NON-CANONICAL COMPOSITIONS ATTRIBUTED TO THE SEVENTH AND NINTH SIKH GURUS.

DEOL, JEEVAN SINGH

The printed version of the Adi Granth, the Sikh scripture, contains no compositions by the seventh Guru, Har Rai, and one hundred sixteen by the ninth Guru, Tegh Bahadur. This study introduces to textual scholarship a couplet attributed to Guru Har Rai in two seventeenth-century manuscripts and seven couplets and two padas attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur in a number of early manuscripts. It also discusses a notice found in seventeenth-century manuscripts recording a verse of the fifth Guru, Arjan, supposed to have been written in a manuscript copy of the Adi Granth by Guru Har Rai. The study also introduces six seventeenth-century manuscripts of the Adi Granth.

TEXTUAL STUDIES ON THE ADI GRANTH, the Sikh scripture, have tended to concentrate on a limited number of issues, usually the presence or absence in manuscripts of certain compositions characteristic of the Banno and Kartarpur recensions. Beyond this, most writing has focused on trying to prove either the Kartarpur or Banno recensions the "original" text or on textual issues such as the position of invocations in the printed text and the authenticity of the Ragamala listing of ragas that concludes the volume. As a result, many other interesting textual issues have been ignored, particularly those raised by later manuscripts and other recensional traditions of the Granth. This brief study introduces three such neglected textual issues: a couplet attributed to the seventh Sikh Guru, Har Rai; a notation in some manuscripts referring to Guru Har Rai's having inscribed a verse of the fifth Guru, Arjan, in a copy of the Adi Granth; and two sets of non-canonical compositions attributed to the ninth Guru, Tegh Bahadu r. The study also introduces to Adi Granth scholarship six seventeenth-century manuscripts of the Adi Granth. [1]

Tradition and twentieth-century scholarship recognize four texts or recensions of the Adi Granth: the Kartarpur recension, said to have been compiled by Guru Arjan in 1604; the Banno recension, said to be descended from a direct copy of Guru Arjan's manuscript, to which a number of extra compositions were added; the Lahore recension, which lacks the extra material of the Banno version and has a different order at the end of the text; and the Damdami recension, said to have been compiled by the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh, in 1706, which lacks the extra compositions of the Banno version and is said to have been the first text to contain the works of Guru Tegh Bahadur. [2] The Damdami text forms the basis of the printed Adi Granth. In the Adi Granth, the pada and dohara of Hindi traditions are referred to as shabad and saloka and the corpus of compositions of a particular author or the text as a whole as bani.

The first seventeenth-century manuscript introduced in this study is Dr. Balbir Singh Sahitya Kendra, Dehra Dun accession no. 4982, a Banno manuscript dated Assu sudi 3, 1736 v.s. (27 September 1679). The manuscript contains all the extra compositions characteristic of the Banno recension, except that only the first line of the Surdas composition "Chhadi mona Hari bimukhana ko Sanga" is given in Saranga raga, where later Banno texts usually contain the entire pada. [3] The chalitru joti joti samavana ka listing of the death dates of the Gurus at the end of the index goes up to the eighth Guru, Harikrishan, who died in 1664 (f. 22a). An unnumbered folio before the beginning of the text proper on f. 25a has an illuminated frame in the same style as illuminated folios in British Museum MS Or. 2748 and the Kartarpur manuscript, dated 1661 v.s. (1604). The frame seems originally to have been intended to accommodate a nisana (scriptural quotation in the hand of the Guru) that was for some reason not included in th e text. The manuscript appears to be the earliest extant dated text to contain the works of Tegh Bahadur as an integral part of the appropriate raga sections of the Granth itself. [4] Unlike the published Damdami recension, though, raga Jaijavanti has been placed before rather than after raga Prabhati, and the text contains fifty-six rather than fifty-seven salokas of the ninth Guru, including three of the extra-canonical salokas presented in this paper. [5]

The second seventeenth-century manuscript introduced here is British Museum MS Or. 2748. Although the catalogue of the Museum's manuscripts dates the text to the nineteenth century, the manuscript actually consists of two distinct sections, an older portion on Kashmiri paper and a newer completion on Sialkoti paper, most probably necessitated by damage to the original volume. [6] The index has been produced by the hand that completed the text. The manuscript is of the Lahore recension and has had the Ragamala added in a third hand at the end of the text. The older section of the manuscript would appear to have been completed before the final quarter of the seventeenth century and does not contain the compositions of the ninth Guru, which have been added on new folios by the second scribe. The orthography of the older section is particularly archaic, and in common with a number of other late seventeenth century Lahore-recension manuscripts, the rubrication of the text has been done in red ink. As in a number of other old texts, each folio is numbered on the reverse rather than on the obverse. The first folio of the text proper (f. 41b) is illuminated in the style of the Dehra Dun and Kartarpur manuscripts. Unlike later manuscripts, some sections of the earlier portion of the text end with the invocations vahuguru, vahuguru gariba nivaja ji, guru gariba nivaja ji, and guru sati. The invocation of Siri raga contains the uncharacteristic phrase sri satigura gariba nivaju rather than the full or abbreviated forms of the mulamantara found in most manuscripts. [7] The completion of the text in the hand of the second scribe contains the saloka attributed to Guru Hari Rai noted below.

Four other seventeenth-century manuscripts newly introduced in this study are in the collection of Takht Sri Harimandar Sahib, Patna. The first (Patna A) is a Lahore-recension manuscript that contains a nisana of Guru Gobind Singh on the folio facing the beginning of the text proper. Both folios are illuminated (ff. 43ab). The manuscript has a chalitru joti joti samavana ka that contains the death dates of the Gurus to the eighth Guru, Harikrishan. This is followed by a notice of the saloka said to have been inscribed on a copy of the Granth by Guru Har Rai. The manuscript is said to have formerly been the text used for worship in the shrine. The second manuscript (Patna B) is a Lahore text to which the compositions of the ninth Guru and the material characteristic of the Banno recension have been added in another hand. The manuscript has had the nisana of an unknown figure pasted onto f. 54. The saloka vara te vadhika section [8] contains the saloka attributed to the seventh Guru discussed below. The third manuscript (Patna C) is a Lahore manuscript dated Pus sudi 13, 1755 v.s. (3 January l699) [9] to which the compositions characteristic of the Banno recension have been added in another hand. The text has a chalitru containing the death dates of the Gurus to the eighth Guru, Harikrishan (f. 648a), which is followed by a notice of the saloka written on a copy of the Granth by Guru Har Rai. The fourth Patna volume is one of which some brief notice has been taken in scholarship on Adi Granth manuscripts. [10] The manuscript is a Lahore recension text written by Ram Rai, son of Uttam Chand the goldsmith, in 1748 v.s. (1691-92) to which the compositions characteristic of the Banno recension have been added in another hand. The index and text proper have been completed by the original scribe up to the Mahala 1 chaupada section of Maru raga (ff. 26a, 761a), [11] after which two new hands have completed the text. The compositions of the ninth Guru are in the same hands as the rest of the text throughout. The chalitru in the hand of one of the scribes who completed the text lists the death dates of the Gurus to Tegh Bahadur, although the entry for his death date is in a darker ink than the other entries (f. 30b). The leaf containing if. 27b-28a of the index, in the hand of the original scribe, indicating that he did indeed stop writing the text and index midway through Maru raga, has been bound at the end of the text. The reverse of the leaf contains a notice regarding the saloka, written on a copy of the Granth by Guru Han Rai, while the obverse contains the following notice:

ehu girantha phate chanda ke girantha ka nakalu phate chanda ka garantha puhakara ke girantha ka nakalu puhakara da girantha vade girantha nali sodhia hai panjave mahala guradasa pasahu likhavaia si jo osu girantha nali sodhai so girantha sudha hovai je phera girantha sodhia loriai ta jagane brahamana de girantha nali sudhi kari laiio horana girantha nalahu jagane brahamana da giranthu sudha kita puhakara da girantha jagane de girantha nali sudhu kia hai

This granth is a copy of Fatehchand's granth, which is a copy of the Pushkar granth. The Pushkar granth has been corrected against the "big granth" [12] that the fifth Guru got written by Gurdas. A grant?: corrected against that one becomes correct; if you stilt want to correct your text, then compare it to Jagna Brahman's granth. Jagna Brahman's granth is more correct than others, and the Pushkar granth has been corrected against Jagnas text.

This brief notice is the earliest extant reference to the textual authority of the copy of the Adi Granth written by Bhai Gurdas for Guru Arjan. The two other manuscripts mentioned, Jagna's granth and the Pushkar granth, are not known either to tradition or to scholarship. [13]

Adi Granth scholarship has failed to notice a saloka (couplet) attributed to Guru Hari Rai found in the saloka vara te vadhika section of two of the above seventeenth-century Lahore-recension manuscripts. The printed edition of the Granth does not contain any compositions by the seventh Guru. The saloka as found in Patna B and the later completion of British Museum MS. Or. 2748 reads [14]

saloku mahala 7 sri guru hari rai ji ka bolana

jina kau satiguru data kare tina rakhai charani lai

nanaka tisu baliharanai jina guru ditha jai

saloku Mahala 7 The utterance of Sri Guru Hari Rai the True Guru shelters those to whom he has shown grace: [15] Nanak sacrifices himself to those who have seen the Guru.

Although the saloka is clearly marked in both texts as a composition of Guru Har Rai, the seventh Mina guru, Miharban, also used the marker Mahala 7 and the chhapa Nanak, leaving open the possibility of a mistaken attribution. [16] The saloka does not, however, appear in any of the extant texts containing the works of Miharban. [17] At the same time, though, none of the available texts on the lives of the Sikh Gurus has any reference to Guru Har Rai's having composed any bani, and the saloka is not attested elsewhere in the Sikh tradition. It cannot therefore be securely attributed to Guru Har Rai.

A number of seventeenth-century Lahore-recension manuscripts also contain a notice reproducing a saloka supposed to have been written in a manuscript copy of the Granth by Guru Har Rai. The notice appears after the index of the manuscript and before the beginning of the text proper, the same location in which some seventeenth-century manuscripts have a nisana. It seems likely, therefore, that it represents a transcription of a nisana added to an earlier manuscript. The notice is found in Punjabi University Patiala MS 115338 dated Magh vadi 1, 1724 v.s. (21 December 1667), Patna A and Patna C. The notice as found in these manuscripts [18] reads:

satave mahale kia akara ki nakala

saloku dhara jiare ika teka tu lahi vidani asa

nanaka namu dhiai tu tere karaja avadhi rasa I

siramora vichi thapala kai derai takhata utai baithia ika pahuru dui gharia

dinu charia si tisari dai amala mangalavara poha maha dai pichhalai pakhi [19]

likhia vachaiga su nihalu hovaiga usa ka jamanu maranu katiaiga [20]

Copy of the writing of the seventh Guru.

Saloku Heart, keep one support and leave off all other hope. Nanak, contemplate the Name and your tasks will reach fulfillment.

Written in Sirmor at the camp of Thappal [21] at the time of sitting on the throne, after one pahar and two gharis [22] of the day had elapsed, during the third [ghari], on Tuesday in the second half of the month of Poh. Whoever reads this will find happiness and will be released from the cycle of death and rebirth.

The notice also appears in an abbreviated form in the Ram Rai manuscript at Patna dated 1748 v.s. (1691-92): [23]

dhara flare tu eka teka lahi vidani asa

nanaka namu aradhi tu karaja avai rasi I

sri guru babai ji ki agia hai jo esa no piara lai kai paraiga

sunega tisa ka avagauna rehega sata kari manana

Heart, keep one support and leave off all other hope. Nanak, adore the Name and your tasks will reach fulfillment

The command of Sri Guru Baba is that the cycle of rebirth of whoever reads this with love will be ended. Know this to be true.

The saloka quoted in both the above notices is a slight variation on the saloka to the thirty-fifth pauri of Guru Arjan's Bavana akhari in Gauri raga, an acrostic composition based on the fifty-two letters of the Nagari script. [24] The choice of this verse is an unusual one, since most extant nisanas (including the three published exemplars attributed to Guru Har Rai) consist of the mulamantara. [25] Like this putative nisana, a nisana in the hand of Guru Gobind Singh in a Banno manuscript dated 1744 v.s. also consists of a verse from Bavana akhari in this case the first two tines of the nineteenth pauri. [26] It is unclear whether the existence of two nisanas containing extracts from Bavana akhari implies anything about the popularity of this composition in the seventeenth century.

The notice accompanying the saloka in the Patiala and Patna manuscripts raises the question of whether the phrase "at the time of sitting on the throne" refers to Har Rai's installation as Guru. Two pieces of information in the text allow us to come to some conclusions, but in both cases we are hampered by the fact that there seem to be no extant contemporary documents about the life of Guru Har Rai. The first piece of information is the date given in the text, the second half of the month of Poh (December-January) in an unspecified year. This date does not match those given by most later Sikh documents for Guru Har Rai's accession. The earliest chronicle to give such a date, Kesar Singh Chhibbar's Bansavalinama (1769), implies that Har Rai became Guru in 1692 v.s. (1635-36) but does not give the month. [27] The earliest text to give a full date, Sarup Das Dhalla's Mahima prakasha (1776), implies that Har Rai was installed as Guru on Chet vadi 13, 1701 v.s. (26 March 1644). [28] Tola Singh Bhallii's Gurarata navali (probably late eighteenth century) gives a death date and length of Guruship that yield an accession date of 14 March 1638, while Vir Singh Bal's Gurakirata prakasha (1834) yields an accession date of 28 March 1638. [29] Santokh Singh's Sri Gurapratapa suraja grantha (1844) states that the installation took place on the occasion of the spring festival of Holi, but does not mention the year. [30] Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century gurapra(ziiIis (lists of the Gurus) do not explicitly mention the date of Guru Har Rai's accession as Guru, but working backward from the death dates and lengths of Guruship given yields the dates 29 December 1636, 14 March 1638, 13 April 1638, and 2 April 1644. [31] The only one of these dates which would match the vague date given in the notice is 29 December 1636. Since this date is not available in early sources and is a product of extrapolation, it must remain somewhat doubtful.

The second important piece of information is the text's mention of "the camp of Thappal" in Sirmor. Early Sikh sources do not refer to Guru Har Rai's having gone to Sirmor state, and Sarup Das Bhalla's Mahima prakasha implies that Har Rai's installation as Guru took place at Kiratpur. [32] An interesting piece of testimony about the Guru's presence in Sirmor is, however, provided by the Dabistan-i mazahib (ca. 1652-59), an account of Indian religious groups written in Persian. According to the Dabistan, Guru Har Rai went to Thapal in Sirmor in 1055 A.H. (1645-46), a year after his accession to the Guruship. His departure is said to have been occasioned by an attack on the state of Bilaspur (in which Kiratpur was situated) by Mughal forces under the command of the faujdar of Kangra, Nijabat Khan. [33]

The importance of the Dabistan's testimony would seem to be bolstered by its author's claim to have spent a number of years in Punjab and Kashmir and to have visited Guru Hargobind in Kirstpur in 1053 A.H. (1643- 44). [34] Some of the supporting information given by the Dabistan is, however, somewhat problematic. In identifying the location of Thapal, the text states that it "is in the domain of Raja Karam Parkas." Karam Prakash had indeed ruled Sirmor during the years 1616-30, but at the time this section of the Dabistan was written in 1055 A.H. (1645-46) his brother Mandhata Prakash was ruling the state. [35] Further, according to Mughal chronicles, the only major Mughal campaign led by Nijabat Khan in the Punjab hills was against Srinagar in Garhwal in the opening months of 1045 A.H. (August-September 1635). The Mughal forces lost the campaign, and Nijabat Khan lost his post as Faujdar of Kangra. [36] Although he was subsequently appointed to other posts, he seems never to have regained the faujdari of th e hill region. [37] The other hill campaigns mentioned in Mughal chronicles do not match either the date or the location mentioned in the Dabistan: a skirmish between the Mughal faujdar Shah Quli Khan and Raja Bhupat Dev of Jammu in 1046 A.H., a campaign against Jagat Singh of Nurpur in 1050-51 A.H., and a campaign against Srinagar in Garhwal led by Khalilullah Khan in 1065 A.H. [38] Some other pieces of information given in the Dabistan's account of the Sikh Gurus also raise doubt about the text's accuracy. There seems, for example, to be a major problem in the text's chronology: the Dabistan gives the death date of Guru Hargobind as Sunday, 3 Muharram 1055 A.H. (20 February 1655--actually a Thursday), whereas the chalitru joti joti samavana ka in early Adi Granth manuscripts unanimously give the date Sunday, Chet sudi 5, 1701 v.s. (3 March 1644). The text of the Dabistan would appear to have gotten the year wrong, since 3 Muharram 1054 A.H. yields the almanac date Saturday, 2 March 1644, and may have actual ly occurred on Sunday, 3 March due to the full moon being sighted in north India a day later than expected. [39] The text itself supports this supposition, since it states that Guru Har Rai had been Guru for a year when he left Kiratpur for Thapal in 1055 A.H. [40]

It is unclear to what extent these factual points of difference undermine the Dabistan's account of the Sikh Gurus. It would seem, though, that the independent confirmation of the Dabistan's claim provided by the reference in these Adi Granth manuscripts means that it is exceedingly likely that Guru Har Rai did in fact go to Sirmor at some point during his Guruship. We cannot, however, conclude on the available evidence that Har Rai was installed as Guru at Sirmor or that he wrote the quoted saloka in an Adi Granth manuscript on the occasion of his accession to the Guruship. The notice may instead refer to Guru Har Rai's having inscribed an Adi Granth manuscript after a more quotidian act of sitting on the throne of Guruship to give darshan to devotees. The memory of this occasion was presumably preserved in writing in the manuscript in which the saloka was recorded and subsequently copied by later scribes.

Available chronicle accounts of the life of Guru Har Rai do not mention either his having inscribed a copy of the Adi Granth or his having composed any poetry during his Guruship. [41] Both early and later chronicles agree, however, that the singing and recitation of the bani of his predecessors was a prominent feature of Guru Har Rai's court. Kesar Singh Chhibbar's Bansavalinama comments on the frequency with which the bani was recited and expounded, a point also emphasized by Saurp Das Bhalla's Mahima prakasha and Santokh Singh's Sri Gurapratapa suraja. [42] Mahima prakasha also narrates three stories that illustrate Guru Har Rai's deep regard for the bani. In the first, the Guru uses a shard from an old ghee-pot that had been given lustre by the sunlight to explain how the bani brings out a person's hidden qualities. [43] In the second story, repeated in all major Sikh chronicles, Guru Har Rai banishes his eldest son Ram Rai for altering a word in a saloka of Guru Nanak when questioned about its meaning b y the emperor Aurangzeb. [44] In the third, Guru Har Rai injures his knee while rushing to get off a bed in order to show respect by sitting on the ground when two Sikhs begin to sing the bani. [45] Tradition states that a manuscript volume of the bani preserved at Gurdwara Manji Sahib in Kiratpur was given by the Guru to his daughter Rup Kaur on the occasion of her marriage. Thus, while Sikh tradition emphasizes the deep respect given to the bani by Guru Har Rai, it does not actually endorse the suggestion that he composed any of his own. It is likely that the act of inscribing a quotation of the works of his predecessors on a manuscript copy of the Granth would not have been recorded in the major chronicles anyway, since there are no chronicle references to substantiate the extant nisanas attributed to the ninth and tenth Gurus. The tradition's stress on the Guru's reverence for the bani of his predecessors does, however, increase the likelihood that the notice regarding the inscribed saloka may derive from an actual incident.

The case of the non-canonical compositions attributed to the ninth Guru is somewhat more complex than either that of the saloka attributed to Guru Har Rai or the notice regarding the saloka written by him on an Adi Granth manuscript. The published Adi Granth contains fifty-nine shabads and fifty-seven salokas attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur. The earliest extant text to contain the ninth Guru's compositions as part of the body of the manuscript is the Dehra Dun volume noted above (dated 1736 V.S. [1679]), although a scholar writing in the 1940s cited a text in Dhaka dated 1732 V.S. which also had Guru Tegh Bahadur's bani as a part of the main text. [46] Most seventeenth-century manuscripts that were written before the addition of Guru Tegh Bahadur's compositions to the Adi Granth have had them added in a later hand, usually in a group at the end of the text but occasionally on new folios or in the margins of the appropriate raga sections. As is to be expected from so complex a textual history, extant manuscri pt texts of Guru Tegh Bahadur's bani contain a fair number of variant readings, and raga Jaijavanti, which was used for the first time by the ninth Guru, has been placed in different positions in various manuscripts of the Granth. In addition, some texts display differences in the order of salokas and shabads. [47] Where the printed Adi Granth contains twelve compositions by Guru Tegh Bahadur in Sorathi raga, G. B. Singh cites an index entry found in some manuscripts for a thirteenth composition ("Sadho iha jaga khela tamasa"). It is not, however, clear whether the composition actually appears in any of the texts in which it is cited in the index. [48] There is also some evidence of crossfertilization between the works of Guru Tegh Bahadur and the wider Braj devotional tradition: the Guru Tegh Bahadur composition "Pritama jani lehu mana muhi" in Sorathi raga appears with some variant readings in Dhansari raga under the chhapa Surdas in the introductory vinaya section of the printed Surasagara. [49] Without re ference to manuscript traditions of the Surasagara, it is impossible to establish at what point this crossfertilization occurred.

A number of compositions not present in the printed Adi Granth are attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur in some Banno-recension Adi Granth manuscripts. The compositions fall into two groups: two padas in Siri raga and a group of six salokas and a transcribed Persian bait in the saloka vara te vadhika section. Three of the salokas appear in the Dehra Dun manuscript dated 1736 v.s. (1679), although all three have subsequently been deleted with hartal (correction paste). All seven verses appear in India Office, London MS Panj. D2 (an undated eighteenth-century Banno text), while six of them appear in an undated manuscript formerly at Gurdwara Dehra Sahib, Lahore, and in a manuscript dated 1787 v.s. (1730). [50] The order of the entire corpus of salokas of the ninth Guru in these manuscripts vis-a-vis the published text is as follows:

Dehra Dun MS

d, 1-46, e, g, 48-54

London MS

a, b, c, d, 1-46, e, 48-52, 55, 53-54, 56, f, g

Lahore MS and MS of 1787 v.s.

a, b, c, d, [53 salokas], [51] f, g

The text of the salokas and the bait is: [52]

a mukati chaho [53] Jo tati bikhiana kau bikha jiu taja khima daia santokhu sati ammrita jiu ina ko bhajo

If you want salvation quickly, leave off vices like poison: Forgiveness, compassion, contentment and peace--worship these like nectar.

b mohi te sabhu jagu bhaio lina mohi mai jana mati mai ghata lahara jala bhukhana kanika [54] pachhana

Know that the entire world has arisen from illusion and is absorbed in illusion:

Recognise [their relationship to be] like a pot to clay, an ocean to the waves, an ornament to gold.

c deha divale [55] kahata hai [56] jivata sadasiva mana nirmaila agiana taji soham bhajo sujana

They say that the body is a temple, revering it as the manifest form of the deity

Leave off the ritual remains of ignorance, O wise one, and worship the "I am That." [57]

d sagara mahi taranga jiu jagu pharakata [58] jiha mahi so [59] hall yaha te jani kai [60] dinu ju dhavatu [61] kahi

The world ripples in Him like a wave in the ocean: Why [then] does the wretched one run about thinking, "that, I, this, they"? [62]

e ihi [63] jagi [64] ka kisahi ka nahi hari ke bhagata ananda [65] mai [66] harakha saga ,nai nahi

No one belongs to anyone else in this world: The devotees of Harm are in [constant] bliss, not in [alternating] happiness and sorrow. [67]

f baitu [68]

chu basiphala gal balutafo khusi faju garadadasi kibara garadanakasi

g kripa anugrahu satha [69] ja kahata nicha siu bata uchi griva [70] garaba [71] phuni bega [72] tahi badha jata

When you speak with kindness and compassion to a low person

His pride and obstinacy increase. [73]

The Persian bait quoted and translated in the manuscripts is, in fact, one of the maxims on the conduct of war and battle that occur at the end of the first bab of the seventh-century Persian author Shaikh [Sa.sup.[subset]]di's Bustan. [74] Since the Bustan was in the curriculum of north Indian Persian schools, it would have been read and known by all who were literate in the language. [75] As such, the presence of a translation of the verse in some Adi Granth manuscripts underlies the pervasive influence of the Persian tradition at all levels of pre-modern north Indian culture. It is, however, impossible to attribute with any certainty the Braj translation of the verse. Further, unlike the salokas of Guru Tegh Bahadur in the published text of the Adi Granth, none of the Braj verses given above contains the chhapa Nanak. They cannot therefore be attributed with any certainty to Guru Tegh Bahadur. Although the salokas are therefore of uncertain provenance and occur in only a small number of extant manuscripts, their relatively early date must render them of interest to textual scholars. This is particularly the case with the three salokas found in the Dehra Dun manuscript.

In addition to the salokas given above, there are also two padas attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur in Siri raga in some manuscripts. The published Adi Granth does not contain any compositions by the ninth Guru in this raga, the first in the text. The padas have been obliterated with hartal in India Office MS Panj. D2 and also appear on unnumbered folios containing the ninth Guru's bani that have been added to a Banno manuscript dated 1733 v.s. (1676) in the collection of Dr. Man Singh Nirankari of Chandigarh: [76]

mana re jagata gala hari rangu [77] lai

hari kiratana mahi jagiai tera janama marana dukhu jai (1) rahau ...

jagata [78] purakhu [79] niranjana tu [80] tisa kai [81] simarani jagu [82]

jagata hoe sidha pira jina [83] ke masataki bhagu [84]

piru ravai [85] ta jagiai hovai atala suhugu (1)

je soiai [86] nisi [87] nindra [88] bhari haiisa [89] rahai [90] mana mahi

paramesara te bhulia gharu muhi cizora lai jahi

ja api [91] niranjanu [92] jagata tuma [93] kiu jagata nahi [94] (2)

mana ki bairani nidra [95] hai hari jasa [96] nu [97] ughalai

avadhi bihavai balu hirai sovata gai bihai

jo ichha [98] kari jagiai taiso hi phalu [99] pai (3)

tere sevaka jage nam rangi mile niranjana jai

jo jage bikhiada kau tina bhi bikhu bhuchai [100]

janu [101] nanaka hari dhiaiai daragaha paidha jai (4)

O mind, awaken and bloom in [the name of] Hari.

Awaken in the singing of the praises of Hari and the suffering of death and rebirth will disappear.

(1) rahau

The Unblemished One is awake: wake up by remembering Him.

Siddhas and pirs, whose fate is happy, are awake.

She whom the Lover enjoys is awakened and enjoys unending marital bliss. (1)

If you sleep soundly all night, your mind is filled with desire;

If you forget the Supreme Lord, thieves will loot your house.

When the Unblemished One himself is awake, why are you not awake? (2)

Sleep is the mind's enemy and puts Hari's praises to sleep:

It wastes the appointed time [of life] and steals energy, making [that time] pass in sleep.

You will receive as reward whatever you wish for when you are awake. (3)

Your servants are awake in the color of the Name and are united with the Unblemished One;

Those who wake for the sake of poisons are also eaten by those poisons.

The slave Nanak says, "Contemplate Hari and go to His court dressed [in robes of honor]." (4)

mana re kia soia [102] uthi jagu

jamu sasa nihare dari khara uthi gura ki charani lagu (1) rahau

maia kai [103] madi mohia suta banita [104] kai [105] sathi

dekhi balu mandara bigasia kacchu [106] na aio hathi (1)

kamu krodhu [107 ant lobhu [108] mohu ina kai [109] sangi nivasu [110]

janai kaia [111] amaru [112] hai laii [113] lekhai [114] sasu [115] girasu [116] (2)

apana apu [117] na sammale [118] na samajhai [119] muniadi bannai [120] bhara amochade rachia kurai [121] suadi [122] (3)

kdgadi ki ihu [123] putali jiu jala [124] mahi tarangu [125] jana ndnaka isu [126] thali karanai [127] kiu saha siu paiai bhangu [128] (4)

Mind, why do you sleep? Wake up.

Yama is standing at the door counting your breaths: arise and attach yourself to the feet of the Guru (1) rahau

You are entranced by the intoxicant of illusion, attached to your wife and children:

You are overjoyed by the sight of a house of sand, but have gained nothing. (1)

Lust, anger, greed and attachment--with these you cohabit: You think the body is immortal, [but] its every breath and mouthful is counted. (2)

You don't remember your own self and don't understand your foundation; You load up burdens from which you won't be released and are absorbed in false pleasures. (3)

This paper puppet is like a wave in the ocean: [129]

The slave Nanak says, "Why ruin things with the Lord for the sake of this place?" (4)

These two padas do not seem to be represented in early Adi Granth manuscript traditions and cannot therefore be understood to have borne early associations with Guru Tegh Bahadur. They do, however, have intrinsic interest as examples of compositions associated with the ninth Guru by some within the eighteenth-century Sikh community: it may be that the compositions were recorded because some scribes or singers felt that the ninth Guru should be represented in the first raga in the Adi Granth. [130] Alternately, they may represent part of an oral or musical repertoire of non-canonical compositions attributed to the Guru by some within the community.

In sum, then, neither the single saloka attributed to Guru Har Rai nor the padas and salokas attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur can be said with any certainty to have been composed by them. Nonetheless, all are of significant interest, since at least some sections of the seventeenth-and eighteenth-century Sikh community seem to have accepted them as the Gurus' compositions. It may well be that the compositions represent part of independent oral or musical repertoires of non-canonical compositions attributed to the Gurus: they may, therefore, be analogous to the oral repertoires of non-canonical compositions attributed to Guru Nanak in janamasakhi accounts of his life. [131] Their inclusion in manuscripts of the Adi Granth shows the concern of scribes to create what they felt were "complete" texts of the Granth and indicates the possibilities for variation present in manuscript traditions of the Granth even into the eighteenth century. In particular, the saloka attributed to Guru Har Rai and the notice recording a verse written by him in an early manuscript underline the neglect by textual scholars of seventeenth-century Lahore recension manuscripts of the Adi Granth, while the compositions attributed to the ninth Guru hint at the issues created by the complex and varied textual histories attendant upon adding his work to the Adi Granth. In addition, the association of one of the salokas with Shaikh [Sa.sup.[subset]]di's Bustan reflects the importance of Persian literature in pre-modern north India and the prevalence of borrowings from that tradition at all levels of literary and popular culture. Neither the saloka attributed to Guru Har Rai nor the compositions associated with Guru Tegh Bahadur solve any textual problems; indeed, they raise new ones. Further work on Adi Granth textual traditions is likely to yield new data and to enrich the study of the relationship between the manuscript texts and traditions of the Adi Granth.

(1.) The fieldwork for this paper took place in Patna, Dehra Dun, and Patiala during the period of a doctoral research grant from the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute, which, of course, is not responsible for the views expressed herein. I saw the Adi Granth manuscripts at Takht Sri Harimandir Sahib, Patna, in November 1998; I would like to thank S. S. Ahluwalia and Dr. Mohinder Singh of New Delhi for making access possible. In the paper most terms have been transliterated in their modern Punjabi forms. The names of the Sikh Gurus and the Adi Granth have not been given diacritics, white quotations from Adi Granth manuscripts, the titles of pre-twentieth century texts, and literary terms have been given in their "pre-modern" forms with "silent" a (except for shabad and grant, given in their modern Punjabi form). Unless otherwise noted, all dates are AD. For conversion of dates I have used Pal Singh Purewal, Jantri 500 (Mohali, Punjab: Punjab School Education Board, 1994). I would like to thank Prof. C. Shackle and Dr. R. Snell of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, for a number of valuable suggestions on the translation of the Braj material attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur.

(2.) For the recensions of the Adi Granth and the traditional narratives of the compilation of the text, see my "Text and Lineage in Early Sikh History," BSOAS 64 (2001): 34-58.

(3.) Seventeenth-century Banno manuscripts contain only the single line, while later texts generally contain the entire pada. For a discussion of Adi Granth manuscript traditions of the pada, see my 'Surdas: Poet and Text in the Sikh Tradition," BSOAS 63 (2000): 169-93.

(4.) See footnote 43 below.

(5.) The salokas appear in the following order in the manuscript: d, 1-46, e, g, 48-54. The letters d, e, and g represent the salokas presented under those sigla in this paper and the numbered salokas are according to the published Adi Granth. There are a number of variant readings in the text of the salokas as given in the manuscript.

(6.) J. F. Blumhardt, Catalogue of the Hindi, Panjabi and Hindustani Manuscripts in the Library of the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1899), 7. The older sections of the text are ff. 41-43, 46-154 and 156-288.

(7.) Ff. 112b, 113ab, 197b, 200a, 210a, 213a, 225b, 171b, 178b, 417b, 49a. The mulamantara is the invocation found at the beginning of the Adi Granth and at the start of each of its major sections.

(8.) The section comprises salokas not found elsewhere in the Granth as part of the twenty-two varas in the text.

(9.) The tithis Poh sudi 12 and Poh sudi 13 both occurred on 3 January 1699, so the dropped tithi Pob sudi 13 does not appear in most almanacs.

(10.) For published references to the text, see Piara Singh Padam, Sri Guru Granth Prakash (Patiala: privately published, 1977), 89; Piar Singh, Gatha Sri Adi Granth (Prachin hatthlikhat pothia ate bira de adhar te) (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 1991), 339-42.

(11.) "In the Adi Granth, authorship is marked with the heading Mahala followed by a number indicating the position of the author in the chronology of Gurus (thus, Nanak is Mahala 1; Angad, Mahala 2, and so forth). All the Gurus used the chhapa Nanak.

(12.) The term is intended to convey the importance of Gurdas' Granth and the respect due to it rather than its physical size.

(13.) I went to Pushkar, Rajasthan, in February 1999 in search of the "Pushkar granth" but was told that an Adi Granth manuscript formerly in the possession of a brahmin family in the town had been ceremonially cremated in the early 1990s.

(14.) Patna B, f. 556b; British Museum MS Or. 2748, f. 746b.

(15.) Literally, "The True Guru keeps those to whom he has shown grace near His feet."

(16.) For an account of the Minas, see my "The Minas and their Literature," JAOS 118 (1998): 172-84.

(17.) Manuscripts containing independent compositions of Miharban include Punjabi University, Patiala MS 115715; Central State Library, Patiala MS 2880; Bhasha Vibhag Patiala MS 265; and Guru Nanak Dev University. Amritsar MS 1003. See also Miharban's Sukhamani sahasranama (with commentary by his successor Hariji), ed. Krishna Kumari Bansal, "A Critical and Comprehensive Editing of Sahansar Nam Mala by Hariji" (Ph.D. diss., Punjabi University, Patiala, 1976). For published works containing salokas that may be attributable to Miharban, see Kirpal Singh and Shamsher Singh Ashok, eds., Janamasakhi Sri Guru Nanaka Deva jr, 2 vols. (Amritsar: Khalsa College, 1962--69); and Gosati Guru Amaradasa, Rae Jasbir Singh, ed., Guru Amaradas srot pustak (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 1986), 46-207.

(18.) The reading given here is based on Punjabi University, Patiala Ms 115338, f. 5b with variant readings from Patna C.

(19.) Patna C: "pakhi."

(20.) Patna C adds "Guru ka vaku hai," "this is the Gum's word."

(21.) Survey of India maps do not show a village named Thappal in Sirmor, although an undated British official publication, List of Villages in the Hoshiarpur District... (India Office, London W.653) mentions an unpopulated village named Thappal near Anandpur.

(22.) A pahar is equivalent to one-quarter of a day (about three hours) and a ghari to about one-eighth of a pahar (traditionally, twenty-four minutes).

(23.) The notice appears on f. 28a, which has been bound at the end of the manuscript along with if. 30b-31a. F. 30b contains a listing of the death dates of the Gums to Tegh Bahadur.

(24.) The Adi Granth version (p. 257) of the saloka reads

dhara jiare ika teka tu lahi bidani asa

Nanaka namu dhiaiai karaju avai rasi

(25.) See Shamsher Singh Ashok, ed., Guru-Khalse de nisana te hukamname (Amritsar: Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, 1967), 11-13.

(26.) Punjabi University, Patiala Ms 115152, f. 27a.

(27.) Kesar Singh Chhibbar, Bhai Kesar Singh Chhibbar krit Bansavalinama dasa patashbahia ka, ed. Piara Singh Padam (Amritsar: Singh Brothers, 1997), 101 (charana 6:163).

(28.) Sarup Das Bhalla, Mahima prakasha vol. 2, ed. Gobind Singh Lamba and Khazan Singh (Patiala: Bhasha Vibbag, 1971), 534-38. In the case of texts which required counting back to determine a date of accession, I have counted back in lunar tithius rather than in solar days where dates of death were given according to the lunar calendar.

(29.) Tola Singh Bhalla, Guraratanavali (krit Baba Tola Singh Bhalla), ed. Manvinder Singh (Amritsar: privately published, 1995), 115; Vir Singh Bal, Gurakirata prakasha (Patiala: Punjabi University, 1986), 234.

(30.) Santokh Singh, Shri Gura pratapa suraja grantha, vol. 9, 4th ed., ed. Bhai Vir Singh (Amritsar: Khalsa Samachar, 1964), 3505-8 rasi 8, amsu 53).

(31) Randhir Singh, ed., Guru-pranalia (Amritsar: S.G.P.C., 1977), 94, 112, 128, 156, 192, 237, 249, 257.

(32.) Sarup Das Bhalla, op. cit., 534-38.

(33.) Rahim Rizazadah Malik, ed., Dabistan-i mazahib, vol. 1 (Tehran: Kitabkhanah-i Tahuri, 1362 sh), 210. According to the text, this section was written in 1055 A.H. (1645-46) (ibid., 207). The text's identification of the location of Thapal is somewhat problematic: the Malik edition identifies the place as "Thapal kih az mumalik-i Rajah Karam Parkas ast nazdik bih sarhad-i Hind" (ibid., 210), Thapal, in the domain of Raja Karam Prakash near the frontier of Hind." Earlier printed editions of the text place Thapal "near Sarhind" ("nazdik-i Sarhind") see Dabistan-i mazahib (Bombay: Lachhman Press, 1864), 200; Dabistan-i mazahib (Lucknow: Munshi Naval Kishor Press, 1877), 237.

(34.) Malik, op. cit., 210. The author also states elsewhere in the text that he met the jogi Kalian Bharati in Kiratpur in the same year (ibid., 165).

(35.) Thakur Sen Negi, Himachal Pradesh District Gazeteers: Sirmur (n.p.: n.p., 1969), 5 1-52. It is, of course, possible that Karam Prakash was better known than his successor Mandhata Prakash and was used to identify Sirmor for that reason.

(36.) [[blank].sup.[subset]] Hamid Lahauri, Badshahnamah, 2 vols., ed. Maulavi Kabir ud-Din Ahmad and Maulavi CAbdur Rahim (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1867-68), lb: 93; A. R. Fuller, tr., The Shah Jahan Nama of 'Inayat Khan: An Abridged History of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, Compiled by his Royal Librarian, ed. W. E. Begley and Z. A. Desai (Delhi: O.U.P., 1990), 151-54.

(37.) [[blank].sup.[subset]]Inayat Khan's version of the campaign against Nurpur in 1050-51 A.H. (1641-42) states that the territory was made over to Nijabat Khan, who is noticed in the text as part of the forces of Sayyid Khan Jahan (Fuller, op. cit., 289). It is unclear what Nijabat Khan's status was, as it is not clarified in the other Persian accounts of the campaign (see below).

(38.) For the first, see: Fuller, op. cit., 205; [[blank].sup.[subset]]Abdul Hamid Lahauri, op. cit., lb: 250-51; Muhammad Salih Kamboh, [[blank].sup.[subset]]Amal-i Saliah or Shah Jahan namah: A Complete History of the Emperor Shah Jahan, 3 vols., ed. Ghulam Yazdani (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1923-28), 2: 228-29. For the second, see Fuller, op. cit., 278-79, 281, 283-89; [[blank].sup.[subset]] Abdul Hamid Lahauri, op. cit., 2: 237-41, 261-78; Muhammad Salih Kamboh, op. cit., 2: 342-45, 349-58. For the third, see Fuller, op. cit., 502-3, 507-9; Muhammad Salih Kamboh, 3:196; Navab Samsam ud-Daulah Shah Navaz Khan, Ma'asir ul-umara, vol. 1, ed. Maulavi [[blank].sup.[subset]]Abd-ur-Rahim (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1888), 768.

(39.) See Malik, op. cit., 209. For the death date as given in Adi Granth manuscripts, see, for example, India Office, London MS Panj. C5, dated 1784 v.s. (1727), f. 32a. Seventeenth-century manuscripts agree on this date. There were two months of Chet in the year 1701 v.s.; the conversion for Chet sudi 5 in the added month is 6 March 1644. Differences of a day for the starting of a month or year between almanacs and the hijri calendar are commonplace.

(40.) Malik, op. cit., 210. Equally puzzling is the Dabistan's claim that Guru Hargobind referred to its author as "Nanak" in his letters to him (ibid.).

(41.) Kankan, Dasa Gura katha, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Bhai Vir Singh Sahitya Sadan, n.d.); Kesar Singh Chhibbar, op. cit.; Sarup Das Bhalla, op. cit.; Sarup Singh Kaushish, Guru kia sakhia, ed. Piara Singh Padam, 2nd ed. (Amritsar: Singh Brothers, 1991); Tola Singh Bhalla, op. cit.; Bava Kirpal Singh Bhalla, Mahima prakasha varataka (transcript at Dr. Balbir Singh Sahitya Sadan, Dehra Dun, MS 142); Sevadas, Parachi Patashahi dasavi ki, ed. Piara Singh Padam (Patiala: privately published, 1988); Santokh Singh, op. cit.; Giani Gian Singh, Pantha prakasha, reprint ed. (Patiala: Bhasha Vibbag, 1970); Giani Gian Singh, Tavarikh Guru Khalsa, reprint ed., vols. 1-2 (Patiala: Bhasha Vibhag, 1970): Vir Singh Bal, op. cit.

(42.) Kesar Singh Chhibbar, op. cit., 103 (7:6); Sarup Das Bhalla, op. cit., 543-46; Santokb Singh, op. cit., 3535-46 (rasi 9, amsu 1) and 3812-16 (rasi 10, amsu 12).

(43.) Op. cit., 585-87.

(44.) Ibid., 604-18. For a later version, see Santokh Singh, op. cit., 3751-59 (rasi 9, amsu 57-58) and 3763-66 (rasi 9, amsu 60).

(45.) Sarup Das Bhalla, op. cit., 619-21. For a later version, see Santokh Singh, op. cit., 10: 3843-48 (rasi 10, amsu 21).

(46.) G. B. Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib did prachin bira (Lahore: Modern Publications, 1944), 215-34. A manuscript with the compositions of the ninth Guru bearing the date 1731 v.s. (1674) is extant, but it is quite clearly a late eighteenth- or early nineteenth-century copy of an earlier original (Panjab University, Chandigarh MS 1192). The manuscript contains a forged nisana attributed to Guru Tegh Bahadur which has been traced over blue marking pencil, still visible at points.

(47.) G. B. Singh, op. cit., 285, 288, 299.

(48.) Ibid., 145-46, 282, 288. One of the manuscripts he cites is dated 1742 v.s.

(49.) For the shabad of Guru Tegh Bahadur, see Adi Granth, 634; for the pada under the chhapa Surdas, see Jagannathdas "Ratnakar" et al., eds., Surasagara, 2 vols., 4th ed. (Benares: Nagari Pracharini Sabha, 2021-26 v.s. [1964-69]), pada 79, 1:26. I am thankful to Dr. Darshan Singh of Punjabi University, Patiala, for pointing out the Surasagara reference to me.

(50.) The last two manuscripts are cited in Randhir Singh, Giani Kundan Singh, and Bhai Gian Singh Nihang, eds., Sri Guru Granth Sahib ji dia santha sainchia ate puratan hatsh likhit pavan bira de paraspar path-bheda di suchi, vol. 1 (Amritsar: S.G.P.C., 1977), 855.

(51.) The order of salokas in these manuscripts has not been given. Saloka f is numbered 58.

(52.) I have given the salokas in the order of the India Office manuscript. The text of salokas d, e, and g is taken from the Dehra Dun manuscript if. 633a and 634a with variants and portions obscured by hartal from the India Office text, ff. 734a and 735a. The text of salokas a, b, c, and f is taken from the London manuscript, if. 734a and 735b. I have also noted variants given in Randhir Singh et al., op. cit., but since they give no critical sigla, it is unclear whether their text is based on one or both of the manuscripts they have cited.

(53.) Randhir Singh: chaho

(54.) Dehra Dun, London: kana

(55.) Randhir Singh: divalai

(56.) Randhir Singh: haim

(57.) R. Snell suggests that the second half of the first line be read as jiva sadasiva mana, not attested in the manuscripts, which would mean "knowing the soul to be the deity." In the second line, I have taken niramaila to be the tadbhava form of nirmalya, meaning the remains of an offering to a deity (often flowers). Offerings made to Shiva, alluded to in the epithet sadasiva, are usually not taken back as prasad by devotees.

(58.) London MS, Randhir Singh: phurakata

(59.) Dehra Dun MS; soham I have corrected the reading according to the London manuscript.

(60.) This word has been obscured in the Dehra Dun manuscript and has been supplied from the London manuscript.

(61.) London MS, Randhir Singh: dhavata

(62.) The meaning of the second half of the line is obscure.

(63.) Dehra Dun MS: iha. I have corrected the reading according to the London manuscript.

(64.) Dehra Dun MS: jaga. I have corrected the reading according to the London manuscript.

(65.) This word has been obscured in the Dehra Dun manuscript and has been supplied from the London manuscript.

(66.) This word has been obscured in the Dehra Dun manuscript and has been supplied from the London manuscript.

(67.) If mai is taken in both cases to represent the tatsama suffix -maya, the line would mean "The devotees of Han are infused with bliss [and their] joy is not infused with sorrow."

(68.) Randhir Singh: bainta mahala nava 9

(69.) London MS: sathi

(70.) Randhir Singh: giriva

(71.) Randhir Singh: garabu

(72.) London MS: begi

(73.) The Braj saloka translates the Persian text literally as "Then [his] raised neck and pride quickly increase." It also replaces the Persian "pleasantness" with "compassion."

(74.) Muhammad [[blank].sup.[sunset]]Ali:- Farughi, ed., Bustan-i Sa'di (Tehran: Intisharat-i Qaqnus, 1368 SH.), 259. The original bait reads:

chu ba siflah goi bih lutf o khwushi

fazan gardadesh kibr o gardankashi

(75.) Muhammad Umar, Islam in Northern India during the Eighteenth Century (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993), 276-78, Writing in 1180 A.H. (1766-67), the Punjabi poet Varis Shah includes the Bustan in a list of books taught in a village madrasah in Punjab; see Jit Singh Sital, ed., Hir Varis Shah (Patiala: PEPSU Book Depot, n.d.), text, p. 5.

(76.) The reading of the padas given here is based on India Office MS Panj. D2, ff. 68ab, with variants and portions obliterated with hartal supplied from a transcription of the Man Singh manuscript given in Piar Singh, op. cit., 313-14.

(77.) Man Singh: ranga

(78.) Man Singh: jagati

(79.) Man Singh: purakha

(80.) Man Singh: tu

(81.) Man Singh: ke

(82.) Man Singh: jaga

(83.) Man Singh: jini

(84.) Man Singh: bhaga

(85.) Man Singh: pira bhavai

(86.) Man Singh: saviai

(87.) Man Singh: nisa

(88.) Man Singh: nida

(89.) Man Singh: hamusa

(90.) Man Singh: rahe

(91.) This word was not legible in the manuscript and has been supplied from the Man Singh manuscript.

(92.) Man Singh: niranjana

(93.) Man Singh: ta tusa (probably a typographical error for ta tuma)

(94.) The I.O. manuscript reads "jahi." I have corrected the text according to the Man Singh manuscript.

(95.) Man Singh: nida

(96.) Man Singh: jasu

(97.) Man Singh: nu

(98.) The manuscript is not legible at this point; the reading has been supplied from the Man Singh manuscript.

(99.) Man Singh: phala

(100.) Man Singh: bhuchai

(101.) Man Singh: jana

(102) Man Singh: soi rahia

(103) Man Singh: ke

(104) Man Singh: bananta

(105) Man Singh: ke

(106) Man Singh: kachhu

(107) Man Singh: krodha

(108) Man Singh: lobha

(109) Man Singh: ke

(110) Man Singh: nivasa

(111) Man Singh: kaia

(112) Man Singh: amara

(113) Man Singh: lae

(114) Man Singh: lekhe

(115) Man Singh: sasa

(116) Man Singh: gilasa

(117) Man Singh: apa

(118) Man Singh: sambhale

(119) Man Singh: samajhe

(120) Man Singh: banne

(121) Man Singh: mure

(122) Man Singh: sadi

(123) Man Singh: iha

(124) Man Singh: jali

(125) Man Singh: taranga

(126) Man Singh: isi

(127) Man Singh: karane

(128) Man Singh: bhanga

(129) Here the wave is an image of impermanence, whereas in saloka b, above, it represents integral unity.

(130) Compare the first line of the saloka by the third Guru Amardas at the beginning of the vara in Siri raga: "raga vicha sriragu hai je sachi dhare piaru," "Siri raga is the best of ragas if you feel love for Truth" (Adi Granth, 942).

(131.) For some comments on these repertoires, see my "Text and Lineage."