Australian education and rural-regional sustainability.
Green, Bill
INTRODUCTION
In this paper (1) I present an account of what I call
rural-regional sustainability, within a larger framework of concern for
what is described here, following Lemke (1995), as ecosocial
sustainability. The specific reference-point for this account is, in the
first instance, the rural problematic in relation to inland Australia,
on the one hand, and on the other, the Murray-Darling Basin--a riverine
network extending across much of south-east Australia and constituting
what has been described as the nation's 'agricultural
heartland' (Weir, 2009, p. 26). Beyond its obvious economic and
environmental significance, however, the Basin can be described as a
distinctive bioregional imaginary, with deep cultural and historical
meaning for Australia more generally. Currently, and increasingly, there
is widespread anxiety over the fate and fortunes of rural Australia, in
a global context of climate change and ecological challenge--something
that, of course, has direct implications for rural education. Australia
is by no means unique in this regard, and the concept of rural-regional
sustainability (Green & Reid, 2004) arguably has resonance and
relevance for many other countries, across the world. How might
education function as a resource for reparation and regeneration in this
time of crisis? I engage with that question, firstly, by exploring the
concept of rural-regional sustainability itself, in some depth and
detail, and then by reflecting on how best to think about Australian
education anew, in a Lifeworld of increasing global instability and
change.
In what follows, rather than focussing here on rural education and
schooling as such, as I have done elsewhere (e.g. Green & Letts,
2007), I want to widen the frame of reference. This move is influenced
by arguments regarding the links among rural, suburban and urban
constituencies, rather than their various differences and distinctions
(Donehower, Hogg, & Schell, 2007, p.192; Donehower, 2014, p. 108).
Moreover, while my focus more generally is on (rural) education in
Australia, I argue here that this needs to be understood specifically
and explicitly as public education, and hence rethought as
'educating the public'. In doing so, however, I deliberately
work outside the familiar public-private debate vis-a-vis schooling, and
indeed outside the conventional frame of schooling itself, in order to
bring into focus here a wider spectrum of educational endeavour. This
certainly includes schooling and other sites of formal education, but
also adult and community ('popular') education, in its various
forms. Moreover, it is important to take due account in this regard of
what might be seen as the informal sector, and perhaps most notably the
media--arguably a particularly rich educational resource in the
(post)modern era. Understood thus, public education embraces adults as
well as children, and is addressed to the shaping of knowledge and
awareness in the populace more generally, as an informed citizenry. In
that context, how might we understand the complex relationship between
educational practice and environmental change in Australia?
THINKING SUSTAINABILITY AND BEYOND
What is rural-regional sustainability? How is it best understood?
It is appropriate to begin by looking at the notion of sustainability,
since that is the term in general usage. This is notwithstanding
considerable debate about its value, rhetorical and otherwise. It is
appropriately described as 'a broad and ambiguous construct, which
creates significant implication for how it is interpreted, developed and
implemented' (Somerville & Green, 2012, p. 66). It is important
to distinguish the term, too, from what is commonly seen as its
predecessor, 'sustainable development', which has been heavily
criticised for its capitalist framing within a Western, developmentalist
logic. Described as 'an ambiguous and contested category'
(Dibdin & Cocklin, 2005, p. 2), sustainability refers more directly
to how and why what happens now, in the present, impacts on the future.
Hence it is a profoundly historical concept, embracing past, present and
future. 'Sustainability is an intergenerational concept that means
adjusting our current behavio[u]r so that it causes the least amount of
harm to future generations' (Owens, cited in Donehower et al.,
2007, p. 6). That is: 'Sustainability, by definition, requires a
very long time perspective, spanning generations and stretching into the
indefinite future' (Dibdin & Cocklin, 2005, p. 10). As various
commentators stress, at the heart of the concept of sustainability are
fundamental issues of justice and equity, explicitly understood in
(inter)generational terms. Owens (2001, p. xi) states:
'Sustainability means recognizing the short- and long-term
environmental, social, psychological, and economic impact of our
conspicuous consumption. It means seeking to make conservation and
preservation inevitable effects of our daily lifestyles' (cited
Donehower et al., 2007, p. 6). For Dibdin and Cocklin (2005, p. 3),
concerned to present a balanced view while nonetheless accepting that
there are indeed limits, '[s]ustainability implies equity, both
within contemporary society (intragenerational) and in terms of the
legacy for future generations (intergenerational)'.
Main (1995) is less prepared to accept the rhetoric of
sustainability, however, arguing instead for the notion of regeneration.
In the course of a strong critique of industrial and productionist
models of agriculture, and referring in that regard to
'regenerative agriculture', he writes: 'Unlike
'sustainable', the label 'regenerative' acknowledges
a painful history of suppression, fragmentation and disorder.
Connectivity is acknowledged and nurtured' (Main, 2005, p. 245).
Writing in the specific context of Australian environmental and
agricultural history, with its long (mis)engagements with Indigenous
experience, his argument has resonance and relevance for other
(postcolonial, post-settler) countries as well. It is worth noting, too,
that 'regeneration' retains and indeed re-articulates the
notion of generation, as clearly an important reference-point, while
perhaps having here a somewhat different connotation and effect. It is
likely however that the most useful understanding of sustainability is
one that accommodates and indeed explicitly acknowledges the obligations
of regeneration, or reparation and renewal.
This is surely what Greenwood (2009) is arguing for when he
proposes the linked concepts of decolonization and reinhabitation in his
extensive work on place-conscious education. The
former--'decolonization'--is important, he writes, because
'its usage specifically problematizes colonization as historical
practice and as the ideological and political progenitor of today's
ecologically catastrophic globalization and development trends'
(Greenwood, 2013, p. 96). 'Reinhabitation', as a conceptual
and strategic counterpoint ('two dimensions of the same
task'), refers to 'the need to imagine and recover an
ecologically conscious relationship between people and place'
(Greenwood, 2013, p. 96), and is equally important. For Greenwood and
others (e.g. Somerville, 2008, 2013), what must be recognised and
acknowledged is 'the centrality of Indigenous habitation to
place-conscious learning' (Greenwood, 2008), now and in the past. A
new awareness of and sensitivity to place, culture, history and
difference is thus posited as crucial to what is being proposed here as
sustainability. It is necessary but not sufficient to look to the
future, then, in thinking about what must be done. Such an orientation
to the future must always be complemented by looking back, and learning
the lessons of the past, of history. This is further enriched by looking
differently at the present, at the way 'we' live now, in order
to act productively, positively, response-ably, accordingly. It is for
these reasons that sustainability, properly understood, must be seen as
an exemplary historical concept, and a matter of politics and ethics,
praxis and pedagogy.
A further point is the now programmatic need to understand
sustainability with reference to three registers: the social, the
economic and the environmental--that is, the so-called 'triple
bottom line' thesis. In this formulation, sustainability involves
these three distinct though interrelated aspects, and all must be taken
into consideration. This might be differently and usefully expressed in
terms of 'economic growth, environmental protection, and social
equity' (Gonzales-Gaudiano, 2000, p. 19). Although the orthodoxy
and perhaps the aspiration is that none is necessarily privileged over
the other two, in practice that is often precisely what happens,
depending on the disciplinary orientation, interests and investment of
those making the distinction, or otherwise working with the
sustainability concept. McKenzie (2004, p. 8), for instance, writes that
'[d]espite its inclusion in the triple bottom line, the role played
by the social is rarely equal to the economic and environmental
concerns'. Similarly, Alston (2009, p. 33) argues that 'social
sustainability [is] the missing link in discussions of
sustainability--discussions which have been largely dominated by
economic and environmental factors'. Goodland (1995, pp. 1-2)
focuses on environmental sustainability, 'sharply distinguishing it
from social sustainability and, to a lesser extent, economic
sustainability'; while the contributors in Cockin and Dibdin's
(2005) edited book on sustainability and change in Australia range
across the three, with varying emphases.
Kemmis and Mutton (2012) take a distinctive practice-theoretical
perspective on the matter, proposing a five-fold view on what
constitutes the 'unsustainable', ranging from the
'discursively unsustainable', the 'morally and socially
unsustainable', the 'ecologically and materially
unsustainable', the 'economically unsustainable', and
finally the 'personally unsustainable' (Kemmis & Mutton,
2012, p. 204). Hence they propose in effect an extension of the
'triple-bottom line' formulation to include the ethical and
the rational. This entails, on the one hand, a focus on the
'personal' dimension of sustainability--on
'individual' capacities, and the risks and responsibilities
attendant on them, and hence the role and significance of human
responsibility and agency; and secondly, the issue of the
'discursive', presented here as a matter of rationality,
although it might be at least supplemented by drawing in more explicitly
questions of meaning (Lemke, 1995) (2) and affect, and indeed more
broadly the symbolic.
What all this suggests, then, is that while a multi-dimensional
view of sustainability is indeed crucial, holding such a view cannot be
held as sufficient, in and of itself. Rather, sustainability properly
understood needs to be acknowledged as an essentially contested concept,
and even as infinitely contestable. This highlights its complex and
contradictory nature, and also the fact that its mobilisation sets off a
social and discursive process involving the interplay of deliberation
and decision, knowledge and action, never constituting any kind of final
word on the matter at hand. The dilemma that this presents is
dramatically staged in a recent newspaper article, laying out the
strongly, even starkly contrasting views of the Murray-Darling Basin
community (Neales, 2015). The main personae are an Aboriginal man and a
white farmer, with supporting testimony from a school principal and a
federal bureaucrat. '[A] rural social fabric in tatters is set
against the rationalism of policy and the assertion of the Murray [as]
truly the lifeblood of this land' (p. 4). The issues are seemingly
intractable, and perhaps ultimately undecideable. What remains, then, is
the necessity of practical politics, or rather the political, as a
matter of unceasing struggle over meaning and practice, over what is
right and what is just, and on what scale.
ECOSOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY
At this point it is useful to introduce the concept of ecosocial
sustainability, as a larger category. What is meant by
'ecosocial' sustainability, and what is gained by
understanding sustainability in such terms? Why
'ecosocial'?--that is, 'eco' plus 'social'
What is added to the 'social' when we prefix it with the
'eco'? My reference-point is an argument that the American
semiotician and educator Jay Lemke has developed over the past three
decades, drawing from a background in theoretical physics and the
biophysical sciences, as well as in functional linguistics and social
theory. Lemke has consistently argued the urgent need for research that
brings together otherwise disparate fields and frameworks; as such, his
work both demonstrates a powerful, critical, reflexive
interdisciplinarity, and provides a rich resource for those of us
wanting to operate in similar ways. The essence of his argument is that
social practices, wherever located and at whatever scale, are
simultaneously cultural and semiotic in character and material and
physical, comprising accordingly complex exchanges of matter, energy and
information. As he writes: 'A 'social practice' is a
semiotic cultural abstraction, but every particular, actual instance of
that social practice is enacted by some material processes in a complex
physical, chemical, biological, ecological system' (Lemke, 1995, p.
106). Similarly, human social systems are understood as 'having
both a material, ecological aspect and a cultural, semiotic one'
(Lemke, 1995, pp. 93-94).
Yet this interdependence is all too often under-appreciated, when
it is not effectively disregarded to a significant degree (although he
doesn't say so directly) because of deeply ingrained disciplinary
divides, including those between those organised respectively by
'social', 'economic' and 'environmental'
agendas. What is needed, he argues, is an integrated view of
'ecosocial systems' and, relatedly, of 'ecosocial
change', thereby bringing together, organically, a sociocultural
perspective and an ecological perspective (3). This implies a
superordinate, inclusive understanding of human existence, as
inextricably bound up with the fate of the earth. As he observes,
'this superordinate unity of ecosocial systems is somewhat hidden
from view by our failure to appreciate the pervasiveness of the
material-semiotic interdependence' (Lemke, 1995, p. 107)--something
he links, ultimately, to entrenched forms of social power.
Lemke summarises the position he is adopting thus, in terms of
three arguments or theses:
* Firstly: that human sociocultural systems are essentially systems
of social practices linked in the historically and culturally specific
semiotic formations from which they get their meaning;
* Secondly: that these practices are simultaneously material
processes in a complex, hierarchically organized, developing and
evolving ecosystem; and
* Thirdly: that the interdependence between the semiotically and
materially based couplings of these practices/processes is the basis of
ecosocial dynamics (Lemke, 1995, pp. 118-119).
Moreover, as he writes, the 'picture' he offers is one in
which 'activities in human communities are interrelated both in
terms of exchanges of matter and energy and in terms of relationships of
meaning, or information'. That is to say, it is important to
understand human communities and their associated practices
contextually, or eco-systemically, as well as relationally. Lemke is not
working explicitly within a specifically biophysical, ecological frame
of reference, as I read him, notwithstanding his emphasis on
'system-environment' dynamics. However, his argument,
mobilising as it does theories of complexity, 'metastability',
and dynamic open systems, can be readily and appropriately
re-articulated to make this aspect more explicit, and thereby it can be
drawn into the contemporary focus on climate change and environmental
stress, as ecosocial sustainability, and hence a superordinate context
for rural-regional sustainability.
WHY RURAL-REGIONAL SUSTAINABILITY?
I turn now to (re)consider the notion of rural-regional
sustainability itself--an ecosocial issue par excellence. This is a
formulation I have come to prefer to rural education as such. For quite
some time now I have been concerned with rural teaching and teacher
education (e.g. Green, 2008). That work has overlapped in significant
ways with research addressed to literacy education and environmental
studies (Green, Cormack, & Nixon, 2007; Cormack, Green, & Reid,
2008), to 'rural literacies' (Green & Corbett, 2013) and
also increasingly to professional practice, learning and education more
generally, especially in the context of rurality (Reid, Green, Hastings,
Cooper, & White, 2010). To speak of rural-regional sustainability
is, I argue, to point to the value of looking beyond the
current-traditional parameters of schooling, as a distinctive and indeed
characteristic project of modernity. Moreover, rural education as a
field, as I have found, tends to be framed within and by an often
constraining and even conservative discursive field, one that can often
close down possibilities rather than opening them up. It also means
restricting one's purview to just the one institution: the school,
and a single, often strongly classified professional practice field;
whereas increasingly I see value in working across fields which connect
in one way or another with the challenges and opportunity afforded by
rurality. At the same time, I have been increasingly interested in, and
intrigued by the potential of what is called 'place-conscious
education' (Gruenewald, 2003; Greenwood, 2013), to offer new
resources for rethinking and revitalising rural teaching, schooling and
teacher education. Furthermore, the account offered here of
'rural-regional sustainability' is to be distinguished from
the more common practice of using 'rural' interchangeably with
'regional', as more or less synonyms; and similarly, from
using 'rural-regional' education in counter-point to
'rural-remote'. Rather, my concern is to more fully implicate
a '(bio) regional', 'ecosocial' orientation to
rethinking rurality and rural education alike.
As already noted, the specific context here is, firstly, inland
Australia, and secondly, and more specifically, the Murray-Darling
Basin. The Basin is a riverine network covering approximately
one-seventh of Australia's overall landmass and well over half of
its irrigated space, and producing 40 per cent of its agricultural
output. With regard to inland Australia, it is relevant to note that
Australia itself, as the world's only nation-continent, is also one
of the world's most highly urbanised countries, with the bulk of
the population living in and around the capital cities, located in each
of six States and two Territories. Nonetheless it has been calculated
that in 2001, taking into account that rurality features in coastal
areas as well as inland, up to approximately 30 per cent of
Australia's population was rurally-located, or non-metropolitan
(Hugo, 2005). This figure is always differentially realised across the
country. For New South Wales early in the 21st century, for instance,
the inland population was formulated as approximately 13 per cent of the
State's total (Green, 2008).
Moreover, sustainability as such 'has particular resonance for
rural-regional Australia. This is especially so because of the
distinctive mix of geography and demography in Australia, [its] huge and
sparsely populated land mass, and the extraordinary concentration of
settlement and population, industry and services on the coastal
fringe' (Green & Reid, 2004, p. 257). A study of rural
sustainability and change funded by the Australian Research Council
(ARC) in 2002-2003, and conducted under the auspices of the Academy of
the Social Sciences in Australia (ASSA), concluded that evidence exists
of 'a developing incompatibility between deregulated, competitive,
intensive agriculture and a widening environmental crisis that threatens
the productivity of agriculture as well as the health of rural towns and
natural ecosystems' (Cocklin & Dibdin, 2005, p. 248). Broadly
speaking, inland Australia is characterised by overall population
decline, a changing industrial profile, and widespread and increasing
environmental stress, including desertification and growing concerns
about water and food security, and more generally a decline in what has
been described, somewhat ironically, as 'natural capital'
(Cocklin & Dibdin, 2005a). Better understanding what is involved in
working towards sustainable rural communities is imperative, therefore,
and not only in Australia. This requires, in turn, greater, more
informed appreciation of the challenges associated with asking and
knowing 'what must be done in the interests of aiming towards more
sustainable rural futures' (Cocklin & Dibdin, 2005b, p. 252),
across various fronts and relevant spheres of activity and organisation.
Rather than focusing on rural sustainability, however, the proposal
here is that attention is better given to the larger category of
rural-regional sustainability. What does this entail? In the work that I
have been engaged in, with various colleagues, partly as a feature of
our own situated practice as educational researchers and teacher
educators, particularly with regard to the location of some of us in an
inland ('rural') university, the significance of the
Murray-Darling Basin has been increasingly foregrounded (e.g. Cormack et
al., 2008) (4). The Basin itself as a distinctive space extends across
parts of four States and the Australian Capital Territory, and is
clearly a major social and economic unit. An 'extended network of
rivers linking communities, livelihoods and life', it has been
described thus:
The Murray-Darling Basin is a large inland river basin in
south-east Australia that has been transformed by government and private
investment in water infrastructure to provide irrigation for the
agricultural industry. This area is now known as Australia's
agricultural heartland (Weir, 2009, p. 26).
Moreover, the Basin is clearly of immense environmental
significance, and is vital to Australia's future, increasingly so
in a new global context of climate change. However, the Basin is now
widely regarded as being at risk, with 'extensive river degradation
and, among other things, persistent drought [tipping] a precarious
system of over-allocated river water into catastrophe' (Weir, 2009,
p. 26). Beyond its obvious economic and environmental significance,
however, the Basin can be described as a distinctive bioregional
imaginary, with deep cultural and historical meaning for Australia more
generally, including its Indigenous population. In that regard, it is
relevant to point out that '[t]oday, Indigenous people constitute
70,000 of the over two million people who now live in the Murray-Darling
Basin ... [representing] 3.4 per cent of the Murray-Darling Basin
population and 15 per cent of the national Indigenous population'
(Weir, 2009, p. 26) in Australia (see also Somerville, 2013, pp. 7-8).
At this point, I want to refer more specifically to the notion of
regionality, and to the 'region' as a point of reference.
Tomaney (2008) indicates that regionality has become a matter of renewed
interest and, relatedly, notes the resurgence of regional geography as a
field of inquiry. Describing regions as 'historically contingent
social constructions rather than physical entities' (Tomaney, 2008,
p. 8), he distinguishes a number of different senses and uses of the
term 'region', including 'statistical region',
'economic region', 'cultural region',
'political region', 'ecological region', etc. For
Allen, Massey and Cochrane (1998: 1), '... the manner of
conceptualizing a region is intimately bound up with the wider debate
about the conceptualization of space and place'. This is of
particular interest here, especially given our work elsewhere addressing
such matters (Green & Letts, 2007; Reid et al., 2010). Hence,
bringing regionality into consideration in this fashion provides
particular insight into the issue of sustainability.
This has two aspects. Firstly, a crucial consideration is the value
of thinking not simply relationally but also, as it were,
'trialectically', with space, place and scale brought together
in a single, dynamic framework. Space(s) and place(s) have increasingly
been mobilised in the literature as relevant to rural education (e.g.
Corbett, 2007, 2015; Halfacree, 2006; Green & Corbett, 2013). These
concepts can be supplemented, more explicitly, by mobilising notions of
'scale', and also of 'region'. In this regard,
Smailes, Griffin and Argent (2005, p. 100) propose the following:
sustainability needs to be sought at a level somewhere between the
'region'--a large and somewhat artificial construct, in theory
possessing an adequate critical mass to achieve scale
economies--and the local community, which possesses the necessary
cohesion, social capital, and group identity, but in most cases
lacks scale and critical mass.
This is an important point, and worthy of further investigation.
What constitutes the appropriate reference-points, or
contextualisations, for thinking about sustainability?
Secondly, what is becoming increasingly important is the need to
make climate change a key reference-point for rural-regional
sustainability and indeed for education more generally. The fact is
that, notwithstanding the significance of social and economic
considerations, ultimately they are ecosocial, played out in the
world--or rather, the Lifeworld. Everything depends, ultimately,
literally, on the continued health and well-being of the natural
environment: the land and the water, the air we breathe, the food we
eat. Hence a new, or renewed, ecological awareness becomes a priority
for everyone, across all fields of human endeavour, which means being
more attuned to the Earth, locally and globally. Regionality is
therefore a particularly important and generative concept. As Tomaney
(2008, p. 14) writes:
Regions can be characterised in relation to geographically distinct
assemblages of natural communities and species. Human activity occurs in
relation to flows of matter and energy. Relief, climatic conditions and
water catchments affect the biodiversity of flora and fauna and continue
to place constraints on patterns of development, even if,
simultaneously, they are transformed by human activity (Tomaney, 2008,
p. 14).
There are useful links here with Lemke's account of ecosocial
dynamics. As already noted, the world comprises flows of matter and
energy, but also information, and hence issues of meaning and
representation (and therefore education) are necessarily drawn into
consideration. Conceptually and analytically, the question of deciding
on a relevant contextualisation becomes imperative. Hence, as Lemke
writes:
The fundamental unit of analysis will turn out to be a
'patch', a mini-ecosystem containing human organisms in
interaction with their social and material environments according to
both cultural and ecological-physical principles. The patch is part of a
mosaic of other patches, each with its own unique history, all
interacting and forming a larger scale patch in a larger scale ecosocial
system (Lemke, 1995, p. 93-94).
Worth highlighting here is the manner in which Lemke brings in
directly the notion of the 'city', as par excellence a complex
dynamic open system, in his terms, as well as a distinctive
'patch'. This is something that could be very usefully drawn
on in contemporary work on the notion of 'sustainable cities',
envisaged as not simply social systems, involving a complex of social
relations and social practices, but as (eco-)material sites for the
exchange of matter, energy and information, on a number of levels,
internally and externally. In this regard, '[a]chieving 'An
Environmentally Sustainable Australia' (5) will require socially
sustainable cities and rural areas' (Mackenzie, 2004, p. 13; my
emphasis).
However, even more pertinent, is the notion of the Murray-Darling
Basin as a 'patch' in the sense outlined above, at once a
social, cultural and economic unit and a material, ecological,
biophysical unit: a (not so) mini-ecosystem comprising various human and
other populations distributed in specific arrangements of time-space,
interacting all the while with their social and material environments
'according to both cultural and ecological-physical
principles'. Moreover, the Murray-Darling Basin is itself to be
understood not simply as a 'region', but also, and perhaps
even more pertinently, as a bioregion. In Tomaney's (2008, p. 15)
terms: 'The Murray-Darling Basin represents a natural region,
albeit one which has been transformed by human intervention'. He
uses the related term 'ecoregion', indicating that
'[b]elow the level of ecoregion, water catchments--or drainage
basins--often have delimited natural regions, with watersheds, for
instance, providing natural boundaries' (Tomaney, 2008, p. 14),
which here I take as roughly coterminous with 'bioregion'.
What becomes increasingly relevant and generative, then, is
thinking bioregionally. 'At the heart of a bioregional
sensibility', writes Thomashow (1999, p. 25), 'is the concept
of place-based reinhabitation' in the sense outlined above.
'To engage in reinhabitory practice is to challenge the human
imagination.' Further, as Buell notes (2005, p. 84), 'thinking
bioregionally ... is to provoke within and against ingrained grid-think
keener attention to how interaction with topography, climate and
nonhuman life directs not only how people ought to live but also the way
they do live without realizing it'. Buell further points to an
associated ethic 'not simply of environmental literacy but also of
'sustainability'--of more prudent, self-sufficient use of
natural resources such that environmental and human quality will be
maintained (and ideally improved) with better human/human and
human/non-human consideration both within the bioregion and beyond'
(Buell, 2005, p. 84-85). A crucial point here is to acknowledge that,
ultimately, population and production are both contingent on the
(natural) environment:
Despite the focus on the region as a medium and outcome of social
processes, the physical environment continues to place constraints on
the human populations that occupy it. The implications of this are very
obvious in rural societies, where forms of agriculture are dependent in
a more or less direct way on the physical geography of territory
(Tomaney, 2008, p. 25).
Bringing the region into calculation is important, therefore:
'the return to the region reflects very real concerns about
environmental sustainability; that is, with the life-giving qualities of
land and water' (Tomaney, 2008, p. 16; see also Somerville &
Green, 2012, p. 67). Place matters, as does space, and the scalar
dynamics which characterise them. Together, one way of representing the
Murray-Darling Basin, is as a space of places and flows, stories and
relations (Cormack et al., 2008). How does the Murray-Darling Basin
sustain itself, then? How is it to become sustainable? What are the
forms of constraint that operate on its most efficacious and responsible
sustainability? What might be the best relationship to work for and to
build between, say, population dynamics, social policy and environmental
realities, in bioregional Australia, over the next thirty to fifty
years, as well as in and for the longer-term future? These are
important, even urgent questions, and clearly have relevance for rural
education and schooling.
PUBLIC EDUCATION AND RURAL-REGIONAL SUSTAINABILITY
What are the implications of this account for education, and more
specifically for rural schooling? What is the role and significance of
education in and for the project of rural-regional sustainability?
Elsewhere a conceptual and analytical framework has been developed with
reference to rural (teacher) education, which we have called the Rural
Social Space model (Reid et al., 2010; Green & Reid, 2015). It
argues that education policy in this regard needs to take due account of
prevailing matters of economy, demography and geography, and within
that, must bring explicitly into due consideration environmental and
Indigenous issues and perspectives. This in itself may be a challenge
for rural education. Up until quite recently, the field has tended to
operate as something of a silo in this and other respects, in teacher
education as well as in curriculum policy more generally, with little
direct connection to either environmental education or Aboriginal
education. That is changing now, and not before time. Work is
increasingly addressed to the changing constitution and complex
interplay of rural industries, rural populations and rural environments
in new eco-social conditions, in Australia and beyond.
However, a case must be made, and urgently, that climate change
represents a game-changer here. Increasing awareness that we are now
living in the age of what has been termed the Anthropocene (Steffen,
Crutzen, & McNeill, 2007; Bergthaller et al., 2014), across the
disciplines as well as outside the university sector, and in the
popular-public sphere more generally, raises all sorts of implications
and challenges for policy and practice. This certainly includes
education--and indeed, it can be argued that education has a
particularly important role to play here. The caveat is that education
itself must be reconceptualised, and understood in a more integrated,
holistic way. In the first instance, a fundamental distinction can be
observed between education and schooling, and certainly education should
not be limited to schooling, in the conventional, current-traditional
sense. This does not mean that schooling is unimportant--far from it.
Schools (and universities) continue to have a role to play in educating
the emerging generations, and their characteristic concern with
questions of knowledge and learning remains significant. But
increasingly they need to be complemented and supplemented by other
educational agencies. The game is changing, as it must.
In a recent survey-based study of sustainability initiatives in the
Gippsland region, Somerville and Green (2012, p. 65), for instance,
point to '... the need for new ways of thinking and knowing, and
for innovative forms of action', with specific regard to engaging
with climate change and environmental distress. Their work is located
with a larger investigation of 'place-based sustainability
education for the Anthropocene' (Somerville & Green, 2012, p.
65), which explicitly mobilises notions of 'place' and
'regionality', while seeking to re-articulate them. What is
important about their study is that it seeks to bring together work in
schools and communities, in ways that are rarely evident in conventional
school-centric policy and practice. Their concern is '... how to
better link community place-based sustainability initiatives to formal
educational curricula and pedagogies' (Somerville & Green,
2012, p. 66). Their point is that there is little evidence of this
happening, to date, and that indeed all too often a sharp disjunction
exists between communities and school initiatives in this regard. As
they write, '... preliminary observations suggested that the most
exciting and innovative sustainability education initiatives are
emerging at grassroots community level, but do not appear in the formal
curriculum of school education' (Somerville & Green, 2012, p.
73). The implication is that sustainability work in schools is all too
often constrained and largely sporadic, although undoubtedly occurring,
despite problems of funding and other resources. More importantly,
however, it tends to be framed within Western rationalist epistemologies
and values, including scientific-disciplinary views of knowledge and,
more recently, the discourse of 'neoliberalism globalization'
(Somerville, 2013, p. 84). While noting that 'at present ...
'there is little evidence of new concepts of sustainability in
Australian syllabuses' (Skamp, 2010, p. 10), or indeed elsewhere
(Nolet, 2009)', Somerville and Green's work is striking in
seeking explicitly to bring together 'formal, nonformal and
informal' education sectors and initiatives (Somerville &
Green, 2012, p. 65). They lay particular stress on '[t]he
importance of partnerships, networks, and community' (Somerville
& Green, 2012, p. 74) in promoting appropriate forms of education
for sustainability, and moreover the importance of 'thinking
[bio-]regionally' (p. 67).
A subsequent study is currently aiming to build upon their
insights, focused more directly on the Murray-Darling Basin itself
(Roberts et al., 2013, 2014). Its work includes surveying school
personnel (public and private) as well as community members, along with
various other stakeholders. The study differs from earlier work in that
it is able to explore the affordances and constraints of the new
national curriculum in Australia (aka the 'Australian
Curriculum'), including its identification of sustainability as one
of three 'cross-curricular priorities'. While the project is
still underway, some preliminary observations are relevant here.
Firstly, there would appear to be a potentially significant disjunction
between rural schooling and rural communities in terms of their
respective values, especially and specifically with regard to
sustainability. While there is general adherence to a
'triple-bottom-line' view of sustainability, the school sector
tends to put the stress on the environmental, whereas the community is
more attuned to the social and economic (and also the cultural) aspects.
Indeed schools and teachers are sometimes at odds with their communities
(6), or at least not as engaged with them as they might be. Secondly,
while the new Australian Curriculum constitutes a significant frame for
thinking about curriculum and pedagogy in schools in this regard,
indication exists that this is all too often a matter of constraint and
contradiction, and indeed unduly if perhaps understandably
school-centric. Importantly, not enough connection is made to lay and
local knowledges, including Indigenous knowledges, or to what might more
broadly be called community funds of knowledge. Sustainability itself,
notwithstanding being designated a cross-curricular priority, would
appear to be problematically conceptualized. This is because, while
there is indeed general adherence to a 'triple-bottom-line'
view, a tendency exists for the formulation to become reified and to
turn into something of a formula, in the transition from policy to
pedagogy. Furthermore, little regard is given to the specificity and
distinctiveness of the rural condition (Roberts, 2014), and hence there
is no reference at all to what has been called here rural-regional
sustainability, or anything like it.
What emerges from both these studies (7), however, is the need to
think beyond the school, and beyond what are all too often narrow,
overly institutionalised views of education. Working with a broader
understanding of educational practice as bringing together the
'formal', the 'nonformal', and the
'informal' sectors, as Somerville and Green (2012: p. 65)
argue, would appear a crucial move here. It opens up the possibility of
rethinking public education in Australia, as in effect a matter of
'educating the public'. This is to re-position the school as
one agency, albeit a significant one, within a larger educational
ecology. The American educational historian Lawrence Cremin provides
another useful resource in this regard in his rather neglected monograph
on public education (Cremin, 1976), as does the educational philosopher
Gert Biesta (2012). There are rich implications and challenges in their
work for educational research and curriculum inquiry, as well as for
teacher education, broadly conceived to encompass practice development
across the professional career. Thinking all this through is urgently
needed work. In the meantime, going beyond what has been called
'the 'school first' paradigm and taking into due account
that '... a huge amount of scientific learning occurs outside
limited school hours' (Cormick, 2015, p. 14) is something worth
exploring--perhaps especially with regard to raising environmental
awareness and developing pro-active forms of eco-citizenship. As argued
recently, science centres and the like, linked as they are with media,
point to new questions for education and environmental policy alike
'as to where we should be putting our efforts if we really want to
widely improve public understanding of science, technology and
innovation. 'Australia needs a strong, informal learning sector
working alongside school-based education' (Cormick, 2015, p. 15; my
added emphasis).
CONCLUSION
In this paper I have sought to present a quite specific notion of
rural-regional sustainability. This is presented as a context for
rethinking rural education in the Anthropocene age as more specifically
education for rural-regional sustainability. Rural-regional
sustainability, as I understand it, involves bringing together rurality
and (bio-) regionality, and thus taking a more ecosocial account of the
actual places and spaces of rural life (including life in
schools)--where it all happens, located as always in a global network of
complex interrelations, at once material and virtual. Related concepts
are global sustainability and ecosocial sustainability, and work is
needed to think these through, in themselves but also specifically in
relation to rural-regional sustainability. Education has a crucial role
here, particularly when conceived broadly as embracing all forms of
educational agency, including media and popular culture, and embracing
the relations among information, understanding and action. Thinking
beyond the school is crucial, but that does not mean that schooling is
now somehow irrelevant, or marginalised. Rather, it is to say that
schools are embedded in communities, and potentially integrated with
them, as multi-scalar sites of communication and learning, being and
becoming.
It is likely, too, that the notion of place, properly and
critically conceptualised, is usefully mobilised as an organising,
integrating principle in this regard. This is best done, I believe, by
not only working within the terms and frame of reference of a properly
informed and reflexive critical pedagogy of place (Greenwood, 2008,
2013), but also by drawing in, explicitly, notions of space and scale,
within a 'trialectical' conceptual framework (Green, 2013)
(8). Relatedly, it would seem important and generative in this context
to bring together Education as a scholarly domain with other areas, such
as Health and other professional practice fields, with a particular
shared focus on rural-regional sustainability, and with regard to both
policy and professional education. This would certainly support
inter-agency initiatives, something increasingly recognised as
particularly suited to rural circumstances and to small communities
operating within rural social space. Operating under the banner of
rural-regional sustainability is likely to be strategically useful, and
increasingly so. Above all else, however, what is required is greater
appreciation of, and engagement in, the public-educational practice of
rural-regional sustainability, at all levels and in every sphere of life
and learning. While this certainly includes the world of formal
schooling, it is by no means limited to it, and should be seen as a
long-term investment in the Lifeworld itself.
Bill Green
Charles Sturt University
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Bill Green
bigreen@csu.edu.au
Bill Green is Emeritus Professor of Education at Charles Sturt
University, Bathurst Campus, NSW. His research interests range across
literacy studies and curriculum inquiry, English curriculum history,
doctoral studies, education for rural-regional sustainability, and
professional practice education. His recent publications include
Rethinking Rural Literacies: Transnational Perspectives (Palgrave
Macmillan, 2013, co-edited with Michael Corbett, and The Body in
Professional Practice, Learning and Education: Body/Practice (Springer,
2015), co-edited with Nick Hopwood.
(1) The paper is rewritten from an earlier one originally presented
at the annual conference of the American Educational Research
Association (AERA) in 2010.
(2) An aspect needing further consideration is the psychic
dimension of eco-consciousness. See Hamilton (2010) on denial, and also
Kelly (2009) on mourning.
(3) There are interesting links here to Weir's work on
'connectivity' (2008, 2009).
(4) Of particular note here is the work of the River Literacies
Project, an ARC-funded study of literacy education and environmental
awareness in primary schools located in the Murray-Darling Basin,
focusing on the children's creative writing and artwork in response
to place (Comber, Nixon, & Reid, 2007).
(5) One of several formally designated National Research Priorities
in Australia, in recent times.
(6) Something that also emerged in the River Literacies Project
(Comber, Nixon & Reid, 2007).
(7) Though not specifically addressed to rural education,
nonetheless both work directly with rural schools (although here they
are effectively unmarked as such).
(8) For critical perspectives on the emergence of a
'place' focus, see Mclnerney, Smyth and Down (2011) and Gulson
(2014).