I hear America singing: the arts will flower without the NEA.
Rice, William Craig
The death knell is sounding for the National Endowment for the Arts.
The agen- cy's federal appropriation last year fell by one-third,
from about $150 mil- lion to about $100 million, and its appropriation
may be cut again or even eliminated in the current session of Congress.
The NEA is not only anathema to cultural conservatives, libertarians,
evangelical Christians, and even a good number of artists. It is also
likely to lose key political support as Presi- dent Clinton and other
Democrats resolve to keep moving toward a balanced fed- eral budget
without compromising Medicare, Medicaid, education, or the environment.
But the end of the agency's federal funding need not prove
cataclysmic for the arts in America. Artists, arts organizations, and
their supporters have many strategies at their disposal for maintaining
the vitality of the arts in a post-NEA era. And in any case, the
importance of federal grantmaking to the arts has been greatly
exaggerated.
The NEA currently contributes to the arts in two ways: direct funding
and less tangible, indirect services. Nowadays direct funding consists
almost entirely of cash awards to arts organizations and event sponsors.
(As of 1996, grants to individual artists were eliminated, except for
creative writers, jazz greats, and masters of folk crafts.) NEA-financed
music ensembles, dance festivals, museum exhibitions, and the like
undoubtedly face a period of sacrifice and uncertainty, and there will
be some casualties. But their prospects are far from hopeless.
The NEA also renders indirect, noncash benefits and services through
its peer-review panels. Their judgments can stimulate funding from other
sources and identify certain artists and organizations as more deserving
than others. In this realm of power-by-imprimatur, the judgment process
would, in fact, probably work better if it were decentralized and used
to spur greater involvement by funders.
Making up the Shortfall
To understand the reasons for optimism, it is necessary to assess the
true nature of NEA spending priorities. The NEA's largesse regularly benefits the great established urban institutions and smaller
local organizations of long-standing reputation. The NEA has also
funded, less dependably, dozens of marginal artistic groups, some of
which claim to depend on NEA funding for their survival. As a rule, the
larger institutions will overcome the NEA's decline easily, but the
smaller ones need not suffer if they heed certain examples set around
the country.
One might not know it from the political controversies that have
attracted public attention, but the NEA has always favored the most
venerable -- and richest -- cultural establishments over the esoteric,
the shocking, and the avant-garde. A survey of funding patterns in 1985,
1990, and 1995 clearly reveals this preference. The Metropolitan Opera
in New York City has been the single largest recipient of NEA funds,
with annual grants between $800,000 and $900,000. Typical grants for
other high-profile beneficiaries range from $200,000 to $350,000,
awarded year after year and now incorporated into annual budgets. In
theater, by far the biggest ongoing grants go to the major presenters
and training centers, such as the American Repertory Theater in
Cambridge, Massachusetts ($305,000, on average, in 1985, 1990, and
1995), the Center Theater Group of Los Angeles ($251,000), the Guthrie
Theater in Min- neapolis ($274,000), and the Yale Repertory Theatre ($167,000).
In the museum world, the consistent winners are big-city
institutions: Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, New York,
Philadelphia, San Francisco. In dance as well, the NEA has heavily
favored the most established organizations. The Dance Theatre of Harlem,
for example, averaged $303,000. Nearly all other troupes with six-figure
grants bear the names of modern American legends: Alvin Ailey, Merce
Cunningham, Martha Graham, Paul Taylor, Twyla Tharp.
This preference for elite establishments should not be surprising,
since it is usually the larger, wealthier institutions that have the
staff and resources to put together winning grant proposals. The higher
the grant amount, the more this pattern holds true. The NEA's
differential treatment of arts institutions confirms economist Friedrich
Hayek's dictum that centralized authority inevitably favors the
rich and well-educated because they have greater access to the sites and
protocols of power. NEA support for music in the state of Pennsylvania
at the height of the NEA's prowess in 1985 emphatically illustrates
this. Grants that year overwhelmingly favored the Philadelphia Orchestra
and Pittsburgh Symphony, which received $290,000 and $280,000,
respectively. All the remaining grants that year -- to 28 Pennsylvania
musical organizations --totaled $301,000.
At first blush, six-figure grants to our most revered institutions
may appear difficult to replace, and the potential damage from cuts
quite dire. But on examination it is hard not to reach the opposite
conclusion. The NEA's largest grants are tiddlywinks to the big
players in American culture.
Music. Take the leading example, the Metropolitan Opera. Using
conservative estimates, its annual $875,000 dependency could be made up
by raising the price of tickets, which already cost $125 and up, by
$1.50. For the Philadel- phia Orchestra, Pittsburgh Symphony, and other
great American orchestras, a hike in ticket prices of less than $2 would
replace any shortfall in NEA funds. The Boston Symphony Orchestra received only $300,000 of its $47 million operating budget from the NEA
in 1996 -- less than 1 percent of the total, or 40 cents per ticket sold
that year for BSO, Boston Pops, and Tanglewood Festival concerts.
Museums. The Art Institute of Chicago has received about $325,000 a
year from the NEA, but this is only 1 percent of its budget. The Walker
Art Center of Minneapolis received 3.3 percent of its budget in 1995
from the NEA, down from 8.2 percent in 1985. The importance of federal
support has declined as individual gifts, foundation grants, and
investment income have risen.
Dance. Although modern dance began as an esoteric experiment,
performances now enjoy broad popularity with American audiences. If
raising ticket prices is a less feasible solution to looming financial
shortfalls, modern dance should have a good chance of winning corporate
support. According to a recent analysis reported in the Chronicle of
Philanthropy, corporate giving to the arts, especially in the
once-generous financial services sector, has drifted away from
symphonies and arts associated with the wealthy; it now focuses on
causes with more popular appeal. Modern dance, seeking corporate support
in this new environment, can cite its origin in the United States and
its roots in our cultural diversity as well as its popularity.
Theater. The major outlets for professional theater face huge
challenges as well. Robert Brustein, one of the foremost trainers of new
theater talent, writes in Theater magazine that "as funds dry up
for the arts in this country, and theater grows increasingly estranged
from younger audiences, there is no question that the marketplace will
play a larger and larger role in the non-profit future." For
Brustein and most other theater people, the market- place is no talisman
of artistic excellence, driven as it is by consumer taste and
capitalism, which tend to impinge on artistic freedom and dilute quality
in favor of popular appeal. But there are ways that commerce could be
enlisted to sustain live theater.
Hollywood, for example, has been 20th-century America's great
patron of actors, as well as of writers from William Faulkner and F.
Scott Fitzgerald onward. That patronage must be expanded if fresh talent
in acting, screenwrit- ing, and production is to continue to flow into
studios from the far-flung theater world. Theater and cultural critic
Frank Rich of the New York Times urges "people who run movie
studios, many of whom have talented executives who came out of the
non-profit theater world or the non-profit film world, to put something
back in [by] training non-profit theaters to market better."
In fairness, some actors and producers have used their money to
create opportunity in their field. One of the principal beneficiaries is
the Univer- sity of Southern California, which boasts the Steven
Spielberg Scoring Studio and two buildings erected by producer and
director George Lucas. Actor John Ritter endowed a Town and Gown Scholarship; Jack Nicholson an acting award. James and Nony Doolittle,
L.A.'s leading theatrical producers, created a fund to assist
recent USC graduates making the transition to professional acting.
But considering the huge fortunes involved, Hollywood moguls and
stars could do much more to assure the long-term health of the
professional stage -- and amateur stage, for that matter -- perhaps
through such existing professional societies and philanthropies as
Actors Equity, the Shubert Foundation (which Brustein praises), and the
National Corporate Theater Fund.
Artists on the Edge
If rich, well-established institutions in urban centers can readily
make up for lost NEA funds, small and marginal enterprises face steeper
challenges. Some will perish because they never developed a large or
loyal following dur- ing their years of deep dependency on the NEA.
Among the most vulnerable are "new music" groups that perform
atonal compositions written by university music faculty and little
magazines and small presses that publish fiction and poetry produced in
creative -- writing programs. Sam Hamill, the editor of Copper Canyon
Press, predicts that fewer than half of existing small presses will
survive into the next century. In an essay in Poets & Writers,
Robert McDowell of Story Line Press agrees that death awaits
"nonprofit publishers that rely almost exclusively on the NEA to
sustain their programs." But he also points out that chain stores
have not driven independent bookstores out of existence, as was once
feared. One consequence of their "healthy competi- tion," he
writes, "has been increased exposure for the books produced by
independent publishers . . . [and] a growing audience for serious
literature."
Thanks to desktop publishing, literary magazines now have a better
shot at financial independence than ever before. Advanced software and
inexpensive computers and printers have made the production of
attractive literary magazines and books easier and cheaper than ever.
And this is not even to men- tion the potential for literary and other
artistic dissemination on the Internet, where audiences may not be so
small after all, even for atonal music.
Many composers and writers facing the loss of NEA grants are employed
by col- leges and universities that could effectively underwrite their
artists' work. This can be done on the honorable principle that art
need not have a large or even a growing audience to be judged worthy of
local institutional support. Boston University, for example, is home to
the composer Lukas Foss and the cultural magazine Partisan Review, and
Washington & Lee University hosts the literary quarterly Shenandoah.
This principle especially needs respect now that many major funding
sources (including the NEA) regularly invoke "audience
expansion" as a criterion of funding.
Small-scale organizations that cannot be run out of a basement or an
Internet site -- medium-sized galleries, music ensembles, little
theaters -- will face uncertainty in localities without a tradition of
supporting the arts. Although only a modest number will expire solely
for lack of NEA money, advocates are right to warn of imperiled local
dance troupes and symphonies. Since 1965, according to John Brademas, an
NEA champion who chairs the President's Commit- tee on the Arts and
Humanities, the number of orchestras has climbed from 110 to 230;
nonprofit theaters from 56 to 425; dance companies from 37 to 450; opera
companies from 27 to 120. No commentators dispute the influence of the
NEA in this expansion, although some question its prudence. The
historian Jac- ques Barzun argues that we actually suffer from "a
surfeit of art," economically unsustainable and unhealthy for
artists themselves, who pursue careers with little hope of success and
often wind up leading unproductive, embittered lives. Frank Rich
complains of "the mediocre theaters, dance com- panies [and]
musical organizations that haven't always deserved the NEA
imprimatur," even as he calls for vastly increased federal funding
for alternatives to the "inhumane menu of entertainment"
offered by TV and Hol- lywood. If we compromise between the positions of
Rich, Brademas, and Barzun, and allow that an ample supply of good, if
not great, arts offerings is desirable, we can achieve this end partly
by respecting dedicated amateurism and encouraging mergers. For example,
the Virginia suburbs of Washington, D.C., currently support four
orchestras. Since not all cellists and trom- bonists play equally well,
it stands to reason that an orchestra comprised of the best regional
musicians would be much stronger.
The Return of Arts Havens
One likely consequence of declining federal funding is that we will
learn anew to appreciate the role of regional art centers, communities
that sustain a critical mass of potters and painters, jazz pianists,
dancers, and actors. Just as not all acting companies and art galleries
can stay in business indefinitely, not all communities can support a
serious art scene. To judge by history, however, it is not just the
large, wealthy cities that attract and support creative individuals. In
the late 19th and early 20th centuries, long before federal support for
regional arts centers, artists flocked to towns such as East Hampton and
Woodstock, New York; Ogunquit, Maine; Berea, Kentucky; and Carmel,
California.
Taos and Santa Fe, New Mexico, achieved prominence thanks to
pioneering souls like Mabel Dodge Luhan, a Greenwich Village radical who
moved there in the 1920s and hosted D.H. and Frieda Lawrence and
painters John Marin, Marsden Hartley, and Georgia O'Keeffe. The
Harwood Foundation of Taos, established in 1923, has for 70 years
enjoyed generous community involvement in its museum, performances,
library, and grounds, and attracted hundreds of visual artists and
writers, as well as organizations such as the Tamarind Institute for
print-makers. The Santa Fe-Taos area is now a national center for visual
arts, crafts, and music, teeming with concert-goers, tourists, and art
buyers.
Provincetown, Massachusetts, also attracted Greenwich Village
artists, who staged plays by Eugene O'Neill deemed too radical by
New York theater producers. The Provincetown Players and other thespian
groups have ever since attracted major talent, including contemporary
eminences like Richard Gere and Al Pacino. The Fine Arts Work Center has
brought young writers and visual art- ists together for residencies
since the late 1960s. Franz Kline, Jackson Pol- lock, and other American
modernists worked in the town; and the great teacher Hans Hofmann
founded a school there. Today, 38 private art galleries line Com-
mercial Street, which leads to the Provincetown Art Association and
Museum, founded in 1914. Provincetown differs from Santa Fe, however, in
having no conspicuously well-endowed institutions. The 80-year-old Art
Association and Museum realizes only a tiny fraction of its $250,000
annual income from investments; the bulk comes from sales, membership,
fundraising from founda- tions, and donations. (Four percent comes from
government grants.) Provin- cetown survives as an art center thanks to
its strong sense of identity, col- lective dedication, commercial
orientation, and seasonal tourism.
A community need not duplicate the success of a Santa Fe or a
Provincetown, nor offer an exotic locale, to maintain a vital art scene.
Certain out-of-the-way cities have done extraordinarily well in the
decades since the Second World War, without significant dependence on
the National Endowment for the Arts. Tulsa, Oklahoma, is home to four
art museums, including major col- lections of Jewish art and art of the
American West, and 11 more museums devoted to jazz, Native American
culture, toys and miniatures, firearms, and other interests. Tulsa also
boasts an opera, a ballet, and a symphony. The National Endowment for
the Arts has supported the opera and ballet fairly con- sistently with
$25,000 grants, and also has occasionally given to museums, but the
credit for this medium-size city's burgeoning arts scene goes to
the Arts & Humanities Council of Tulsa, which predates the NEA.
Unlike most of its counterparts, the Council is funded wholly from
private sources: individuals, foundations, and corporations.
An organization called Fund for the Arts in Louisville, Kentucky,
offers an even more outstanding case that anxious arts leaders might
study. The Fund was established in 1949 in the nation's first
community-wide arts campaign. Under the masterly leadership of Allen
Cowen, its fundraising has gone from a respectable $600,000 in 1977 to
$5,300,000 in 1996, rising at three times the rate of the consumer price
index. (NEA grants to Louisville organizations cur- rently total about
$250,000.) An amazing 30,000 of Louisville's population give to the
Fund for the Arts (30,000 out of 1 million). The multiple millions
raised are distributed to 17 organizations, ranging from a professional
bal- let, theater, and opera to neighborhood arts programs. The Fund
ranks first in the nation in per-capita giving and, most astonishing of
all, has witnessed virtually no real growth in its staff salaries or
fundraising budget in the last 20 years.
Regional critical mass is also often achieved in university and
college towns. The folk-music revival of the early 1960s was a
phenomenon of college cof- feehouses and auditoriums, where Joan Baez,
Bob Dylan, and Doc Watson were first heard. In the 1960s and 1970s,
concerts of world music -- Indian ragas, Balinese gamelan, Andean
panpipes -- drew large audiences at universities, thanks in part to the
burgeoning field of ethnomusicology. Cambridge, Mas- sachusetts, is a
center for new acoustic, folk, and women's music. Towns like
Berkeley, California; Boulder, Colorado; and Charlottesville, Virginia
offer congenial environments for writers, sculptors, ceramists, acoustic
musicians, and printmakers, with or without academic affiliation.
Philanthropy for Writers
Ideally, the decline of the NEA will usher in an era of imaginative
philanthropy. In this regard, we can glean mixed lessons from the
support that has historically been available to creative writers. Every
year since 1985, 10 or so young authors -- novelists, poets, and
essayists with one or two books to their credit -- receive a phone call
out of the blue from the Mrs. Giles Whiting Foundation. The Whiting
Writers' Awards, currently $30,000 each, are enough to stake frugal
writers to at least one highly productive year on whatever projects they
wish, no strings attached. (The NEA awards to writers are lower --
$20,000 apiece -- and require an elaborate application process that
favors those skilled in bureaucratic ways.)
A second model of support for needy writers once came from the
initiative of the late poet James Merrill. With income from his Merrill
Lynch inheritance, he established the Ingram-Merrill Foundation with an
active, voting board. From the late 1950s until his death in 1995, when
the foundation spent itself out of existence, struggling writers could
apply for small or large cash grants. Merrill set an admirable and
imaginative example of generosity that other artists of means can well
follow, especially if they want a shield between their friendships and
their philanthropy, as Merrill did.
Long before the growth of MFA programs, the cause of creative writing
was furthered by a few thoughtfully envisioned philanthropies for
writers in universities. The American playwright Avery T. Hopwood
bequeathed a sizable trust for creative writing awards at the University
of Michigan in the 1920s, when Robert Frost was writer-in-residence.
According to Nicholas Delbanco in Speaking of Writing: Selected Hopwood
Lectures, more than $1 million in prizes went to student writers in the
awards' first 60 years; about $45,000 is now given annually. Beyond
encouraging young writers, the legacy has attracted more endowed awards,
helping to create a literary environment that supported W.H. Auden,
Robert Hayden, Theodore Roethke, and others since. The Wallace Stegner
Fellowships at Stanford University, endowed by the Jones family in 1945,
have also long sustained emerging writers, including Scott Turow, who
recently endowed a writing fellowship in honor of his Stanford teacher
Richard Scowcroft.
Programs like the Whiting, Hopwood, Ingram-Merrill, and Stegner
awards present responsible, imaginative models for philanthropy for
poets, novelists, and essayists on the margins of success and
profitability. But not all foundations help such clearly deserving
writers or give writers such a degree of freedom. A less than heartening
example is the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation. Under the visionary
leadership of Henry Allen Moe from 1925 to 1963, Guggenheim Fel-
lowships went not only to scholars and scientists but also to promising
writers who had not yet established themselves. Moe's intention, as
he put it, was to give artists "a leg up," simply by covering
expenses for a year or two. For decades, the Guggenheim was the only
foundation in the country to perform this cultural service, and it wound
up supporting such talents as Richard Wright, Zora Neale Hurston,
Langston Hughes, John Updike, and John Cheever -- before they won their
fame. But under later leaders, the Guggenheim has only intermittently
helped highly gifted but needy or obscure applicants. In the view of
Martin Morse Wooster, the author of a forthcoming study of the Guggen-
heim and other cultural philanthropies, the Foundation "is largely
giving tenured academics and people with credentials yet one more
credential. . . . This is one reason the Guggenheim Foundation is a less
and less consequential part of American cultural life."
The Lila Wallace-Reader's Digest Fund also presents a mixed
case. On the one hand, it gives $35,000 grants for up to three years to
artists who agree to help part-time at a local community agency while
they work on independent projects. It is also gives seed money to
promising enterprises, such as a Texas writers project organized by Kay
Cattarulla at the Dallas Museum of Art. Cattarulla edits Texas Bound,
collections of new stories by Texas writers, and engages professional
actors to read them in books-on-tape format. Although funding stopped
when the project showed it could survive on its own, Cat- tarulla says,
"Lila Wallace was our NEA." On the other hand, Robert
Bernstein charges that the Fund has increasingly engaged in
"coercive funding," mandat- ing a political and social agenda
that he insists is inimical to artistic quality.
What of the Future?
It is impossible to predict with confidence what will happen to arts
philanthropy in a post-NEA world. Critics of government programs in
general claim that public spending tends to discourage private support.
Critics of the NEA in particular contend that it stepped in to fund arts
programs previously supported by the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations.
And as Alice Goldfarb Mar- quis shows in her excellent history, Art
Lessons: Learning from the Decline and Fall of Public Arts Funding,
federal involvement in the arts in the 1960s did spring from the
initiative of a few influential foundations and studies by affiliated
scholars.
Federal support may well have allowed Ford and Rockefeller to move on
to other ventures, but the last 30 years have hardly lacked for gifts to
the arts, the multibillion-dollar Getty Trust foremost among them. (Its
annual expenditures run well ahead of the NEA budget.) H. Ross Perot
donated Morton H. Meyerson Symphony Center, an acoustic wonder that
houses the Dallas Symphony, in honor of his friend and business
associate. Successful artists have pitched in (listen up, Hollywood) to
establish the Krasner-Pollock, Warhol, Gottlieb, and Mapplethorpe
foundations. In St. Louis, E. Desmond Lee paid off his city
symphony's multimillion-dollar debt to the state of Missouri. In
Hastings-on-Hudson, New York, Barbara E. Newington recently established
the Newington-Cropsey Foundation on the site of her great-grandfather
Jasper Francis Cropsey's restored art studio. The foundation
exhibits Hudson River School and new figurative painters, operates an
atelier for apprentice sculptors, and publishes American Arts Quarterly,
a journal devoted to move- ments in architecture, sculpture, and
painting that challenge the orthodoxies of late modernism and
postmodernism.
Dozens of other examples could be listed, but imaginative supporters
of the arts will need to look beyond philanthropy. The arts must embrace
their own commercial potential and disregard the embarrassment of
lingering elites. Museums now realize a good portion of their income
from gift shops and restaurants and from facilities rentals. Orchestras
get a healthy take from sales of their recordings. Critics rightly snipe
at the "malling" of museums, where posters, gewgaws, and
nouvelle cuisine distract attention from the paintings, and at the
commercialization of classical music, which plasters comely young
soloists on CD covers. But the more art lovers -- and artists -- that
emerge, the more likely it is that fresh commercial approaches will
appear. All this will be in keeping with the American way of art. New
experi- ments by young New York artists, who are using makeshift spaces
and temporary storefronts to show their work, may herald a shift toward
a less intimidating art marketplace.
Replacing NEA Expertise
It is often argued in defense of the NEA that private and nonprofit
supporters of the arts have come to rely on the authority of an NEA
grant in making their own award decisions. The process works like this:
The NEA's panels of experts in, say, dance or creative writing or
sculpture give the nod to a certain troupe, small press, or exhibit.
Then a private foundation or local agency decides it may safely favor an
application from the same group -- and spare itself the expense of
evaluating the proposal. Some arts administrators say they spend more
resources applying for an NEA grant than the grant itself is worth,
simply because they need the grant as "leverage" with other
funding sources. NEA Chairwoman Jane Alexander claims that NEA grants
generate other support at a rate of 12 to 1, making a $10,000 NEA grant
worth $120,000. More conservative estimates run as high as 7 to 1 and as
low as 3 to 1 -- still significant leverage.
The NEA's leverage can be seen as a welcome asset bestowed upon
arts organiza- tions, but it can just as easily be read as a device for
self-aggrandizement. The process gives the NEA a vastly disproportionate
role in deciding what and who gets the advantage, and it has a strong
centralizing and professionalizing effect. According to some observers,
this undermines the health of the arts themselves by divorcing them from
local, nonexpert constituencies, people who enjoy the arts but have no
professional stake in them. NEA critic Laurence Jarvik recently argued
in Common Sense in favor of decentralized mechanisms of judgment.
"Patrons," he notes, "would have to take fuller
responsibility for their own decisions -- and local arts groups would
have the freedom to con- sider the tastes of the local communities they
serve without regard to the opinions of a federal agency."
Without debating too deeply the wisdom of concentrating cultural
power in government-appointed bodies, the question arises: How can the
work of expert advisory panels be replaced or otherwise performed?
The answer is surprisingly simple. The panels have doubtless saved
money for foundations and other arts supporters large and small, who
will soon have to retain their own judges to evaluate the applications
they receive. Yet the portion of the NEA budget set aside for
professional panels is minuscule. In 1995, the NEA spent $924,000 on
panelists' honoraria and travel expenses; in 1996, after budget
cuts, $476,000. These figures account for only about 0.5 percent of the
annual NEA budget.
Several options suggest themselves for replacing the judging services
rendered by the NEA, some resembling the old system, others quite
different. Central- ized arts organizations already exist in all the
fields adjudicated by NEA panelists; many of them already have panels
that make awards to individuals and organizations. In the field of
writing, these include the PEN American Center, the Academy of American
Poets, the Poetry Society of America, and Associated Writing Programs.
In music, they include Opera America, the Center for Contemporary Opera,
the American Symphony Orchestra League, and the International Conference
of Symphony and Opera Musicians. Composers have the National Association
of Composers and the Composer's Theatre. Drama is well-endowed with
prizes and professionally well organized under the National Critics
Institute, National Corporate Theater Fund, and the New York Drama
Critics Circle, which confers important awards.
All these organizations and at least a dozen more can -- or already
do -- impanel experts from their own ranks, as can the larger museums
and universities. Further, the Getty Trust, the MacArthur Fellows
Program, the Guggenheim, and other prominent philanthropies currently
appoint their own judges. In metropolitan areas where artists and arts
professionals are abundant, local talent could offer to certify the
value of artistic work under consideration for funding, thereby cutting
travel expenses. By and large, panels of this sort would resemble the
old NEA methodology of centralized expertise and elite professionalism.
But this isn't the only model. Interesting arrangements could
arise from a proliferation of judging mechanisms. Let a thousand flowers
-- or judges -- bloom, from small self-selected groups to regional
consortia, from impresarios to ad hoc committees, from local patrons to
democratically elected bodies, each variously set up to review public
art commissions, individual grant proposals, theater-aid packages,
endowment campaigns, and the like. These alternative models would take
advantage of Americans' penchant for voluntary associations and
reverse the controversial rise of elite expert culture in the arts. If
judging systems were opened up, if interested lay persons enjoyed more
than token status in the evaluation process, it is conceivable that sup-
port for the arts would actually broaden.
A Lesson from History
Finally, we need to remember how little American art has ever
originated from government grants. Except for sculpture, where
19th-century heroic statuary by the likes of Augustus Saint Gaudens and
Anne Whitney came from public commis- sions, virtually all our best
music, literature, painting, dance, and theater sprang from unexpected
or unpromising corners. This happened, as the historian Neil Harris
notes, in a new nation that lacked traditional European sources of
patronage: a state church, a monarch, an aristocracy. For a long time,
artists were itinerant figures, painting portraits and homesteads,
staging plays and operas, giving recitals and readings, accumulating a
tradition of hardship and irreverent individualism that persists in
cultural memory -- and reality -- to this day.
Important painters as often as not drew their inspiration from and
worked out- side the urban centers, from the Rocky Mountain and Hudson
River painters in the 19th century to masters in the 20th: Grant Wood
and Thomas Hart Benton in the Midwest, O'Keeffe in the Southwest
desert, Winslow Homer in coastal Maine, Andrew Wyeth in Pennsylvania.
Regionalism not only defines a large portion of American art history; it
also helps accounts for the exciting resurgence of landscape and realist
painting today, itself partly a reaction to the tiresome domination of
abstraction and conceptualism in major art centers and schools. In this
historical context, the demise of the NEA as a powerful centralized
authority may augur well for American painting.
Much -- perhaps most -- of our best work in literature and music in
this century has come from outside the centers of money and prestige.
The South, our least literate region, gave us great writers like William
Faulkner, Flan- nery O'Connor, Zora Neale Hurston, and John Kennedy
Toole. African Americans broke through poverty and race barriers to
create the world's most influential music in this century: Louis
Armstrong, Duke Ellington, Bessie Smith, Charlie Parker, Ella
Fitzgerald, Leadbelly, Muddy Waters, Miles Davis, John Coltrane, Jimi
Hendrix.
If most of the artists I have cited here -- and there are dozens more
-- hailed from unexpected places and stations and faced real struggles,
most also got pretty well or actually prospered. Far from suffering from
the Van Gogh syndrome -- that tragic complex of poverty, neglect, mad
genius, and sexual dysfunction -- artists in American history present us
with conflicting examples of stalwart individualism and courtly charm,
business acumen and hopeless profligacy, indifference to the judgment of
established critics and eager pursuit of honors from professional
societies. In the twilight of the National Endowment for the Arts, it is
the stalwarts, the pertinacious, entrepreneurial, independent spirits --
and those with the vision to help them -- who stand the chance of
advancing the cause of American Art.