexual activity, drugs) and expressed concern their children would not make the same mistakes they may have made.

 Back in the old days, you didn't think about pornography or liquor stores
 being open on Sunday or the drinking age of people.

It was common for fathers to describe how they desired their children to "grow up better" than they had, despite the fact that "the world is becoming a worse place." Implicit in this view was the understanding that if fathers were to give their children this opportunity, they themselves would have to play an active and positive role in the process.

A significant proportion of the fathers indicated they had not had positive male role models in their lives.

 I try to get my kids not to make the same mistakes that I did, as far as,
 well, I didn't have any real male role model there ... to point out the
 good and bad things to me.

Abortion was one of the specific moral issues that a number of men mentioned. It appears that having children provided a new perspective on this particular issue for some of the men. Children took on a new value, as fathers reflected on the possibility of their own children being taken away through abortion.

 I probably didn't have a position on that [abortion]. And now, you know,
 [I'm] very much pro-life because of my kids.

 We really didn't have an opinion one way or the other on abortion, and now
 we do.

In summary, slightly more that half of the group described some significant changes related to parenthood and their views on moral issues. These changes are related to new issues or perspectives that arise from the experience of fatherhood. The broad and abstract nature of the question made it difficult for some men to connect to specific concrete issues.

DISCUSSION

There are many ways to construct meaning around these findings. Erikson's theory of human development and specifically the stage of generativity (Erikson, 1968; Snarey, 1993) provide a useful framework. The findings about changes in values that shift from an emphasis on self to an emphasis on children and families are in line with the emergence of parental generativity versus self-absorption. The results indicate that 80 percent of the fathers reported this change in response to the general question about changes in values. If the question had been posed in a more direct manner, it is likely that an even larger percentage would have identified "feelings of generativity." This internal shift in what is most important opens up many doors for other changes. The primary question that flows from this change in basic values and orientation is how do men as fathers express these feelings through behavior? The issues of culture versus conduct of fatherhood (LaRossa, 1988) and the nongenerative nature of our culture (Deinhart & Daly, 1997) emerge here as relevant questions. Most men can identify the feeling of generativity, but it is not as clear how this generative attitude translates to parental behavior.

A primary focus of this study is on religiosity (religious faith and religious practices) and moral beliefs. These can be related to generativity and generative fathering as one area of potential attitude and behavior change. For some men, the generative spark comes from the actual birth of a child and serves as a "major change." The developmental pathways that this spark ignites may be directed by religious and moral beliefs that have evolved through the identity stage of development. It appears that some of the men in the study adopted a positive set of religious beliefs and behavior that were firmly in place before fatherhood. Another subset of men--over-represented by the group of incarcerated fathers--had a negative attitude towards religious identity firmly set in place; as one of the incarcerated fathers noted, "I am not a religious person." For both of these groups, fatherhood had little impact on religious practice and commitment. A pathway was either firmly set or rejected. The foreclosure on ideological issues that depicts negative attitudes towards religiosity is of most concern. It was clear that the men in this group had often found no substitute for religious identity. They provided a number of reasons for their rejection of formal religion, but seemed unclear and ambivalent about their responsibility as moral guides for their children. There was also an openness to define or discover new pathways for religious moral development for about half of the fathers. This group appeared open to changes, and some saw fatherhood as not only an "opportunity for change," but as an imperative to change for the children's sake. Fathers in this group talked about going back to church or searching for a "community of faith" to provide an anchor or starting place for the cultivation of their children's moral development. Men also talked about changing some of their own behaviors (being a "skirt chaser"), so that they would model positive moral behavior. They felt responsible for helping teach their children to avoid mistakes that they made. Other men who had a firm set of religious beliefs or practices found that the experience of fatherhood helped them to transcend to a deeper level of understanding of the nature of God by viewing children as miracles and a new appreciation for "God as Father."

Fatherhood clearly triggered some degree of generativity in most of the men. Although the lowest proportion of men expressed generativity in regard to religious faith, when looking across all three interrelated areas of faith, morals, and values, a striking majority of the fathers who participated in this study expressed feelings of generativity toward their children. How this feeling translates into generative behavior is not as clear from the interview data.

The role of fathers as moral leaders has shifted over the last 150 years in U.S. society, as fathers have devoted more of their time and energy to the provider role (Palkovitz, 1996b; Pleck, 1987; Rotundo, 1985, 1993). Mothers became more responsible for children's moral socialization during this time. In this study, a number of men confirmed this separation of responsibility by describing wives, sisters, or grandmothers as the ones who brought children to church. Even some of the men who reported increased church attendance described their spouse as the primary instigator. This is consistent with findings that in the United States, in comparison to men, women have higher religiosity scores (Chancey, 1996), more general belief in God (Schwab & Petersen, 1990), and greater involvement in church activities (Argyle & Beit-Hallahmi, 1975; Bohannon, 1991); engage in more prayer; and hold a greater degree of belief in the afterlife (Klenow & Bollin, 1989).

More important, there appears to be identity confusion among some fathers about their own religious identity and the related role and responsibilities of fathers as moral guides. Confusion and ambivalence in regard to these matters were cited as factors that kept men from more active participation in the nurturance of their children's religious and moral development.

The study also uncovers some potential barriers to fathers' generative behavior. The generativity spark that is created by fatherhood seems to be nearly universal among the diverse group of fathers interviewed in this study. This spark creates an opportunity for change (a sensitive period) for fathers. The study did not address the actual behavior that illustrates generativity in action, although some examples do emerge to provide glimpses of generative behavior. There are a number of potential barriers that may limit the impact of this generative spark on fathers as moral guides.

The first barrier is most evident in the younger fathers and many of the men who were incarcerated. From Erikson's (1968) theoretical perspective, it appears that many of these men have not resolved their identity crisis. They are not sure about a career/vocation. They also have not completely resolved or identified their ideological beliefs. They may be clear about what they have rejected (God and formal religion), but they have not replaced these beliefs to know what to hand down to their children. This group suggested that their children should be exposed to religion and given the opportunity to make up their own minds. This position seems to reflect fathers' own uncertainty and reluctance to take responsibility as moral guides. This lack of resolution may limit their capability to be generative fathers (Dollahite, Hawkins, & Brotherson, 1997).

A second potential barrier for many men is the continued dominance of the provider role (Deinhart & Daly, 1997; Futris & Pasley, 1977; Palkovitz, Christiansen, & Dunn, 1998). From a social role theory perspective and a historical perspective, fathers still experience the provider role as their major identity and primary mode for generative behavior. Most men did express this sense of responsibility as providers in other parts of this study. The data reported here suggest that there were a number of fathers who did not embrace or enact the role of a moral guide for their children. This belonged to the mother. Earlier in their lives, these men had been looking for positive role models and spiritual and moral direction. Many were disappointed by the models available to them, especially from their own fathers. Ironically, many appeared to be mirroring the hypocrisy, ambivalence, and confusion that they had found so distasteful in the models available to them. While some men saw a need to "clean up their act" and stop some of their "immoral behaviors," they did not clearly identify positive moral behavior beyond vague references to increased religious practice. This limited investment of time and energy in this role of moral guide could be detrimental to the moral development of their children as well as to the fathers' own moral development.

A third barrier to generative fathering may come from male socialization toward independence (Bergman, 1991). This theme emerges in some of the interviews with the fathers who wanted their children to make their own choices about religion and religious beliefs. This was most often in reaction to having religion "shoved down my throat." The logic of not taking responsibility for the religious beliefs and practices to which their children are exposed on the grounds that they want to respect children's freedom of choice seems flawed. This view ignores the real control parents assert over a young child's life. Fathers' own modeling of independence and distance also provides a powerful reinforcement of independent aloofness that may push children away from formal religious practices and commitment to a specific set of beliefs. Social learning theory would suggest that this would have the strongest impact on boys. Some fathers seemed to be unaware that deferring religious initiative to mothers or other female relatives sends a strongly gendered message concerning the importance of religious beliefs in contemporary culture.

A final barrier to generative fathering that comes through from this study is the lack of regular contact that some fathers (specifically the group of incarcerated fathers) have with their children. This lack of regular contact limits the father's influence on the child' s moral development--or as previous researchers (Hoffman, 1981; Lamb, 1981) claim, father absence has a negative impact on moral development. In addition, lack of contact for fathers may also truncate possibilities for fathers' own generative growth. While this comes through clearly with the incarcerated fathers, it also is an issue for a growing number of fathers who do not live with children (Blankenhorn, 1995; Popenoe, 1996). If these men are not living in households with children present, they are not experiencing the same incentives and motivation for growth in their own moral, religious, and value realms.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

A number of limitations need to be addressed in this study's attempt to describe men's changes in values, morality, and commitment to religion. Many men did not clearly differentiate the three areas that the questions probed. This may reflect confusing wording or a lack on the part of the interviewers' communication skills. Alternatively, it may reflect a lack of integration and differentiation of these distinct areas (Allport, 1961). As such, inability to articulate the differences in each of these areas may reflect a lack of maturity in the moral, religious, and value realms of men's development. If this is the case, there are significant implications in regard to fathers' ability to be generative in these domains. This emphasizes the need for positive male models in Sunday school, youth groups, and community organizations that foster moral development.

The two authors, operating in different study sites, asked slightly different questions and, through researcher probes, emphasized different aspects of religiosity and values. This is a limitation in terms of consistency, but is a strength in terms of providing more in-depth and multifaceted exploration.

The other important limitation may be the narrow definition of religion that was used. In retrospect, greater articulation or different results may have been obtained if we had employed the broader term "spirituality" (Catalfo, 1997). Discussions of spirituality might open the door to other dimensions of fathers as spiritual and moral models that were not tapped in the present study. This would be one area to modify for future work in this area.

IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTITIONERS

The results of this study provide some key insights for addressing some of the social concerns about fatherlessness and the impact of father absence on children--specifically the concern for children's stunted moral development. Some of the specific areas that should be addressed in fathering programs are:

(1) What is the concept of generativity, and how does it impact men as adults? The process of becoming generative fathers in action as well as spirit needs to be supported. Dollahite, Hawkins, and Brotherson (1997) outline the concept of generative fathering as a developmental process. Palm (1997) provides some specific details for translating this concept to parent/family education. The results of the qualitative analysis suggest that fathers may be experiencing a "sensitive period" during the initial years of fatherhood and are most likely to be engaged in an exploration of generative fathering during this time if they are given support to identify and develop goals in this area.

(2) To combat the concerns about fatherlessness, more programs and more intense programs are needed for young fathers (e.g., Levine & Pitt, 1995; Marsiglio, 1995; Sanders, 1993). This study provides some evidence that identity is a key issue for young fathers, and they may need support in defining vocational interests, specific training to match the interests, and an opportunity to revisit some of their ideological beliefs from their new perspective as fathers. Fathers may also need support and assistance in sorting through Erikson's intimacy crisis, especially if the relationship with the child's mother is strained or tenuous. Retracing these developmental steps can open up new opportunities for developing and integrating generative behaviors in many areas including religiosity, values, and morals.

(3) The baby boom cohort of fathers, which includes a majority of men in the study, may have some unique patterns that interface with the role of fathers as moral/spiritual guides (Catalfo, 1997). The stage of generative parenthood (Snarey, 1993) may be a time for these fathers to reexamine their own spiritual and moral beliefs and how these are passed down to their children. Snarey (1993) reports that religious affiliation does not contribute to the child's and father's outcomes in his study. The present study suggests that the quest for spiritual identity may have some significant links to fatherhood and thus to father and child outcomes. Religious affiliation (Roof, 1993) may not be the issue; rather, fathers' interest and ability to serve as moral and spiritual guides may be the more important issue for both children and fathers.

Finally, the authors were struck by the power of early perceptions, experiences, and relationships in shaping men's views, especially in regard to religious faith and practice. The qualitative data summarized here send a loud and clear message that children observe the consistency, or the lack thereof, between one's "talk" and one's "walk." Both fathers and children stand to benefit from increased investment of fathers in generative fathering as described in this paper.

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Rob Palkovitz is the father of four sons, aged 9-18. He has studied various aspects of father involvement since his first transition to fatherhood. For the past seven years, Palkovitz has been studying the effects of involved fathering on men's adult development. As a person for whom faith is a central defining characteristic, he has noted positive relationships between his own fathering and faith development. He is an associate professor of individual and family studies at the University of Delaware, where his teaching and research interests center on the developmental outcomes of life course transitions. (Robp@udel.edu)

Glen Palm is a professor in child and family studies at St. Cloud State University, St. Cloud, Minnesota, where he joined the faculty in 1983. He coordinates the parent education licensure program and teaches courses in child development, family studies, and parent education. Palm also coordinates the Dad's Project, an initiative of the St. Cloud ECFE program that focuses on male involvement. He was a co-editor of the book, Working With Fathers: Methods and Perspectives (Nu Ink Publications, 1992). He has also contributed book chapters on parent education for fathers and father involvement in schools for recent books. As a researcher/practitioner, Palm has studied fathers' perceptions of attachment, the parent education needs of incarcerated fathers, and the role of fatherhood in influencing men's values, morals, and religious beliefs. He has also served as a program evaluator for family literacy programs. (GPalm@tigger.stcloud.msus.edu)

This research was supported by a grant to the first author from the General University Research Fund, the College of Human Resources, and the Department of Individual and Family Studies at the University of Delaware. The Medical Research Institute of Delaware provided valuable support by recruiting and scheduling subjects, providing research space, and assisting in transcription.

Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Rob Palkovitz, Department of Individual and Family Studies, 111 Alison West, University of Delaware, Newark, DE 19716-3301, or robp@udel.edu.