Health and global justice.
Johri, Mira ; Barry, Christian
In a recent global survey commissioned for the Millennium Summit of
the United Nations, people around the world consistently mentioned good
health as what they most desired. This preeminent concern with health is
due no doubt both to the value that people attach to health in itself
and to their recognition of its importance for pursuing their individual
and collective projects.
While people agree on the value of health, policymakers, activists,
and social theorists disagree sharply about the appropriate goals and
optimal design of health systems. Sometimes disagreements are purely
instrumental, relating only to the best means to achieve shared
objectives. More often, however, they are a result of deeper differences
concerning the role that a person's health plays in determining the
quality of his or her life and the extent to which ill health and
inequalities in health reflect injustices in social institutions.
Discussions of the relationship between justice and health have
focused primarily on questions such as how health systems should be
structured and financed and how public resources spent on health should
be balanced against other social goals. But recent studies indicating
close connections between socioeconomic status and ill health have led
many to recognize that the inability to achieve good health may result
not only from lack of access to health care or other failures of
domestic health systems, but also from inadequate social arrangements of
different kinds and at many levels.
In spite of this substantial broadening of emphasis, exploration of
the links between justice and health has continued to focus on problems
that arise within societies, and there are important reasons for further
extending these discussions from the societal to the global level.
Societies interact within an increasingly rich framework of political
and economic institutions that significantly affect the health prospects
of all people. Hence, focusing solely on the justice of domestic health
regimes may lead to a neglect of the ways that these institutions affect
the capacities of societies to secure good health for their people.
Moreover, health problems in one part of the world can lead to health
problems elsewhere, and it will often be particularly difficult to
manage them effectively and equitably without the coordinated response
of many societies, among which burdens are fairly allocated. Finally,
while there is room for reasonable disagreement among different
societies that value health in different ways, and that allocate
resources accordingly, there are limits to pluralism concerning global
health regimes. If some countries operate a national health service
while others embrace privatization, both may have their way. But such
mutual accommodation fails when some countries push for strong
protection of pharmaceutical patents worldwide while others pursue the
right to grant compulsory licenses for essential medicines, or when some
countries insist that international institutions be granted the
resources and authority to set research and development agendas while
others deny the legitimacy of these arrangements.
There is a need, then, to develop standards for assessing global
rules and institutions that--though tolerant of different domestic
health regimes--express globally sharable values and priorities. In
April 2002 the Carnegie Council's Justice and the World Economy
Program sponsored a workshop on public health and international justice;
its aim was to contribute to this task by engaging a range of scholars
and health-policy specialists in the attempt to incorporate
public-health concerns into a broader contemporary debate about global
justice.
Our initial discussions centered on questions concerning the
definition of appropriate international health goals. What information
about health, for example, should be deemed relevant for assessing
international policies, institutions, and rules? Should these be
designed to promote life expectancy, the receipt of health-care
resources, opportunities for good health, and access to health-care
resources, or rather to secure the informed consent of patients and
minimize the incidence of coercion within health systems? And what
distributive considerations are relevant? Should we aim to establish
some universal minimum health standard? Should we strive to achieve
equal opportunity for health within or across societies? Or something
else still?
Important as these issues undoubtedly are, it was clear that the
primary source of many practically significant controversies concerning
international health today revolve around the notion of
responsibility--specifically, deciding how responsibility to provide
relief for ill health should be parceled out.
Each essay in this section focuses on different aspects of the
theme of responsibility for public health. Onora O'Neill suggests
that preoccupation with medical ethics and health-care provision within
developed countries has led many to misidentify relevant health
standards and to overlook questions concerning the obligations of state
and nonstate actors to address health problems in poorer parts of the
world. Christian Barry and Kate Raworth argue that recent debates
concerning access to HIV/AIDS drugs are rooted in disagreements about
the appropriateness of different principles for assigning responsibility
for health, and they indicate some of the difficulties in applying
theories of responsibility to global problems. Daniel Wikler challenges
the thesis that, because health depends on individual lifestyle choices,
social and international responsibilities to restore health are quite
limited. Thomas Pogge claims that we have especially stringent
responsibilities to remedy health problems to which we contribute,
regardless of whether those affected are compatriots or foreigners.
Finally, Gopal Sreenivasan develops a policy proposal for an
international tax that, he argues, will promote the health of poorer
populations without placing unacceptable demands on anyone.
Most everyone agrees that there is something morally unacceptable
about the fact that 34,000 children under the age of five die daffy from
hunger and preventable diseases, or that some 880 million people lack
access to basic health services. The essays in this section suggest that
fruitful work on the theme of "health equity" must complement
and extend beyond ongoing technical discussions of appropriate
international health goals and standards by engaging in detail with the
difficult question of how responsibilities for the alleviation of global
health problems should be allocated.