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  • 标题:SUBJECT-BECAUSE CONSTRUCTION AND THE EXTENDED PROJECTION PRINCIPLE
  • 本地全文:下载
  • 作者:TETSUYA MATSUYAMA
  • 期刊名称:ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
  • 印刷版ISSN:0918-3701
  • 电子版ISSN:1884-3107
  • 出版年度:2001
  • 卷号:18
  • 期号:2
  • 页码:329-355
  • DOI:10.9793/elsj1984.18.329
  • 语种:English
  • 出版社:Japan Science and Technology Information Aggregator, Electronic
  • 摘要:

    This paper aims to clarify in terms of the minimalist program the structure of a particular construction to be termed the subject- because construction, exemplified by just because I'm here now doesn't mean that I didn't go . It will be argued that the construction involves not only the subject- because merged in [Spec, T] but also a null subject in [Spec, v ] whose φ-features delete the uninterpretable φ-features of T. This analysis accounts for the absence of subject-verb agreement for the subject- because , its (non)-occurrence in (non)-Case-marking positions, and its failure to agree with emphatic reflexives as well as pronominal subjects in tag-clauses.

  • 关键词:Subject-Because;EPP;Case;φ-features
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