Measuring Justice: Primary Goods and Capabilities.
Valentini, Laura
Measuring Justice: Primary Goods and Capabilities, Harry Brighouse
and Ingrid Robeyns, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010),
247 pp., $85 cloth, $29.99 paper.
How just or unjust is a particular society, or indeed, the
international realm? To answer this question, we need a metric with
which to evaluate the moral worth (the justness) of social arrangements.
Two approaches to measuring justice have emerged in the recent
literature, each focusing on a particular metric: one on primary goods,
the other on capabilities. The former approach, pioneered by John Rawls,
holds that principles of justice should be concerned with the
distribution of particular social goods or resources (for example,
liberties, opportunities, income, and wealth) among persons; the latter,
pioneered by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, holds that principles of
justice should be concerned with the distribution of
capabilities--namely, of substantive freedoms to achieve particular
"functionings" (for example, being nourished, educated,
healthy). Which approach should we favor?
In this rich collection, Harry Brighouse and Ingrid Robeyns bring
together distinguished philosophers and political theorists to debate
the virtues and vices of these competing metrics of justice. The first
part of the book focuses on the fundamental properties of the two
metrics from a theoretical perspective; the second part looks at how
well each of them fares in addressing applied ethical problems,
including justice in health, gender justice, and justice for children.
The collection is then brought to a close with an essay by Amartya Sen.
This is an outstanding collection--well organized, interesting, and
informative. All the essays are of high academic quality, and the
collection as a whole fully achieves its aim: advancing our
understanding of primary goods and capabilities, without necessarily
declaring one superior to the other (p. 11).
Given the limited space at my disposal, I cannot comment on all the
aspects of the book that deserve attention. I will therefore focus on
one of its core messages, expressed explicitly or implicitly in a number
of essays, namely that instead of being "competing" approaches
to justice, the primary goods and capabilities metrics have much in
common, and much to learn from each other. The insight behind this
suggestion is easy to grasp. On the one hand, a primary goods metric
seems defective because of its insensitivity to people's different
abilities to convert goods into "functionings." Plainly, an
able-bodied and a disabled person with the same resources are unlikely
to be equally well-off. On the other hand, capability-based metrics are
often (although not always, think of Martha Nussbaum's work) too
vaguely defined, lacking a full index of those functionings to which
access is necessary for a decent life.
In light of this, advocates of primary goods should learn from
capability theorists to make their metrics more sensitive to
interpersonal differences, as discussed, for instance, in the essay by
Thomas Pogge. Capability theorists, by contrast, should draw on the
insights of advocates of primary goods to develop an index of
capabilities. There may indeed be a parallelism between what makes
certain social goods particularly valuable and what makes certain
capabilities important (see Harry Brighouse and Elaine
Unterhalter's essay).
The similarity, or at least complementarity, between the two
approaches is further confirmed in an essay by Norman Daniels, who
claims that, at least as far as justice in health is concerned, the
conceptual spaces covered by a capabilities approach and by a nuanced
primary goods approach virtually coincide. In a similar vein, Sen
himself emphasizes that if there are differences between resourcist and
capability-based views, these only concern one aspect of a theory of
justice. "There is no claim," he writes, "that the
capability perspective can take over the work that other parts of
Rawlsian theory also demand, particularly the special status of liberty
and the demands of procedural fairness" (p. 242). In Sen's
view, whether we should adopt the primary goods or capabilities approach
only matters at the level of comparing persons' overall advantages,
which is what Rawls's difference principle is concerned with.
If these observations are correct, however, one might wonder to
what extent there is a genuine disagreement between resourcist and
capability theorists. If there is so much that they have in common, and
so much that they can learn from one another, is the contrast perhaps
overstated? A possible way of further testing whether these approaches
differ, and to what extent, might be to consider their implications for
the measurement of justice across different societies. Is one approach
better placed than the other to measure justice against the background
of cultural pluralism characterizing the global arena? Is one less
informationally demanding than the other, and therefore more likely to
be workable when measurements are extremely complex, extending over a
wide range of people and communities? Even though none of the essays in
this book directly tackles these questions, they could certainly
constitute a fruitful area for future research.
That said, Measuring Justice remains an excellent collection, which
importantly contributes to deepening our understanding of the primary
goods and capability approaches, and provides valuable insights for both
political theorists and practitioners.
The reviewer is a Junior Research Fellow in Politics at The
Queen's College, Oxford. She specializes in international justice,
human rights, and methods in normative theorizing. Her work has appeared
or is forthcoming in such journals as the Journal of Political
Philosophy, Review of International Studies, and American Political
Science Review.
doi: 10.1017/S0892679410000122