The Single Currency and European Citizenship: Unveiling the Other Side of the Coin.
Farquhar, C.N.
The Single Currency and European Citizenship: Unveiling the Other
Side of the Coin
Giovanni Moro
Bloomsbury Books, 2013
Author Giovanni Moro, a political scientist at the University of
Macerata in Italy, has completed an efficient study, although it is not
one that is totally free bias. His study was supported by the European
Commission, and seems to take for granted the desirability of merging
all the people of Europe into a single economic and political unity. Its
subtitle "Unveiling the Other Side of the Coin," is well
chosen, and conveys a sense of foreboding, a fear that the troubles of
the Euro have provoked a nationalist reaction to political unification.
His thesis is that most who urged a single currency on Europe did so in
the belief that a single currency would help bring the diverse political
states that comprised war-torn Europe together into a single political
unit--possibly, some even felt, as a step toward a globally unified
world state. There seemed much logic in the idea; one might even say,
inevitability. In a small, crowded continent, in which political
boundaries often covered only the smallest of areas, the idea of a
single currency appeared to make economic as well as political sense.
For those who saw unification as an inevitable and necessary solution to
Europe's problems, the introduction of a single currency that would
facilitate free trade, and free tourists from tiresome currency
restrictions, seemed to be good sense. It was also help shoo nationals
who would otherwise prefer to keep their own political and cultural
identity into a position where they would eventually accept economic,
political, and eventually ethnic unification.
But, as Moro shows so effectively, the idea of a single currency
shared by separate politically independent and economically diverse
nations led to economic problems that have caused many European nations
to blame each other for the resultant problems. Economically weak
nations in the Euro zone can no longer devalue their currency at will,
and wealthy countries find themselves burdened by the need to support
the countries with weaker economies.
One important issue to which Moro does not do justice is the
north/south divide that is very real in Europe. The northern countries
have proved more dynamic than the southern countries, and this has led
to a new nationalism, even though governments have tried to control
nationalism, which threatens the goal of further political unification.
Nationalism is to some extent racialism in a more culture-conscious
than biological form. How long it can survive the massive movement of
peoples across borders in search of either work or welfare one cannot
say, especially in light of migratory pressures from the exploding
population of Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. But Moro has
exposed the "other side of the Euro" very effectively: the
Euro has not been an unalloyed success as a unifier of European member
nations. The economic stresses caused by the Euro have tended the sense
of national identity in Europe. However, unless the move toward
nationalism strengthens even further, Europe fifty years hence is likely
to be the scene of competition not so much between European national
groups as between immigrant-descended ethnicities of diverse
non-European origin, whose loyalties and antagonisms may prove to be
stronger than European ethnic antipathies. Asian and African immigrants
do not mix, and Hindus and Moslems do not mix, and their sense of
identity seems to be far stronger than that of Europeans. Whether the
Euro will then survive will turn more on economic and local political
issues than on any grandiose goal of a single, unified,
"European" nation-state.