Young children learning for the environment: researching a forest adventure.
Gambino, Agatha ; Davis, Julie ; Rowntree, Noeleen 等
Introduction
Education plays a key role in enabling individuals and social
groups to act more sustainably (UNESCO, 1977), and to adopt new cultural
beliefs which drive those actions for sustainability (UNESCO, 2004;
UNEP, 2007). Such education needs to develop multiple factors in
combination (Hungerford & Volk, 1990) including: positive attitudes
towards the environment, knowledge of ecology and environmental issues,
and knowledge of and skills in using action strategies. Additionally,
external aspects such as cultural, social or economic pressures may
encourage or inhibit an individual's action for sustainability
(Hines, Hungerford, & Tomera, 1986/7).
The effect of external factors can be paralleled to the limitations
experienced by educational movements for sustainability as proposed in
Sterling's (2001) nested systems model. Individuals and groups,
including education for sustainability movements, are encompassed within
larger education, social, economic and cultural systems. The norms,
expectations, values and beliefs of these systems have a greater
influence on individuals and groups than vice versa (Sterling, 2001).
Sterling's emphasis, though, is that the smaller, internalised
systems do have some influence on the larger systems and this influence
can be progressively increased through a positive feedback loop
relationship where "change for sustainability in wider society
supports sustainable education which in turn supports change in wider
society" (Sterling, 2001, p. 32). Cultural change for
sustainability is, therefore, more likely to occur when education
programs involve the wider community--and across generations--as well as
developing individual's capacities to act more sustainably.
Field experiences for young children are ideal vehicles for
implementing aspects of education critical to the development of active
citizenship and cultural change towards sustainability. Although there
is little research documenting the efficacy and influence of field
experience in early childhood education for sustainability, research in
related areas suggests such a context is both appropriate and needed.
First, there is evidence, for example, that direct interactions with
nature during childhood of both environmental activist and non-activist
adults has a significant influence on the development of positive
attitudes towards the environment (Chawla, 1999; Wells & Lekies,
2006). Yet, children's direct nature experiences are diminishing
(Louv 2005; Malone, 2007). Second, despite some people's negative
beliefs about young children's capabilities, children are
interested in and able to understand quite complex environmental
concepts. For example, Palmer (1999) reported accurate understanding by
four- and six-year-olds of the global impacts of changing polar
environments caused by increased air temperatures. Furthermore, such
concepts are more likely to be learnt and retained when embedded within
active learning experiences (Knapp & Poff, 2001) including in
engaged discussions with adults (Ballantyne, Fien, & Packer, 2001;
Seifert, 1993). Field experiences commonly engage children in such
learning. Third, young children are capable of taking environmental
action and can influence the wider community to act more sustainably.
Davis, Gibson, Rowntree, Pratt, and Eglington (2005), for example,
documented the actions of four-year-olds who responded to the dumping of
a supermarket trolley in their playground. They had a letter published
in the local community newspaper, and placed signs in the supermarket to
dissuade shoppers from taking trolleys beyond the shop boundaries.
Additionally, they modelled water-saving practices to their parents,
encouraging home-based water conservation.
The Early Childhood Field Experience Program
Responding to Rickinson's (2001) call for research into
learners' experiences of learning, a study was undertaken
investigating an early childhood program developed by the Bunyaville
Environmental Education Centre (BEEC) in Brisbane, Australia, focused on
the endangered marsupial, the Greater Bilby. The Bunyaville Easter Bilby
Adventure, designed for four- and five-year-olds in the preparatory
(Prep) year of school, comes in three parts: pre-visit orientation
activities undertaken at school; a structured, half-day field
experience; and follow-up learning activities. Initiated by teachers and
sometimes by parents, these latter tasks include discussions, writing
tasks, home and class projects, and the use of a wide range of resources
including video, websites, and reference and story books. They might
continue for days or weeks.
The field experience engages children in learning through play,
drama, story-telling and problem-solving. As Payne (2006) emphasises,
"a strong presence of the acting, sensing, perceiving and
'doing' body" (para 8) should be in experiential
learning. Children are immersed in a narrative journey that takes them
into the forest where they are involved in hands-on, sensory activities
such as exploring the forest's microstructure using magnifying
devices, and constructing with natural materials. They assist the story
characters in environmental problem-solving. During the visit, children
are also encouraged to be discussion leaders with parents and teachers
as co-participants.
Towards the narrative's end, the children encounter an Easter
Bilby character who explains, through mime, how the species has become
endangered and what can be done to help. Easter Bilby then provides each
child with a story book of the forest experience, information sheets
about bilbies and ways to support Save the Bilby Fund. The narrative
concludes with each child receiving a hug from the Easter Bilby. This is
photographed, a powerful reminder of the forest experience. These
artefacts help facilitate intergenerational learning beyond the forest
adventure, and into classrooms and homes when children share their
experiences with others.
Researching the Easter Bilby Program
This interpretive case study--seen primarily through the views of
children "albeit selectively and with interpretation" (Hill,
2006, p. 74) provides evidence of the achievement of the program's
goal of fostering environmental learning and active citizenship. Study
contributors were twenty-one children, fifteen parents and four Prep
teachers from three schools. The children were recruited in consultation
with teachers who used prior knowledge of and relationships with
children to aid selections (Powell & Smith, 2009), an important
prerequisite for ethical research practice with young children. All
children consented to participate voluntarily, with parental consent
also obtained. As Powell & Smith (2009) comment, there is evidence
that preschool children are able to give informed consent if approached
ethically. This acknowledges them as "permission granters" (p.
135) and is indicative that deception or coercion has not been involved
in the transaction (p. 125).
To investigate the program's impact on children's
knowledge about, attitudes towards, and actions/advocacy for bilby
conservation, each child participated in two group discussions/focus
groups (three to five children/group), each lasting approximately thirty
minutes. The first focus groups occurred two weeks before the field
visit and prior to commencement of initial classroom learning
experiences. Conversations focused on elucidating children's
general understandings of forests, animals (domestic, common and
endangered), as well as actions that might support endangered species.
The second conversations occurred about three weeks after the field
visit and enabled changes to knowledge, attitudes and advocacy to be
understood. Group discussions are an economical way of tapping the views
of a sizable number of children while benefiting from mutual commentary
and flow of ideas, while still obtaining individual standpoints (Hill,
2006). While it could be argued that a group environment risks
conformity of views, the children whose data are included in this study
were observed to lead conversation, relate different
experiences/opinions from others, and express disagreement. Group
discussions are also reported by children to be fun especially when
accompanied by activities and exercises (Punch, 2002), such as drawing
or looking at photographs. Visual methods do not confine the child to
communicate verbally (Young & Barrett, 2001) and are more readily
understood by young children whose verbal language is developing
(Harper, 2002) as they allowed for prompts to be minimally leading, for
example, "Tell me about this animal". During the group
conversations, photographs and drawings were used as stimuli and
children were given paper and pens to make drawings.
Parents participated in focus groups of approximately thirty
minutes held around three weeks after the field visit. The foci of these
conversations were the extent to which their knowledge, attitudes, or
actions/advocacy regarding endangered animals and environmental issues
were changed by the program. Half-hour, semi-structured, post-program
individual interviews were conducted with the four teachers after
completion of classroom activities, up to four months after the field
visit. Topics included teacher perspectives on the children's
learning and how they integrated the Bunyaville Easter Bilby Adventure
into classroom curricula. Children's drawings and stories were
collected and analysed as evidence of learning. They were also foci for
eliciting oral descriptions and detailed information that the
researcher, as an outsider, would have otherwise been unable to access
(Young & Barrett, 2001).
The researcher was a participant observer of the field experience
mingling informally with children, parents and teachers to create a
relaxed and non-threatening social "micro-environment" (Hill,
2006, p. 82) for the conduct of the research. Field notes of important
events, interactions and conversations were made. Research data were
coded according to children's (and parents') knowledge of, and
attitudes and future intentions towards the endangered bilby. How these
changed as a result of the field experience and its suite of learning
experiences at school and home is the focus of following discussion.
The Impact of Participation in the Bunyaville Easter Bilby
Adventure
Initial Understandings
Prior to program participation, the majority of children had no
knowledge of the bilby. When shown a bilby image, some identified it
as--or spoke of its resemblance to--a mouse, rat, rabbit or ant-eater.
Megan's and Kayla's reasoning for the bilby's resemblance
to a rabbit is reported here.
Researcher: What tells you that it looks like a rabbit?
Kayla: Well, it has a tail.
Megan: And because it has big ears.
Megan: But it's not a rabbit because it has a long nose.
Children's knowledge of native animals was more developed in
relation to culturallysignificant animals like kangaroos. They were also
more knowledgeable about animals such as cats, with cats and rabbits
perceived only as domestic animals. Only three children had any
knowledge of the bilby and just one child understood the term
"endangered", relating that there were "only two hundred
bilbies left". No children were aware of bilby conservation
strategies. No children reported taking part in actions to help care for
endangered animals although a few reported caring for domestic animals.
Lack of action-taking in support of animal conservation is
consistent with children having little or no knowledge of bilbies or of
endangered species. According to Hines et al. (1986/87) and Hungerford
and Volk (1990), knowledge about the issue of species endangerment would
be a prerequisite for action-taking in support of animal conservation.
The one child who did understand that bilbies were endangered did not
comment on the need to protect them. As Jensen (2002) states,
"action competence" requires knowledge of action strategies
and skills in using these strategies, and is critical to implementing
environmental actions.
As with their "bilby" knowledge, children's
attitudes towards the bilby were mixed. Most had not formed an opinion
about the bilby though several referred to its image affectionately as
"cute". One child's opinion oscillated between
"lovable" and "causing harm", stating that bilbies
"[eat] plants and they don't hurt people ... but they have
sharp teeth ... and can hurt very much".
On the topic of forests, as a group, these Prep children showed an
indifferent attitude and were not very eager to discuss this topic. Two
exceptions included a child who described a past forest holiday
experience, and Kayla who conveyed anxiety about being in the forest.
Similar anthropocentric attitudes of pleasure, anxiety and indifference
toward forests were noted in Year 5 and 6 British children (Bonnett
& Williams, 1998). Kayla's anxiety was evident in both her
initial group conversation and in her behaviour during the field
experience [recorded in field notes]. When asked to identify what she
would tell other people about forests, Kayla reported to her mother,
"sometimes baby [pandas] are scared when they get lost. Sometimes
they go, um, in the bushes, and they can't find their Mum". At
the suggestion of commencing the forest walk on the day of the field
experience, Kayla ran, then clung, to her mother.
Kayla also displayed a dislike of ants, repeatedly stamping on an
ant on arrival at BEEC. Kayla's mother, in her focus group,
confirmed Kayla's dislike of insects and spiders, commenting that
Kayla thought her "a strange mother 'cause I didn't kill
spiders" but "caught them and put them outside".
According to Kellert (1996), such anxiety is common amongst three- to
six-year-olds in unfamiliar environments and can be accounted for by a
possible biological need for safety and security. It is also postulated
that cultural values assigned to plants and animals have a role in
shaping children's attitudes (Wandersee & Schussler, 2001) as
illustrated by the following comments regarding stingrays (the death of
Steve Irwin, famous for his "dangerous animal" encounters,
from a stingray barb to the heart, had occurred not long before these
focus groups were conducted).
Kayla: Well, sometimes you gotta be careful at the beach because
sometimes stingrays might be under the sand. ... So you make sure that
if you dig a hole and you see a stingray, go away from it as quick as
you can.
Ryan: ... the stingrays killed Steve Irwin.
These comments, mirroring anthropocentric sentiments that dominated
the media at the time of Irwin's death, convey a fearful attitude
towards this wild animal, perhaps helping to shape children's
attitudes of Nature as wild and dangerous.
Changes in Knowledge, Attitudes and Advocacy/Actions After the
Field Program
Changes to knowledge
Following participation in the Easter Bilby program, all children
were aware of bilbies and the threats to them. The most frequent
comments concerned their nocturnal nature, digging of burrows, and their
predation by foxes, dingos and "wild" cats. For example,
Jacquie, who had identified the bilby as a rat before the excursion,
gave the following description, "in the morning they go to sleep
and at the night time they come out and get food, but the foxes come out
and eat them".
Some children's recollections showed very detailed new
knowledge. For instance, three children named bugs, grasshoppers,
scorpions and onion bulbs as bilby food. A fourth child described the
desert where bilbies live as being "way, way, away". Children
from Banksia Bay School referred to the characteristic spiral shape and
depth of bilby burrows, additional information gained through classroom
learning. The endangered status of the bilby was also discussed by
children from two schools after their visit as these comments show:
Ryan: We went in the bilby's burrow and the bilbies are in
danger [bold illustrates child's emphasis].
Researcher: Can you tell me more about why they're in danger,
Ryan?
Ryan: Because, um, they're danger cause I think there's
only one bilby and one possum.
Researcher: There's only one bilby and one possum.
Ryan: 'Cos I think a cat and a fox has been eating the other
bilbies and possum.
While children from the third school made no mention of how few
bilbies remain, they were able to show understanding of predation by
foxes, dingos and feral cats. One parent, remarking on their
child's new understandings about bilbies' loss of habitat,
commented "she says it's sad that they don't have their
homes". A child from Banksia Bay School, who also had additional
classroom learning about rabbits, was able to link habitat loss and
predation, commenting that "the rabbits take over the bilbies'
home ... that's why they [rabbits] work with them [foxes and
cats]".
Four children also showed awareness of the endangered status of the
Northern Hairy-Nosed Wombat, an animal mentioned during the forest
experience and in takehome literature. Even after four months, children
from Wollemi Valley School were able to transfer their knowledge of the
bilbies' endangered status to other animals, as this teacher's
comments illustrate:
When we discussed the plight of the Giant Panda and its dependence
on bamboo which has been destroyed, they immediately said, "That's
just like the bilby. Were wild cats there, too?".. There have been
many occasions when a voice from the group called out "That's like
the bilby!" ... I believe that the powerful message from the
excursion stays with the children giving them a basis on which to
stack other information when it is presented to them.
Reinforcement of new knowledge allows it to be more readily
transferred to a different situation (Basile, 2000). Following the field
visit, both the Wollemi Valley and Banksia Bay children created their
own playtime and classroom dramatisations of bilby adventures. The
Banksia Bay teacher believed the forest adventure and the dramatic play
it inspired, illustrated in Figure 1, was significant in reinforcing the
children's understandings. After three months, the children were
still raising the importance of building fences to protect bilbies.
Changes to attitudes
Attitudes of concern, care and affection towards bilbies were held
by all children interviewed following participation in the program. The
first recollection that most children related during the second group
conversations was of "get[ting] to hug the bilby". The
children also responded to the Easter Bilby's apparent child-like
characteristics, as displayed through its miming. The children
understood that the bilby was "so shy", "got a bit
scared" and that it cried "just like them". To many
children, too, the bilby had become somewhat of a "pop cultural
icon" through its commercial appropriation as an
"Australian" Easter symbol, to some extent replacing the
Easter Rabbit (Wandersee & Schussler, 2001). It would seem that the
"simulated" actions the children took to help the bilby
character during the field experience, and their intentions to help
[real] bilby conservation later, were motivated by the caring,
anthropomorphised responses towards the bilby that were engendered by
the field drama.
In some children, this more caring attitude extended to other
animals. Matt's mother, for example, was observed by the researcher
drawing Matt's attention to a spider after the
"Professor" had asked the group to look for "little
animals" during the forest walk. She later commented, "since
Matt has been [to the forest], even if he finds a lizard, you know,
he's really careful with ants and lizards ... protecting
everything.... He was never really that interested in nature and that
sort of thing before". Additionally, Kayla, who had originally
shown dislike of insects and spiders and had attempted to kill an ant on
arrival at the forest, was later reported by her mother as follows:
now she sees them much more from the perspective of the "little
animals"--that's what the Professor called all the little bugs and
things--little animals we need to look after. She's much more
interested now in collecting bugs and being tactile with small
animals, whereas in the past, she just didn't like them. ... Now
she's like "Oh, you know, Mum, we caught a spider and I put it
outside at Nanna's house".
The key to Kayla's change in attitude appears to have been the
opportunity to better understand the animal's perspective. Her
mother's modelling at home of not killing insects and spiders had
not caused Kayla to relate positively to these animals. After the
program in the forest, however, it seems that she was able to transfer
her anthropomorphic feelings for the bilby to other "little
animals" and, thus, seek to protect them too. Kayla's attitude
towards the forest also changed. In her second group conversation, she
no longer expressed anxiety about being lost in the forest or of being
separated from her mother. It is likely that the insecurities and
negative attitudes she had about being in an unfamiliar environment
(Kellert, 1996) were abated by her later pleasant experiences in that
environment.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Changes in actions/advocacy
Actions identified as supporting bilby conservation can be grouped
into three main categories: knowledge-sharing (awareness-raising in
others of the bilbies' plight); monetary support (donations or
buying merchandise where part-profits assist conservation efforts); and
physical interventions (building protective enclosures or controlling
feral animals). Prior to their field visit, the children had no
knowledge of such measures. However, children's post-program
conversations demonstrated new awareness of these strategies:
Ryan: Make a fence around the bilby burrow to make him safe so the
foxes won't jump over the fence and smash his head.
David: He [Easter Bilby] kicked them all outside and he needs the
money so he can buy a fence.
Alex: Have to kill them [foxes] (followed by gun sound-effect).
Erin: There's not really much of bilby so we gotta keep it
safe for them ... and we get some, um, Easter badges.
Alex: I just told him [my brother] all about (it). I said the
bilbies are endangered and also the wombats are. Then he said, "We
have lots of money." ... Then I said, "Good. Then we can send
it to the wombat and then they can have more money so they come alive
again."
Parents' also reported that the issue of bilby conservation
and of endangered species, more generally, was shared amongst household
members. For example:
Chris: I think a big change in our behaviour at home is the
discussion, and not only about bilby, about a lot more other animals.
Sandra: We've taken it on to look after animals. We have
conversations every couple of days about building fences around animals
and taking care of animals.
Some children also demonstrated and shared their new knowledge
through their play and story writing at home (Figure 2). Play props
including a toy bilby were sent home for a night with each child by the
Banksia Bay teacher.
Taking action to support bilby conservation is dependent not only
on gaining knowledge about the bilby and of action-taking strategies. It
also depends on having opportunities to implement actions, a capability
thought of as beyond young children. Nevertheless, one Prep child
proudly reported how she provided monetary support by purchasing a
"Save the Bilby" badge during a Year 6 student's
fundraising efforts at school. Although few four- and five-year-olds
have the independence to make their own financial contributions, some
children conveyed intentions to do so, while several were able to
persuade their parents to purchase fund-raising confectionery.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Sally: In discussing what she would like for Easter, "I want a
bilby".
Chris: Not eggs, not Easter Bunnies. Yeah, bilbies.
Because the bilbies' habitat is far removed from the
children's homes, their actions of providing physical support were
limited to "acting out" these strategies (see Figure 1), or of
proclaiming their intentions to act when they were older. For example:
Alex: When I grow up, I go to help bilbies and they're going
to be so happy.
Researcher: How are you going to help bilbies, Alex?
Alex: Well, ah, kill the foxes and the dingoes and the rabbits and
the cats.
Some children also advocated for the bilby to become the preferred
Easter symbol in their homes, as these parent comments illustrate:
Louise: If I mentioned the Easter Bunny, Byron would cut me off and
say, "It's no good" and "He's stinky" and
"It's [got to be] a bilby, mum."
Gemma: Last year we had Easter Rabbit paws throughout the house and
when I mentioned the Easter Rabbit, it was like "Bilby!"
I'll have to do bilby paws through the house!
Discussion
The Bunyaville Easter Bilby Adventure was developed in the hope
that it would change young children's knowledge, attitudes and
actions/advocacy towards the endangered bilby. Anecdotally, BEEC staff
have known this to be so, but have not previously had supporting
evidence. This study shows that participation in the field experience
and the suite of additional learning activities provided by teachers and
parents has resulted in such changes. Moreover, these have persisted
over time with children's participation also influencing the
knowledge, attitudes and actions of parents and other family members.
The curriculum and pedagogical features that contributed to the
program's success include:
* environmental concepts and issues are embedded in active,
play-based learning;
* the field experience is embedded into classroom learning prior to
and after the field program;
* learning about the environmental topic/s is made personally and
culturally relevant to children;
* anthropomorphic elements are designed to "hook in"
young learners; and
* ideas and opportunities to implement action/advocacy strategies
are provided through play and/or real life.
Furthermore, bi-directional interactions between children and
adults during the program are likely to contribute to learning about
bilbies and bilby conservation. Bunyaville EEC staff encouraged children
to input their own ideas in introductory discussions about the bilby, to
"act out" the bilby's story in the forest, and to enlist
adult helpers as they shared their discoveries in the forest. The
resulting bi-directional exchanges are likely to have facilitated
learning, especially recollection of bilby traits and ways to help the
bilby. In contrast, incidents where conversation is dominated by the
adult or which involve no dialogue are poorly recollected by 4-6 year
old children (Seifert, 1993).
Attributing personal and cultural meaning to the bilby also
contributes to learning. The bilby became not simply an endangered
animal but "a friend in need", while a forest walk became a
problem-solving adventure. The children developed personal connections
with the bilby through their participation in helping the bilby, through
receiving a "bilby hug", and through associating the bilby
with Easter, an important celebration for many children. Meaning-making
through drama and role play provides motivation for engagement, learning
and taking action. These dispositions were further reinforced through
play at school and home as the children recreated the bilby adventure
and invented new ones--powerful forms of expression that young children
can readily access when oral and written expression is still developing.
Additional learning opportunities also helped to deepen the learning and
provided opportunities for intergenerational learning.
Some environmental educators do not support the use of
anthropomorphism in learning. This is understandable as anthropomorphism
can allow children to associate attributes to elements which they do not
have in reality (Gebhard, Nevers, & Billmann-Mahecha, 2003).
However, concern with distorting knowledge as objective reality should
not over-ride the contribution of anthropomorphism in developing
morality and subsequent behaviours. Morals and behaviours are not
objective and fixed; they are cultural constructions dependent on
establishing a relationship and empathy with the other party (Gilligan
& Wiggins, 1987). This research found that even in young children,
concern for natural elements based on anthropomorphic representations
can co-exist with and complement more objective scientific knowledge.
Generally speaking, the children conveyed anthropomorphic perceptions of
the bilby when recalling their adventure at Bunyaville while they
related more scientific perceptions, when asked for information on
bilbies or when shown photographs of real animals.
Conclusion
In a review of research concerning children's diminishing
interactions with the natural environment, Malone (2007) expresses
concern for the impact it has on children's capacity and competence
for environmental stewardship and independently negotiating such
environments. Malone recommends that schools counter the effects of this
growing trend by undertaking more excursions and implementing more
learning experiences outdoors. Evidence for the effectiveness of
well-designed outdoor learning experiences for young children is
provided by the transformations documented in the children who
participated in The Bunyaville Bilby Adventure. Intergenerational
environmental learning was also clearly evident. This study supports
Ballantyne and Packer's (2009) findings that programs that
effectively use "a fifth pedagogy" [experience-based learning]
to engender deep learning offer rich early opportunities for building
lifelong learning for sustainability. It also shows that research
conducted sensitively with young children and that respects them as
capable research participants, has the potential to open up new research
avenues. This is good for the field of environmental education/
education for sustainability and good for young children.
Acknowledgements
This study was undertaken by Agatha Gambino as a component of the
Bachelor of Education (Honours) degree at the Queensland University of
Technology.
Keywords: Field education; active citizenship; knowledge;
attitudes; early childhood; intergenerational learning.
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Agatha Gambino
Education Queensland
Julie Davis ([dagger])
Queensland University of Technology
Noeleen Rowntree
Bunyaville Environmental Education Centre
([dagger]) Address for correspondence: Dr Julie Davis, Senior
Lecturer, School of Early Childhood Researcher, Centre for Learning
Innovation, Queensland University of Technology, Victoria Park Road,
Kelvin Grove, Queensland 4059, Australia. Email: j.davis@qut.edu.au