Cuban Missile Crisis Address to the Nation.
Jones, David T.
Cuban Missile Crisis Address to the Nation
By President John F. Kennedy
Reviewed by David T. Jones, co-author of Uneasy Neighbo(u)rs, a
book on U.S.-Canada relations
Text, audio, and video:
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkcubanmissilecrisis.html
Reviewing the dramatic speech given over 45 years ago by President
Kennedy in response to the placement of Soviet missiles in Cuba still
elicits a frisson of fright. Listening to the speech as a university
undergraduate, it was clear that we had moved close--very close--to the
edge of nuclear war. The much derided "brinksmanship" of
Eisenhower's former Secretary of State Dulles was back--in spades.
So far as its substantive content was concerned, Kennedy laid out
the presence of Soviet bombers, medium-range (1,000 mile) nuclear
missiles, and their preparations for installation of intermediate-range
(2,000 mile) ballistic missiles. The systems were capable of striking
most urban centers in North and South America.
Kennedy recounted the lies Soviet leaders had told regarding the
purported defensive nature of systems being installed. To each of the
Soviet reassurances that Kennedy cited, he flatly noted "That
statement was false."
Depicting the Soviet action as an existential challenge to U.S.
national security, Kennedy demanded withdrawal of these systems. They
were a "clear and present danger," an "explicit threat to
the peace and security of all the Americas," and a
"deliberately provocative and unjustified" action "which
cannot be accepted ... if our courage and our commitments are ever to be
trusted again ..." Kennedy acknowledged the risk of nuclear war,
but emphasized that we will "not shrink from that risk at any time
it must be faced."
To assure that no further missiles arrived, he declared a
"strict quarantine" of Cuba and directed that U.S. armed
forces "prepare for any eventualities" as "further action
will be justified" if the Soviet deployments did not end.
And while various UN and OAS meetings were requested, it was clear
that U.S. pre-emptive strikes were the next step--regardless of
nattering from any international organization. Indeed, Kennedy expanded
the U.S. global security blanket by declaring that any Soviet
"hostile move anywhere in the world ... will be met by whatever
action is needed."
In retrospect, it sounds definitively belligerent--far more than
current interpretations of "Bush Doctrine" foreign policy.
The results of and lessons from the "Cuban missile
crisis" have been much discussed and debated for a generation.
Detailed U.S. record keeping and the personal recollections of many of
the participants are available for examination; following the end of the
Cold War some Soviet material has become available.
And as always, the lessons lie in the mind of the examiner. Were
U.S. medium range ballistic missiles stationed in Italy and Turkey a
factor in the Soviet deployments? Did Khrushchev, following his June
1961 Vienna meeting with Kennedy, conclude that JFK was weak--a judgment
reinforced by the limited U.S. reaction to the construction of the
Berlin Wall in August 1961? Was the crisis less an illustration of
Soviet mendacity than a "failure to communicate" subsequently
alleviated by creating a Washington-Moscow "hot line"?
Perhaps we can only be sure that JFK's coincident call for a
free Cuba remains unmet.