Cognitive human capital and economic growth: defining the causal paths.
Meisenberg, Gerhard ; Lynn, Richard
Few economists doubt that the wealth of nations depends to a large
extent on human capital, defined as the skills, attitudes and
personality traits that people translate into economic activities. Less
agreement exists about the best way of measuring human capital.
Traditionally, human capital has been measured by the quantity or
quality of education (e.g., Lutz, 2009). Measures of human capital that
have been used in growth regressions include average years of schooling,
school life expectancy, and enrollment in primary, secondary and/or
tertiary education (Barro and Lee, 1993, 2001; Levine and Renelt, 1992;
Sala-i-Martin et al, 2004).
Studies predicting economic growth with these
"traditional" indicators have produced mixed results. Although
negative results have been blamed on suboptimal data quality (Cohen and
Soto, 2007; De la Fuente and Domenech, 2006), there is a more important
theoretical limitation to this approach. The problem is that years in
school and educational degrees measure inputs into education, but not
the cognitive and non-cognitive skills that children acquire (or fail to
acquire) in school. Although we can expect a correlation between
educational inputs and outputs, this correlation is not necessarily
strong.
More relevant than mere exposure to schooling are the skills that
children acquire in school. Non-cognitive effects of schooling are
difficult to measure, but we do have fairly accurate measures of
cognitive skills. Two such measures are available at the country level.
The first consists of the results of international scholastic
assessments in mathematics, science, reading and other curricular
subjects. The two most useful testing programs are the Trends in
International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Program of
International Student Assessment (PISA). Several other assessments have
been done, providing us with a data set of scholastic achievement for
148 countries.
Earlier work has compared the effects of average years of schooling
and average scores on scholastic assessments. In most studies,
scholastic test results were found to be more important than length of
schooling for the prediction of economic growth (Hanushek and Kim, 1995;
Hanushek and Kimko, 2000; Hanushek and Woessmann, 2007, 2009). However,
the importance of test scores for economic outcomes is not undisputed.
Ramirez et al (2006) reported that the effect of student achievement on
economic growth between 1970 and 1990 was due mainly to the inclusion of
the four "Asian Tigers". However, the quantity and possibly
the quality of country-level cognitive test data has improved greatly
during the last few years, and this earlier result needs to be evaluated
with updated data sources.
An independent data set has been compiled by Richard Lynn and Tatu
Vanhanen (2001, 2002, 2006). It consists of data for the average IQ in
the country, scaled to a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15 for
Britain ("Greenwich IQ"). The original studies had been
performed by many independent investigators who used different methods
and theoretical frameworks, and the results are of uneven quality.
Nevertheless, the correlations of "national IQ" with the
results of international studies of scholastic achievement are in the
vicinity of 0.9 (Lynn and Mikk, 2007, 2009; Lynn et al, 2007; Lynn and
Meisenberg, 2010; Meisenberg and Lynn, 2011).
Both Lynn & Vanhanen (2002, 2006) and others (Hunt and
Wittmann, 2008; Whetzel & McDaniel, 2006) noted a strong
relationship between IQ and per-capita GDP. Dickerson (2006) found that
a difference of 10 points in national IQ corresponds to a roughly
two-fold difference in per-capita GDP. More importantly, relationships
of national IQ with economic growth have subsequently been reported
(Jones and Schneider, 2006; Weede, 2004; Weede and Kampf 2002).
The first aim of the present study is to bridge the hitherto
separate research traditions using either scholastic assessments or IQ
by determining whether these two measures are equivalent as predictors
of economic growth between 1975 and 2009. A second aim is an
investigation into the mechanisms by which these cognitive measures are
translated into economic growth. Earlier studies have presented evidence
for a positive effect of intelligence on savings rates (Jones and
Podemska, 2010), as well as on scientific achievement and economic
freedom (Rindermann and Thompson, 2011). We systematically evaluate
these and several other hypothesized mechanisms as possible mediators of
the intelligence effect on economic growth. We postulated that several
measures are potential mediators of the intelligence effect: (1) general
macro-social conditions, including freedom/democracy, economic freedom,
corruption, income inequality, and size of government; (2) economic
variables, including the trade volume and the proportion of GDP
allocated to investment, government and consumption; (3) technological
competitiveness; (4) population health, operationalized with measures of
life expectancy and infectious disease burden; (5) the welfare state,
measured as social security expenses; (6) fertility rate; and (7)
economically important behavioral measures including savings rate and
prevalence of crime. The results are discussed in the historical context
of macroeconomic trends in the 20th and early 21st centuries.
Methods
Several country-level measures were used:
School achievement is available for 148 countries and territories.
For 92 countries, the score was computed from assessments of 8th graders
in the TIMSS studies of 1995, 1999, 2003 and 2007 and 15-year-olds in
the PISA studies of 2000, 2003, 2006 and 2009. Scores for 39 additional
countries were available from other scholastic testing programs. These
were extrapolated into the TIMSS-PISA data set as described in Lynn
& Meisenberg (2010) and Meisenberg & Lynn (2011). For 17
additional countries (including 9 with information about economic
growth), scores were calculated from the results of the International
Mathematics Olympiads conducted between 1981 and 2010, based on data in
Rindermann (2011). After residualization for population size and
communist history, results of the Mathematics Olympiads correlate with
the remaining school achievement data at r = .662 (N = 86 countries) and
with IQ at r = .696 (N = 81 countries).
IQ is defined by the "national IQs" reported in Lynn
& Vanhanen (2006), with the amendments and extensions reported in
Lynn (2010). Minor corrections were used for Morocco (Sellami et al,
2010) and Saudi Arabia (Batterjee, 2011) based on more recent results.
This data set includes 137 countries and territories.
Intelligence is the average of IQ and school achievement for those
countries that have both measures, with weighting for data quality as
described in Lynn & Meisenberg (2010) and Meisenberg & Lynn
(2011). IQ or school achievement alone was used for countries having
only one of these measures. 136 countries with a population size of more
than 250,000 (excluding small countries, whose economic development is
more likely to be atypical) had information about both economic growth
and cognitive test data. For 95 of these, the intelligence score was
averaged from IQ and school achievement. For 25 countries it is based on
school achievement only, and for 16 countries on IQ only.
Education measures length of schooling for adults 25 + years old,
based on the Barro-Lee data set for 143 countries
(http://www.barrolee.com/data/dataexp.htm). Missing data points were
extrapolated from World Bank and United Nations sources.
GDP is per capita GDP adjusted for purchasing power from the Penn
World Tables 4.0 (Heston et al, 2011), with missing data extrapolated
from the World Development Indicators of the World Bank. GDP was
log-transformed because a fixed increment in cognitive ability is
expected to raise per-capita GDP by a constant fraction, not a constant
amount.
No corruption was averaged from Transparency International's
Corruption Perception Index for the years 1998-2003
(http://www.transparency.org) and the no corruption measure of the World
Bank's Governance Indicators 1996 or earliest available date. High
values indicate low corruption.
Economic freedom is the average from the unrotated first factors of
maximum-likelihood factor analyses of areas 2-5 of the Fraser
Institute's economic freedom index for the periods 1975-2005
(Gwartney et al, 2010), and domains 1, 2, and 5-8 of the Heritage
Foundation index for 1995-2005 (http://www.heritage.org/index/
Download.aspx). Unlike the published economic freedom indices from these
two sources, this index has acceptable construct validity.
Big government is averaged from domain 1 of the Fraser
Institute's Economic Freedom index (1975-2005 average) and the
Fiscal Policy and Government Expenditure sections of the Heritage
Foundation index (1995-2005 average). Although published as part of the
Economic freedom indices of these organizations, these domains are
factorially unrelated to the other components of these indices and have
different correlates, as shown in Table 1. Whereas Economic freedom as
defined in this study measures the amount of red tape and legal
restrictions for businesses, Big government measures, in large part, the
redistributive activities of government.
Freedom/Democracy is averaged from two source variables: (1)
political freedom defined as the averaged scores of political rights +
civil liberties from Freedom House at http://www.freedomhouse.org/
research/freeworld, average 1975-2005; and (2) democracy, defined as
Vanhanen's democracy index (average 1975-2004), from the Finnish
Social Science Data Archive at http://www.fsd.uta.fi/english/data/
catalogue/FSD1289/. The correlation between these two measures is r =
.847, N = 179 countries. Missing data were extrapolated from the Voice
and Accountability measure of the World Bank's Governance
Indicators, 1996 or earliest available date (http://info.worldbank.org/
governance/wgi/pdf/wgidataset.xls).
Social security is averaged from % of budget expended on social
security in 2001 (United Nations, 2004) and social security as % of
government expenditures (Kurian, 2001).
Gini index is derived mainly from the World Income Inequality
Database (WIID2a) of the United Nations University, as described in
Meisenberg (2007).
Savings rate is gross domestic savings, 1975-2005 average, from the
World Bank at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ NY.GDS .TOTL.ZS
?page=4.
Investment %GDP, Government %GDP and Consumption %GDP are % of GDP
spent for investment, government and consumption, respectively, from the
Penn World Tables 4.0 (Heston et al, 2011). The correlation of
Government %GDP with Big government is only .177 (N = 162 countries).
Openness is trade volume as proportion of GDP, from the Penn World
Tables 4.0 (Heston et al, 2011).
Technology is a measure computed from 8 topics of the Global
Competitiveness Report (GCR) 2001/02 (World Economic Forum, 2002), with
missing data extrapolated from the 2010/11 GCR
(http://www.weforum.org/issues/global-competitiveness): unique products,
sophisticated production processes, sophisticated marketing, quality of
research institutions, buyer sophistication, log transformed
patents/capita, company innovation, and company R&D spending. GCR
topics that are unrelated to technological competitiveness (e.g., bribe
taking, freedom to fire employees) were not used. Missing data were
extrapolated from the average of log-transformed royalties/capita,
patents/capita, scientific articles/capita, and books published/capita,
obtained from the World Development Indicators of the World Bank and the
Human Development Reports of the United Nations. The average of these
four indicators correlated at r = .859 with the GCR-derived measure.
Oil exports/capita is from the CIA at https://www.cia.gov/
library/publications/the-world-factbook/, retrieved July 2010.
Life expectancy is life expectancy at birth, average of 1970-75 and
2000-05, from the Human Development Report 2005 of the United Nations
(http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/).
Infections is a measure of disability-adjusted life years lost due
to infectious and parasitic diseases in 2002 (WHO, 2004).
TFR is the total fertility rate, 1975-2005 average, from the World
Bank's World Development Indicators (http://data.
worldbank.org/indicator).
Crime is a measure of crime victimization derived from the Gallup
World Poll (http://www.gallup.com/poll/world.aspx). It is calculated as
the unrotated first principal component of the proportion reporting
theft during the last year, proportion reporting assault/mugging, and
proportion feeling unsafe on the streets at night.
Population density is the log-transformed population density in
1997 from the World Development Indicators of the World Bank., with
missing data extrapolated from the World Fact Book of the CIA.
World regions were defined similar to Inglehart et al (2004).
Protestant Europe was defined as the traditionally Protestant countries
of northern and central Europe, except Britain. English-speaking
countries include the British Isles and English-speaking overseas
nations with mainly European-origin population. Catholic Europe (&
Mediterranean) contains the Catholic countries of southern Europe and
also Greece, Cyprus and Israel. Middle East refers to the predominantly
Muslim countries from Morocco to Pakistan. Africa includes only
countries of sub-Saharan Africa. South (+ Southeast) Asia is a
heterogeneous group of countries ranging from India to the Philippines.
East Asia includes countries with predominantly Confucian culture:
China, Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore.
All statistical evaluations were done with SPSS 16. Amos 16 was
used for path models.
Results
Correlations
Table 1 shows correlations between economic growth, human capital
measures, and other development indicators. Because the ex-communist
countries of Eastern Europe have followed different economic
trajectories from the rest of the world, the correlations are shown
separately for all 93 countries that have complete data, and for the 86
countries without communist history.
Several results stand out. First, IQ and school achievement are
highly correlated (.886 for the complete sample), confirming earlier
results with less complete data (Lynn and Mikk, 2007, 2009; Lynn and
Meisenberg, 2010; Meisenberg and Lynn, 2011). The correlation is higher
than the correlations among other development indicators, supporting the
validity of both IQ and school achievement as indicators of cognitive
human capital at the country level. Another important observation is
that the cognitive measures are related to lgGDP, but the similarly high
correlations of lgGDP with the other development indicators show that it
would be difficult to prove any causal relationship between static
measures of GDP and cognitive abilities. Although cognitive ability is a
plausible cause of economic wealth, it is equally plausible that wealth
raises cognitive ability, either directly or through the educational
system.
Temporal change in economic wealth is more tractable. Reverse
causation is less likely when change in per-capita GDP is related to
hypothesized predictors that are measured for the period over which the
change is observed. Table 1 shows that economic growth is related
significantly to IQ and school achievement, but not to most of the other
indicators. The only other variables that correlate at least marginally
with economic growth are economic freedom and freedom from corruption in
the non-communist sample.
Prediction of economic growth
Table 2 shows regression models in which economic growth is
predicted with cognitive measures along with schooling and other
predictors. Models 1 and 2 compare school achievement and IQ. Both
measures are highly effective. The only other effect that is both
powerful and consistent is log-transformed GDP in 1975, which has a
negative relation with economic growth. The positive effect of low
initial prosperity on subsequent economic growth is a well-known
phenomenon that is sometimes described as the advantage of backwardness
(Weede, 2004; Weede and Kampf, 2002). The results show that the
countries with the best growth prospects are those in which cognitive
ability is higher than expected from present per-capita GDP--a good rule
of thumb for investors. Model 3, which increases the sample size by
using the composite measure of intelligence, shows essentially the same
results.
Predictors other than lgGDP and the cognitive measures have weaker
and less consistent effects. Schooling, freedom from corruption,
economic freedom, oil exports and high population density tend to favor
economic growth, while Big government, freedom/democracy and the
abandonment of communism seem to be unfavorable. The small magnitude of
the schooling effect is noteworthy because it suggests that schooling
affects economic growth mainly through the cognitive skills that
children acquire in school, rather than through non-cognitive skills
such as conscientiousness, discipline and conformity.
When individual world regions were added to model 3 individually,
only East Asia was related significantly to economic growth. Model 4
shows the result, with non-predictors removed from the model. The effect
of intelligence is only mildly attenuated, contrary to the finding of
Ramirez et al (2006) that inclusion of the Asian Tigers eliminated most
of the cognitive ability effect. This argues against spatial
autocorrelation (Dobson & Gelade, 2012; Eff, 2004) as the main
reason for the effects of the cognitive measures.
Model 1 in Table 3 shows further evidence against spatial
autocorrelation. When all world regions are included as predictors in
addition to intelligence, with Protestant Europe as the omitted control,
the intelligence effect is greatly attenuated but is still significant.
Massive attenuation of the intelligence effect is expected because 78%
of the variance in country-level intelligence is between rather than
within world regions. The remaining intelligence effect suggests that
even the modest intelligence differences between countries in the same
world region are sufficient to affect economic growth.
When additional variables (described in the Methods section) were
introduced individually into Model 3 of Table 2, several proved to be
significant or marginally significant (p<.1) predictors. Model 2 in
Table 3 shows the result when all these variables are included
simultaneously. Elimination of non-predictors resulted in the more
streamlined Model 3, which has reduced collinearity. Importantly,
inclusion of the additional variables attenuates the intelligence effect
without eliminating it. This suggests that some but not all of the
intelligence effect is mediated by measurable factors such as investment
rate, savings rate, and total fertility rate (TFR).
Tables 2 and 3 include all countries for which data are available.
However, the determinants of economic growth can be different at
different levels of economic development. Therefore logGDP in 1975 and
2009 were averaged, and a median split was applied. Table 4 shows some
results for the subsamples of "rich" and "poor"
countries. Models 1 and 3 show that intelligence strongly predicts
economic growth in both kinds of country. Models 2 and 4 were developed
from models 1 and 3 by adding a set of variables that had been
significant predictors when added to the original model individually.
This was followed by elimination of non-predictors and re-introduction
of variables that had not been used before or had been eliminated during
development of the model. We see that the introduction of other
variables attenuates the intelligence effect without eliminating it,
suggesting again that some of these variables may mediate effects of
intelligence on economic growth. With the exception of the savings rate,
which promotes economic growth in both rich and poor countries, these
effects are different for the two types of country.
Path models
Growth regressions can only suggest that part of the intelligence
effect might be mediated by another measurable variable, but provide no
strong evidence of causal paths. Therefore path models were employed in
which causal relationships were specified explicitly. Figure 1 shows a
simple model in which log-transformed per-capita GDP in 2009 is
predicted with log-transformed per-capita GDP in 1975 and (abandoned)
communism as the only exogenous variables. Other variables, including
intelligence, are endogenous. The model fit is good, and the causal
relations are theoretically meaningful: high lgGDP in 1975 and communist
history increase the amount of schooling, schooling and lgGDP in 1975
raise intelligence, and in addition to lgGDP in 1975, high intelligence
and freedom from corruption raise lgGDP in 2009. Communist history
increases corruption. Approximately 8% of the intelligence effect on
lgGDP 2009 in Figure 1 is indirect, being mediated by reduced
corruption.
The saturated path model of Figure 2 was constructed to investigate
plausible variables as mediators of the intelligence effect. Variables
were considered mediators of the intelligence effect if they (1) are
affected substantially by intelligence independent of the other
variables in the model, and (2) have a significant effect on lgGDP 2009
independent of the other variables. These models were constructed
separately for all countries, poor countries only, and rich countries
only.
Table 5 shows the results. Paths in which both the IQ [right arrow]
M effect and the M [right arrow] lgGDP effect have a statistical
significance level of p<.100 are shown in bold. Mediator variables
that produced significant paths in at least 2 of the 3 samples include
the Gini index, social security spending, infectious disease burden, and
total fertility rate (TFR). However, in each case the mediator accounted
for only a small to moderate fraction of the intelligence effect. The
direct path from intelligence to lgGDP in 2009 remained strong and
statistically significant at p<.001 in each case, with the exception
of the infectious disease model for rich countries, where the
statistical significance of the intelligence [right arrow] lgGDP 2009
path was only .002.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Discussion
Relationship between schooling, IQ and school achievement
This study produced several important results. First, the results
of IQ tests compiled by Lynn and Vanhanen (2001, 2002, 2006, 2012) are
closely related to achievement in international scholastic assessments
such as TIMSS and PISA, confirming the results of earlier studies using
less complete data (Lynn and Mikk, 2007, 2009; Lynn and Meisenberg,
2010; Meisenberg and Lynn, 2011). In addition to being highly
correlated, these two measures have virtually the same non-cognitive
correlates and predict economic growth to similar extents. Therefore use
of a composite measure of "intelligence" (or cognitive
ability, or cognitive human capital) from IQ and scholastic assessments
is recommended for future studies. Such a measure is expected to be more
accurate than either measure alone for countries having both, and it
maximizes the number of countries with cognitive test data by including
those having information about either school achievement or IQ but not
both.
Schooling has only small (but positive) effects on economic growth
independent of the cognitive measures, suggesting that cognitive rather
than non-cognitive effects of schooling are most important for economic
growth. Exposure to formal schooling is still an important measure of
human capital for studies of economic growth even when cognitive test
data are available, because it may play a role in the rational
application of intelligence in daily life and because it can foster
attitudes and behaviors that either favor or inhibit economic growth.
For example, we observe that in both developing countries and advanced
economies, schooling is approximately as effective as intelligence in
reducing the total fertility rate when both variables are used as
co-predictors.
Robustness of the intelligence effect
The coefficients of Model 4 in Table 2 and Model 1 in Table 3 show
that the growth-promoting effect of high intelligence is unlikely to be
an artifact of spatial autocorrelation, which can produce false positive
results in comparative studies (Dobson & Gelade, 2012; Eff, 2004).
Intelligence remains a predictor even when world regions are controlled.
Conversely, when economic growth in the 10 world regions is predicted
with intelligence and log-transformed GDP in 1975, the familiar result
is obtained: Intelligence raises, and preexisting wealth reduces
economic growth (p = .001 for both, data not shown). The conclusion is
that intelligence is related to economic growth both in comparisons
between broadly defined world regions and in comparisons between
countries within world regions.
This contrasts with an earlier study, which found that the effect
of mathematics and science achievement on economic growth between 1970
and 2000 was due mainly to the inclusion of the "Asian Tigers"
(Ramirez et al, 2006). The discrepancy is likely due to the use of a far
larger data set in the present study, and to the different time periods
over which growth was measured.
Another important observation is that the effect of intelligence
can be demonstrated both in developing countries and in advanced
economies. Inspection of the coefficients in Table 4 shows that the
effect is somewhat stronger in poor than in rich countries. This
observation refutes the once popular belief that cognitive tests are
"biased" against non-western nations and cannot produce valid
predictions in such populations (Greenfield, 1997; van de Vijver and
Poortinga, 1997).
Mediators of the intelligence effect
Little is known about the mechanisms by which high (or rising)
intelligence has promoted economic growth in the recent past. Gelade
(2008) and DiPietro (2004) attributed the higher per capita GDP of
countries with higher average IQ to the greater technological
achievements or creativity of high-IQ nations. Intelligence is also
associated with a preference for delayed rather than immediate rewards.
This mechanism has been proposed to account for some of the positive
economic effects of high intelligence at the country level (Jones and
Podemska, 2010).
With this study, we provide the first systematic search for
mediators of the intelligence effect on economic growth, including a
variety of institutional, economic, behavioral and biological variables.
Because the expected relationships are complex and might be prone to
methodological artifacts, we used two different methods: growth
regressions, and path analysis. The following is a brief assessment of
the observed results for the tested variables:
1. Democracy and political freedom. A positive effect of
intelligence on democracy has been postulated by Rindermann (2008),
based on cross-lagged models with scholastic achievement data.
Democracy, in turn, has been examined extensively for effects on
economic growth, with mixed results (Doucouliagos and Ulubasoglu, 2008;
Tavares and Wacziarg, 2001). However, earlier studies of democracy
effects on economic growth did not include the important variable of
cognitive ability. In our models, the freedom/democracy variable has
inconsistent effects in growth regressions and path models containing a
cognitive measure (Tables 2-5). More surprising is that intelligence is
not an important determinant of freedom and democracy in the path models
of Table 5. Freedom/democracy is related most closely to schooling and
freedom from corruption (data not shown). The causal arrow between
democracy and corruption is debatable. When in the complete sample the
corruption [right arrow] freedom/democracy arrow of the path model is
reversed, the marginal (non-significant) negative effect of democracy on
lgGDP 2009 is offset almost exactly by the indirect path from
freedom/democracy to corruption and corruption to lgGDP 2009. In this
case education is the major positive effect on freedom/democracy, with a
small positive effect from intelligence.
2. Economic freedom and Big government. These measures were
abstracted from the "economic freedom" indices of Fraser
Institute and Heritage Foundation. Overall, their effects on economic
growth are surprisingly weak and somewhat inconsistent, although
economic freedom is more likely to favor and Big government is more
likely to retard economic development (except in Model 4 of Table 4).
Because intelligence has only small and inconsistent effects on these
variables, they are not important mediators of the intelligence effect.
Economic freedom is related most closely to freedom from corruption, and
Big government is favored by communist history and freedom from
corruption. Although not entirely ineffective, these measures seem to be
less important for economic growth than is often believed.
3. Gini index. High average intelligence is known to be associated
with low income inequality as measured by the Gini index, especially for
countries with low to average intelligence (Meisenberg, 2007, 2008a).
These earlier results are fully confirmed in the present study. We also
observe negative effects of income inequality on economic growth,
especially when poor countries and rich countries are analyzed
separately. This confirms earlier reports of a negative effect of income
inequality on economic growth (Panizza, 1999). It does not support the
frequently held view that high income inequality favors economic growth
by providing incentives for achievement, and we find no evidence that
"... higher inequality tends to ... encourage growth in richer
places." (Barro, 2000, page 5).
The direct negative effect of high income inequality on economic
growth may nevertheless be spurious. It is possible that a shortage of
highly skilled individuals in a country leads to high income inequality
because it reduces competition for high-level jobs and increases the
skill premium. This same shortage of highly skilled individuals is
likely to retard economic development. Thus high income inequality may
be an indicator for a shortage of specifically those skills that are
important in the labor market, above and beyond the general cognitive
skills that are measured by IQ tests and scholastic assessments.
4. Social security spending is favored by high intelligence but
also tends to retard economic growth. Through this mechanism, high
intelligence can reduce economic growth. This does not necessarily mean
that high intelligence engenders enthusiasm for high social security
spending. Another possibility is that high IQ reduces fertility and
thereby raises the old age dependency ratio. Social security expenses
rise and economic growth slows because of a rising proportion of
pensioners in the population.
5. Financial resource allocation. Resource allocation to
investment, as opposed to government and private consumption, is
expected to favor economic growth. We do indeed find mildly positive
effects of the investment share and mildly negative effects of the
consumption share on economic growth. Intelligence, in turn, tends to
favor investment over consumption, although these effects do not always
reach statistical significance. These relationships are seen best in the
path models of Table 5.
6. International trade ("Openness") is usually considered
favorable for economic growth, although empiric evidence does not always
support this view (Kneller et al, 2008). In our models, openness favors
economic growth for rich countries but not poor countries (Tables 4 and
5). It is not an important mediator of intelligence effects on economic
growth because the path models of Table 5 show no substantial effects of
intelligence on this variable.
7. Savings rate. This variable is interesting because a low rate of
delay discounting is the personality trait that is most closely related
to savings (as well as investment), and low delay discounting is known
to be associated with higher intelligence at the individual level
(Shamosh and Gray, 2008). Gross domestic savings, interpreted as
indicator of time preference, have been proposed as mediator of
intelligence effects by Jones and Podemska (2010). Our results replicate
the results of these authors, suggesting that perhaps 10% of the
intelligence effect on economic growth is mediated by this path.
8. Technological competitiveness. Gelade (2008) and DiPietro (2004)
proposed that technological achievement and creativity mediate positive
effects of intelligence on the economy. These hypotheses receive only
partial support. Although the path models in Table 5 show significant
effects of intelligence on technological competitiveness, the strongest
determinant of technological competitiveness as defined here is not
intelligence but freedom from corruption. Another result is that
technological competitiveness promotes economic growth in poor countries
but not rich countries. This is unexpected because the validity of
technological competitiveness indicators has been questioned
specifically for the less developed countries (James, 2006). Our result
suggests that the "technology" measures of the Global
Competitiveness Report are indeed valid for developing countries. They
also suggest that cutting-edge technology has little immediate impact on
the advanced economies, but that technology diffusion in the less
developed countries does have important economic benefits for these
countries. Because our measure of technological competitiveness reflects
conditions at about the year 2000, long-term benefits of innovations
produced at that time may still accrue to the advanced economies in the
future.
9. Health. Positive effects of intelligence on health at the
individual level are well established (Gottfredson, 2004). If, as seems
reasonable, a healthier work force has greater productivity,
intelligence can promote economic growth by improving health. We used
two country-level health indicators, life expectancy at birth and loss
of disability-adjusted life years due to infectious diseases, to test
the hypothesis that physical health mediates effects of intelligence on
economic growth. We find that for both measures, intelligence is the
strongest and most consistent predictor in regression models and path
models. Although neither variable figures prominently in the growth
regressions of Tables 3 and 4, in the path models of Table 5 we see a
positive effect of life expectancy and a negative effect of infectious
disease burden on lgGDP 2009 that is significant in the sample of all
countries. One caveat is that reverse causation is possible, with better
health permitting the development of higher intelligence. Eppig et al
(2010) proposed that the relationship between infectious disease and
country-level intelligence is due to a negative effect of infectious
diseases on intelligence. However, the effects of parasites on
intelligence are small in most studies (e.g., Berkman et al, 2002;
Dickson et al, 2000). The rather pervasive effects of pre-existing
intelligence on later health outcomes at the individual level
(Gottfredson, 2004), and the relative ease with which most infectious
diseases can be avoided by behavioral means, makes it more likely that
this relationship is mainly due to an effect of intelligence on
infectious disease.
10. Fertility. A negative relationship of fertility with
intelligence, education and social status at the individual level is
virtually universal in populations that have gone through the
demographic transition (Meisenberg, 2008b, 2010; Meisenberg and Kaul,
2010). This is in marked contrast to pre-transitional populations which
usually show positive relationships between social status and fertility,
especially in late medieval and early modern Europe (Clark and Hamilton,
2006; Razi, 1980; Skirbekk, 2008). The same is observed at the country
level. In the current sample, the correlation of the total fertility
rate (TFR) is -.838 with both schooling and intelligence (N = 134
countries). These values correspond closely with those obtained in an
earlier study with different intelligence measures and a different
country sample (Meisenberg, 2009). In path models, we find that
predictors other than education and intelligence have only weak and
inconsistent effects on the fertility rate. To some small extent, there
may be reverse causation with small family size favoring the cognitive
development of children. However, family size effects on intelligence
are generally small and sometimes non-existent (Wichman et al, 2007;
Zajonc and Sulloway, 2007). Therefore most of the observed relationship
is most likely due to a fertility-reducing effect of high intelligence.
High fertility is associated with slow economic growth in poor but not
rich countries, confirming earlier findings reviewed in Headey and Hodge
(2009). One reason for the growth-inhibiting effect of high fertility in
the less developed countries is that the excess fertility is
concentrated in the less educated sections of the population
(Meisenberg, 2008b).
Interestingly, high population density no longer favors economic
growth when TFR is in the model, as shown in Tables 3 and 4. The likely
reason is that high population density is associated with low fertility
(Meisenberg, 2009). High fertility is thought to impede economic growth
by raising the youth dependency ratio and by keeping women out of the
work force. In more advanced countries with a longer history of low
fertility, however, low fertility has resulted in a high old age
dependency ratio, which counteracts the growth-promoting effect of a
lower youth dependency ratio. The results suggest that in developing
countries, some of the economic benefits of high education and
intelligence might be achievable by vigorous family planning programs,
thus bypassing the need for costly efforts at improving education and
intelligence.
11. Crime. A crime-reducing effect of high intelligence has been
described at the individual-difference (Hirschi and Hindelang, 1977),
county (Beaver and Wright, 2011), state (Bartels et al, 2010), and
country levels (Lester, 2003). In our path models, intelligence is the
only development indicator that is consistently associated with lower
crime rates. Lower crime rates in turn tend to be associated with faster
economic growth in prosperous but not poor countries. This effect seems
to be robust, as it is seen both in the growth regressions of Table 4
and the path models of Table 5. It is not clear whether crime has a
direct effect on economic growth or whether crime is merely an indicator
of low "social capital." When a measure of business costs
through organized crime from the Global Competitiveness Report is used,
we find neither significant effects of intelligence on organized crime
nor any negative effect of organized crime on economic growth (data not
shown).
Historical context
Strong and consistent evidence shows that in all advanced societies
for which data are available, intelligence has increased substantially
during most of the 20th century, most likely by approximately 30 IQ
points during the entire century (Flynn, 1987; Lynn and Hampson, 1986).
This secular trend is known as the Flynn effect. Therefore the likely
reason why high intelligence has promoted economic growth between 1975
and 2009 is that countries with high intelligence, measured mainly in
the last third of the 20th or the first years of the 21st century, have
experienced strong Flynn effects during the 20th century. Today,
intelligence is no longer rising among young people in most of the
advanced societies, and appears to be declining in some (Shayer and
Ginsburg, 2009; Sundet et al, 2004; Teasdale and Owen, 2008).
Conversely, Flynn effects of varying strength have recently been
described for some developing countries including Sudan (Khaleefa et al,
2008), Brazil (Colom et al, 2006), Saudi Arabia (Batterjee, 2011), South
Korea (te Nijenhuis et al, 2012), Turkey (Kagitcibasi & Biricik,
2011) and the Caribbean island nation of Dominica (Meisenberg et al,
2005). If there are substantial Flynn effects in developing countries
during the 21st century while intelligence is stagnating or declining
slowly in the most advanced societies, we can predict the emergence of a
negative correlation between intelligence and economic growth during the
21st century.
When combined with our knowledge of the Flynn effect, the present
results support a general theory of economic development in our time: In
the wake of the Industrial Revolution, systems of mass education were
established in 19th century Europe and North America which raised
children's intelligence. Higher intelligence produced more
innovation, further economic growth, and even better educational
systems. These raised the intelligence of the next generation even
further ... This positive feedback between human intelligence and the
economic and social conditions for the development of higher
intelligence produced both Flynn effect and runaway economic growth.
The most likely reason why intelligence is no longer rising in the
most advanced societies is that the biological limits of human
intelligence are being approached in these countries, resulting in
diminished cognitive returns to educational and other inputs. Because of
a universal negative relationship of fertility with education and
intelligence (Meisenberg, 2008b, 2010; Meisenberg & Kaul, 2010), the
eventual result will not be stagnation, but a slow decline of
intelligence over several generations. This is likely to have economic
consequences, as shown by the recent demonstration that genotypic
intelligence and the Flynn effect had distinguishable consequences for
historic innovation rates (Woodley, 2012).
However, people in the less developed countries have not yet
reached their cognitive limits. Future economic growth in today's
less developed countries will most likely be accompanied by robust Flynn
effects during the 21st century, as it was in the advanced economies of
Europe, North America and East Asia during the 20th century. This era of
the "Great Convergence" will continue until these nations
reach their biological limits as well. Importantly, we do not know where
exactly these limits may be. They are likely to be different for
different nations. Above all we need to be aware that the sustained
economic growth that we have experienced during the last two centuries
is an historical anomaly that requires an explanation, and that changing
human capital is the most important part of the explanation.
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Gerhard Meisenberg (1)
Ross University School of Medicine, Dominica
Richard Lynn
University of Ulster, Coleraine, United Kingdom
(1) Address for correspondence: Ross University School of Medicine,
Picard Estate, Dominica; Tel: 1-767-255-6227; email:
Gmeisenberg@rossmed.edu.dm
Table 1. Correlations of human capital measures with
economic and political variables. Correlations below the
diagonal are for all countries with complete data (N = 93).
Correlations above the diagonal are for countries without
communist history only (N = 86). Correlations higher than
.205 (all countries) or .213 (non-communist countries) are
significant at p<.05.
Gr IQ SA Sch lgGDP
1. Growth 1975-2009 1 .401 .424 .187 .077
2. IQ .417 1 .889 .779 .744
3. School achievement .453 .886 1 .747 .724
4. Schooling .101 .745 .718 1 .740
5. lgGDP 1975-2009 -.024 .678 .660 .725 1
6. no corruption .097 .671 .670 .730 .691
7. Freedom/Democr. -.024 .630 .565 .691 .560
8. Econ. Freedom .116 .636 .612 .665 .672
9. Big government -.072 .085 .195 .257 .121
noCor Fr/De EcoFr BG
1. Growth 1975-2009 .207 .139 .298 -.139
2. IQ .727 .727 .748 .053
3. School achievement .735 .684 .766 .147
4. Schooling .768 .749 .774 .217
5. lgGDP 1975-2009 .695 .557 .711 .130
6. no corruption 1 .724 .849 .376
7. Freedom/Democr. .714 1 .641 .310
8. Econ. Freedom .819 .667 1 .105
9. Big government .333 .216 -.003 1
Table 2. Prediction of economic growth between 1975 and
2009 with schooling, IQ, school achievement and other
variables. Standardized [beta] coefficient and t value
are shown.
Model 1 Model 2
[beta] t [beta] t
School achievement .764 7.08
IQ .869 8.09
Intelligence
Schooling .228 1.72 .196 1.42
lgGDP 1975 -.897 7.10 -.834 6.54
No corruption .087 0.58 .073 0.50
Economic freedom .147 1.07 .144 1.04
Big government -.163 1.96 -.010 0.13
Freedom/Democracy -.139 1.21 -.332 2.81
Ex-communist -.135 1.79 -.129 1.78
Oil exports/pop. .224 2.50 .158 1.75
lg Popul. density .115 1.64 .146 2.11
East Asia
N 115 109
Adjusted [R.sup.2] .516 .540
Model 3 Model 4
[beta] t [beta] t
School achievement
IQ
Intelligence .828 8.12 .720 6.65
Schooling .212 1.66 .171 1.41
lgGDP 1975 -.881 7.39 -.840 7.10
No corruption .095 0.72
Economic freedom .155 1.23 .140 1.55
Big government -.112 1.52 -.111 1.70
Freedom/Democracy -.199 1.77
Ex-communist -.140 2.05 -.104 1.60
Oil exports/pop. .201 2.43 .226 2.98
lg Popul. density .116 1.81
East Asia .212 3.03
N 131 131
Adjusted [R.sup.2] .525 .542
Table 3. Prediction of economic growth between 1975 and 2009 with the
composite measure of intelligence.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
[beta] t [beta] t [beta] t
Intelligence .454 2.52 .482 3.70 .517 4.53
Schooling .073 0.49
lgGDP 1975 -1.052 7.80 -.979 9.25
No corruption .236 1.67 .182 1.77
Economic freedom .068 0.52
Big government .017 0.23
Freedom/Democracy -.208 1.50 -.139 1.14
Ex-communist .047 0.49 -.197 2.46 -.204 2.96
Oil exports/pop. .069 0.98 .091 1.31
lg Popul. density .076 1.17
Catholic Europe .144 1.44
English-speaking .012 0.13
Latin America .182 1.17
Middle East .118 0.81
South Asia .408 3.36
East Asia .478 5.14
Africa .312 1.29
Pacific islands .061 0.78
Social Security -.247 2.03 -.247 2.28
Investment %GDP .141 1.91 .169 2.68
Consumption %GDP -.042 0.40
Life expectancy -.138 0.57
TFR -.661 3.80 -.680 4.96
Savings rate .234 2.08 .258 3.63
Infections -.183 1.37
N 136 114 117
Adjusted [R.sup.2] .416 .640 .665
Table 4. Prediction of economic growth between 1975
and 2009, separately for "poor" and "rich" countries.
Standardized [beta] coefficient and t value are shown.
Poor countries
Model 1 Model 2
[beta] t [beta] t
Intelligence .763 6.97 .306 2.56
Schooling -.003 0.02 -.140 1.22
lgGDP 1975 -.367 3.11 -.340 3.63
No corruption .161 1.50
Economic freedom .103 0.80
Big government .121 1.11
Freedom/Democracy -.067 0.59 -.135 1.58
Ex-communist -.154 1.57
Oil exports/pop. -.022 0.22
lg Popul. Density .143 1.49
Savings rate .154 1.74
Social security -.311 3.26
Government %GDP .137 1.73
Investment %GDP .227
Openness
Technology .185
Crime rate
TFR -.571
N 65 59
Adjusted [R.sup.2] .533 .700
Rich countries
Model 3 Model 4
[beta] t [beta] t
Intelligence .520 5.21 .407 4.68
Schooling .156 1.42 .224 2.72
lgGDP 1975 -.908 8.75 -1.037 12.06
No corruption .209 1.41 .196 1.75
Economic freedom .050 0.35 -.298 2.65
Big government -.150 1.73 -.178 2.51
Freedom/Democracy -.137 1.16 .341 3.11
Ex-communist -.205 2.51 -.290 4.55
Oil exports/pop. .477 4.47 .436 4.74
lg Popul. Density .237 3.27 .134 2.03
Savings rate .256 3.21
Social security
Government %GDP
Investment %GDP 2.63
Openness .247 3.28
Technology 1.78
Crime rate -.359 4.86
TFR 3.74
N 65 59
Adjusted [R.sup.2] .716 .842
Table 5. Paths from intelligence (IQ) to lgGDP 09 in the path model
of Figure 2. Shown are the path coefficients ([beta]) and significance
levels (p) for the paths from intelligence to the mediator variable
(M) and from the mediator variable to lgGDP2009. Direct refers to the
Intelligence [right arrow] lgGDP09 path in Figure 2. % indirect is
the percentage of the IQ effect (not including the path through
corruption) accounted for by the mediator variable.
IQ [right M [right arrow]
arrow] M lgGDP09
[beta] p [beta] p
All countries
Freedom/Democracy .027 .750 -.025 .531
Economic freedom .008 .927 .013 .754
Big government -.142 .301 -.055 .028
Gini index -.489 <.001 -.031 .346
Social security .218 .016 -.080 .053
Investment %GDP .257 .055 .064 .009
Government %GDP -.026 .850 -.019 .428
Consumption %GDP -.197 .083 -.065 .023
Openness .057 .675 .057 .019
Savings rate .353 .001 .110 <.001
Life expectancy .428 <.001 .155 .009
Infectious diseases -.681 <.001 -.127 <.001
TFR -.434 <.001 -.169 .001
Technology .163 .014 -.012 .804
Crime -.389 <.001 -.031 .274
Poor countries
Freedom/Democracy -.099 .456 .072 .247
Economic freedom -.219 .083 .067 .308
Big government -.093 .537 -.080 .151
Gini index -.539 <.001 -.178 .005
Social security .123 .266 -.037 .660
Investment %GDP .201 .090 .064 .363
Government %GDP .120 .403 -.026 .650
Consumption %GDP -.262 .057 .020 .747
Openness -.009 .946 -.113 .067
Savings rate .357 .007 .064 .325
Life expectancy .489 <.001 .139 .151
Infectious diseases -.630 <.001 -.165 .035
TFR -.480 <.001 -.268 .002
Technology .238 .046 .238 <.001
Crime -.418 .002 .003 .964
Rich countries
Freedom/Democracy .076 .493 -.132 .124
Economic freedom .211 .047 .054 .551
Big government -.083 .601 -.085 .173
Gini index -.246 .018 -.302 .005
Social security .313 .018 -.151 .058
Investment %GDP .278 .089 .060 .301
Government %GDP -.191 .238 .006 .924
Consumption %GDP -.038 .775 -.288 <.001
Openness .027 .873 .204 <.001
Savings rate .207 .142 .263 <.001
Life expectancy .450 <.001 .046 .639
Infectious diseases -.689 <.001 -.094 .191
TFR -.398 <.001 .000 .997
Technology .196 .035 -.100 .325
Crime -.278 .052 -.149 .020
Direct
[beta] % indirect N
All countries
Freedom/Democracy .303 -0.2 133
Economic freedom .302 0.0 133
Big government .295 2.6 129
Gini index .287 5.0 114
Social security .320 -5.8 118
Investment %GDP .286 5.4 134
Government %GDP .302 0.2 134
Consumption %GDP .289 4.2 134
Openness .299 1.1 134
Savings rate .264 12.8 131
Life expectancy .236 21.9 130
Infectious diseases .216 28.6 128
TFR .229 24.3 134
Technology .304 -0.6 134
Crime .290 4.0 134
Poor countries
Freedom/Democracy .448 -1.6 67
Economic freedom .455 -3.3 67
Big government .433 1.7 66
Gini index .344 21.8 63
Social security .445 -1.0 60
Investment %GDP .428 2.9 67
Government %GDP .444 -0.7 67
Consumption %GDP .446 -1.2 67
Openness .440 0.2 67
Savings rate .418 5.2 65
Life expectancy .373 15.4 66
Infectious diseases .337 23.6 67
TFR .312 29.2 67
Technology .384 12.9 67
Crime .442 -0.3 67
Rich countries
Freedom/Democracy .353 -2.9 66
Economic freedom .332 3.3 66
Big government .336 2.1 63
Gini index .269 21.6 51
Social security .390 -13.8 58
Investment %GDP .327 4.9 67
Government %GDP .344 -0.3 67
Consumption %GDP .332 3.2 67
Openness .338 1.6 67
Savings rate .289 15.9 66
Life expectancy .322 6.0 64
Infectious diseases .279 18.8 61
TFR .343 0.0 67
Technology .363 -5.7 67
Crime .302 12.1 67