A Qualitative Investigation of Sport Activity Participation and Constraint Negotiation Among African American Endurance Runners.

Rice, Jason A. ; Hambrick, Marion E. ; Aicher, Thomas J. 等

A growing number of runners have embraced endurance running events. Running USA's 2015 State of the Sport reported a 70% increase in endurance running over the last ten years in the United States, with record totals in recent years. The report gathered information from over 30,000 runners completing a marathon or half-marathon, and many of these runners expressed interest in participating in one or more of these events in the near future (Running USA, 2015). Yet, African Americans represented one notable demographic disproportionately underrepresented within this group. While African Americans account for 13% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011), among "core runners," defined as those who run and race regularly, African Americans reflect 3.3% of the group, while Caucasian runners comprise 88.1% (Gaines, 2013). Similar differences have been noted in sport fan research (Brown & Bennett, 2015; Brown, Bennett, & Balouli, 2016; Ogden & Hilt, 2003; Stadler, Sweeney, & Fuller, 2014); however, a dearth of investigation in this phenomenon in sport participation is present.

African Americans could benefit from the physical activity required for participation in running events, as these individuals experience higher occurrences of obesity and diabetes as well as deaths resulting from heart disease and stroke (Center for Disease Control, 2014). Organizations such as the National Black Marathoners Association (NBMA) and Black Girls RUN! emphasize the importance and benefits of physical activity in their messaging and provide supportive outlets for likeminded people of color to participate (Gaines, 2013; Patowski, 2008; Wegner, Jordan, Funk, & Clark, 2016). However, the proportion of African American runners remains limited compared to the overall running population (Gaines, 2013). With the sport's increased growth, it becomes important to not only understand what motivates individuals to participate, but what limitations or challenges they may face related to their participation (Ridinger, Funk, Jordan, & Kaplanidou, 2012).

Researchers have used the hierarchical leisure constraints theory (Godbey, Crawford, & Shen, 2010) and the constraint negotiation conceptual framework (Hubbard & Mannell, 2001) to examine behaviors associated with sport consumption among participants. Jackson (1988) stated, "constraints inhibit people's ability to participate in leisure activities, to spend more time doing so, to take advantage of leisure services, or to achieve a desired level of satisfaction" (p. 203). The hierarchical leisure constraints theory suggests individuals may experience constraints related to their participation but can overcome them by using efficacious constraint negotiation strategies (Godbey et al., 2010). Using these theoretical frameworks, this study investigates the effects of leisure constraints and constraint negotiation as they relate to African Americans and endurance running.

Leisure Constraints and Constraint Negotiation

Constraints can prevent individuals from taking part in activities or limit their full participation and benefits received (Jackson, 1988). Several researchers have investigated this phenomenon and documented various constraints and opportunities to overcome them via constraint negotiation (Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991; Godbey et ah, 2010; Jackson, Crawford, & Godbey, 1993; Ridinger et al., 2012). Crawford et al. (1991) proposed leisure participants face a hierarchy of constraints. Their model extended the work of Crawford and Godbey (1987), and included three constraint types: (a) intrapersonal, (b) interpersonal, and (c) structural. Intrapersonal constraints are "individual psychological states or attributes which interact with leisure preferences" (Crawford et al., 1991, p. 122), and include any individual "perceptions or assessments of appropriateness and relevance of participation in a given leisure activity" (Godbey et al., 2001, p. 121). Intrapersonal barriers may include limited physical abilities or skills, availability of the activity, and any internal states such as anxiety or stress about the activity. Personal schemas also play a role when individuals believe the sport is not aligned with their perceptions of self. Interpersonal constraints result from social isolation, an outcome of relationships with others, where individuals may have an interest but cannot find others to join them. Gatekeeping constraints occur when current participants restrict others from joining the activity (Crawford et al., 1991). Finally, structural constraints are external to the individual and may include work-family conflict or limited time, money, and resources to participate (Hubbard & Mannell, 2001).

This hierarchical model purports an individual's intrapersonal and interpersonal constraints can influence the types of activities they prefer, while structural constraints interact with these two constraints types to influence participation levels (Crawford et al., 1991). Godbey et al. (2001) stated the importance of not just classifying constraints but understanding how they are formed, while Hubbard and Mannell (2001) noted the importance of constraint negotiation as individuals identify constraints limiting their participation, develop constraint negotiation strategies to mitigate them, and ultimately participate in the chosen activity. The current study evaluated constraint formation and negotiation strategies in an underrepresented population of African Americans in an endurance sport context.

Endurance Sport Participation and Leisure Constraints

Studies have examined constraints in various sport settings, and more specifically with serious leisure and endurance sports requiring significant time and resources for participation (Goodsell & Harris, 2011; Hambrick, Simmons, & Mahoney, 2013; Kennedy, Moyle, & Lamont, 2013; Ridinger et al., 2012). Within this endurance sports environment, researchers have largely centered their investigations on triathletes and marathon runners.

In their study of triathlon participants, Kennedy et al. (2013) noted the large number of constraint negotiation studies, but asserted research gaps still exist. "There is scant knowledge of constraint negotiation in the context of serious leisure, particularly in resource-intensive sports which require consistent commitment to maintain or improve skill and fitness levels" (p. 470). Hambrick et al. (2013) also documented constraints and constraint negotiation among triathletes, focusing on the underrepresented population of female Ironman athletes. The participants discussed structural constraints with financial commitments such as money spent on race fees and equipmertt; time restraints associated with training for, traveling to, and competing in events; and stereotypes about a female's perceived role in society as they sacrificed time at home with spouses/partners and children to participate. They countered these challenges with support from family members, coworkers, and training partners; flexible scheduling and time management at home and work; and reprioritization as they balanced the demands of family and work with serious leisure sport participation. While these results further the understanding of negotiation strategies in an endurance setting, the evaluation does not specifically explore underrepresented populations, specifically in the case of this investigation African Americans, which may form much differently from their more represented peers.

Marathon runners face similar constraints, and researchers have investigated these challenges. Goodsell and Harris (2011) studied the role of family in marathon participation by considering the perspectives of running participants and their family members. Their study identified constraint negotiations such as relying upon support from spouses and children, employing effective coordination and cooperation strategies, soliciting permission to participate, and identifying time to participate. The authors believed participants could develop a holistic perspective by including family members to help minimize constraints. Ridinger et al. (2012) also examined constraint negotiation in conjunction with sport involvement and psychological commitment among marathon runners. The authors found positive relationships with efficacious negotiation strategies. Participants highly involved and committed to the sport were more likely to mitigate these challenges and continue running.

While these studies provide insights into endurance event participants as a whole, only Hambrick et al. (2013) looked more specifically at a subgroup within this population (i.e., female athletes). Additional opportunities exist to examine potential constraints found among other important demographic subgroups, including ethnicity (Goodsell & Harris, 2011). The current study expanded previous research by continuing to investigate the endurance sport setting, but extended this research to incorporate the potential influence of ethnicity upon these participants.

Constraints and Ethnicity

Researchers have focused on different demographic groups, including racial categories, and identified constraints and negotiation efforts specific to these groups (Floyd, Bocarro, & Thompson, 2008; Shinew, Floyd, & Parry, 2004; Shinew, Stodolska, Floyd. Hibbler, Allison, Johnson, & Santos, 2006). Many of these studies have placed heightened emphasis on African American participation and attempted to document related constraints and negotiation strategies (Joseph, Ainsworth, Keller, & Dodgson, 2015; Norwood, Waller, & Spearman, 2014; Outley & Floyd, 2002; Shores, Scott, & Floyd, 2007; Washbume, 1978; Wilheim Stanis, Schenider, Chavez, & Shinew, 2009).

Studies conducted on African American leisure activity participants documented their activity preferences, constraints, and negotiation strategies. For example, Philipp (1999) measured perceived feelings of acceptance--whether African American and Caucasian parents believed their children would feel welcome taking part in certain activities. The author found ethnicity played a sizeable factor in their choices, and African American adults and children may decline to participate in certain activities due to intrapersonal constraints based on perceived lack of acceptance. Studies examining the constraints and negotiation strategies experienced by African Americans found similarities between these individuals and those who participate in triathlons and endurance running. These include limited time and financial resources, as well as family and work obligations (Outley & Floyd, 2002; Shores et al., 2007; Washbume, 1978; Wilheim Stanis et al., 2009). Still, researchers suggested additional constraints exist for African Americans pursuing leisure activities in comparison to their Caucasian counterparts (Outley & Floyd, 2002; Shores et al., 2007; Wilheim Stanis et al., 2009). An opportunity exists to combine these two areas and investigate constraints and negotiation strategies with African American endurance runners.

Research Purpose and Questions

Hudson, Walker, Simpson, and Hinch (2013) argued the importance of examining constraints to participation for demographic subgroups. They asserted "knowledge of what constrains ethnic minorities to participate in leisure activities is still very limited, and it is important to recognize that values, attitudes, and beliefs of different ethnic groups will vary" (p. 146). The current study combines the examination of endurance sport participation constraints with constraints related to ethnicity, and addresses the call for more studies examining ethnicity in different contexts (Goodsell & Harris, 2011; Hudson et al., 2013). The purpose of this study was to examine constraint formation and constraint negotiation strategies with African American endurance runners. This study addressed the following research questions.

RQ1. How were constraints formed in African American runners in regards to endurance running participation?

RQ2. What negotiation strategies did African American runners use to overcome challenges associated with endurance running participation?

Method

This exploratory study used qualitative data collection and analysis to address the research purpose and questions. The researchers employed a phenomenological approach to examine constraints and constraint negotiation related to the activity of long-distance running. This methodological approach "describes the common meaning for several individuals of their lived experiences of a concept or a phenomenon" (Creswell, 2012, p. 76). Previous research has employed similar methodology in their exploration of leisure studies (Iwasaki, MacKay, & Mactavish, 2005; Kivel & Kleiber. 2000; Shannon, 2014; Schmidt & Little. 2007) and endurance athletes (Rupprecht & Matkin, 2012).

Participants

This study sought to understand the effects constraints and negotiation strategies have on participation within an underrepresented population. The researchers collected data via semi-structured, in-depth interviews with African American endurance runners identified through purposeful sampling, and sought to select interviewees who would represent information-rich cases and address the research questions. To take part in the study, participants met the following criteria: they (a) were ages 18 years or older, (b) participated in one or more marathons or half-marathons, and (c) had insights regarding the challenges they faced with participation and how they overcame them.

The researchers collected data from participants meeting these criteria, and continued this process until they reached saturation, which resulted in interviewing 20 endurance' runners (n = 20). The sample contained 12 females (n = 12) and eight males (n = 8) who belonged to a national running association. The respondents completed an average of two marathons and six half-marathons. Most were employed full-time (n = 15), and half were married (n = 10). Their average age was 34 years, and they had an average of three children. See Table 1 for more demographic information.

The researchers received permission from the national running association's founder and president to post a call asking members to participate in the study. This individual posted an announcement on the association's Facebook page and in an email to its members, and provided a brief description of the study, the researchers' names and contact information, the criteria respondents needed to meet prior to participating in the study, and a link to the survey website. The announcement asked interested parties to contact the researchers or click the website link for more information.

Data Collection

Potential study participants were asked to complete a survey, which contained items assessing their running participation, sport motivation and involvement, and future behavioral intentions related to endurance running. The survey asked participants to respond to each survey item using a 7 point Likert-type scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).

After answering these items, survey participants indicated their willingness to participate in a follow-up interview. Those who met the study criteria and agreed to an interview provided their email address and phone number. The researchers contacted potential interviewees via email to finalize their continued interest in the study. Those who agreed to take part received a document containing the informed consent form, a set of interview questions, and the scheduled date and time of the interview. The email also directed participants to read the document and consider the interview questions. The researchers created an interview protocol to address the research purpose and questions, and developed interview questions from previous research (Ridinger et al., 2012) examining constraints and constraint negotiation strategies.

Procedure

The researchers conducted the interviews with the participants via phone, and used a series of open-ended questions which focused on three areas: (a) the participant's sport history (i.e., endurance running participation and other sports played), (b) motives for participating in marathons and half-marathons, and (c) constraints and constraint negotiation strategies used to overcome potential challenges associated with this participation. To capture these insights, the researchers asked questions such as (a) "How did you first learn about the sport? What prompted you to start running?" (b) "Other than physical challenges, what other obstacles did you think would be a problem when you first started training and participating?" (c) "What, if any, challenges do you currently face with your participation?" (d) "What strategies do you use to address these challenges? Provide an example."

Each interview lasted 20 to 45 minutes. The researchers took notes during the interviews to develop additional questions as needed and to record their personal reflections during and after the interviews. Recording and reading notes from early interviews helped stimulate questions for later interviews and the data analysis. Finally, one of the researchers or an external service created transcripts for the interviews, which were transcribed verbatim and labeled with a pseudonym.

Data Analysis

The study used the phenomenological data analysis as outlined by Moustakas (1994) and described by Creswell (2012). The researchers first used bracketing to separate their personal experiences and biases from the study participants' perspectives. The researchers have experience in the endurance running community, having worked for or consulted with race directors, and have run marathons and half-marathons. One of the researchers is also an African American and proposed the initial research project based on prior running experiences. The researchers recognized they could not completely set aside their biases, but used tactics such as journaling to raise awareness about this potential influence and to help separate the participants' perceptions from their own perceptions.

As an additional effort to setting aside these potential biases, the researchers independently read and re-read the transcripts to immerse themselves in the data and to begin developing "detailed descriptions that summarize two elements, 'what' the individuals have experienced and 'how' they have experienced it" (Creswell, 2012, p. 79). Through the process of "horizonalization" (p. 82), or the selection of salient participant comments, they identified statements or quotes to outline the participants' attitudes and experiences. These data were then organized into clusters to eliminate overlapping comments and transform individual perspectives into group sentiments and commonalities. The researchers next used these clusters to develop themes, which helped to describe the constraints and constraint negotiation phenomena. They returned to the transcripts to again ensure their interpretations adequately and appropriately reflected the participant responses individually and as a whole. This technique also assisted with researcher bias control. After completing this process independently, the researchers came together to discuss their individually developed themes until they reached consensus regarding the findings. The following section discusses these collective themes in greater detail.

Results

The study examined constraints and constraint negotiation among African Americans endurance runners. Four constraint themes emerged: limited exposure, gender roles, African American norms, and cultural fit. Each constraint theme is revealed, along with any subthemes, and constraint negotiations are also presented.

Limited Exposure

First, the respondents noted the limited exposure they first had to the sport and the impact this had on their initial decision to participate. This constraint was expressed in three sub-themes: friends/family, neighborhood, and media. The runners believed this limited exposure allowed preconceived notions to influence their perceptions about running as an appropriate pursuit based on their capabilities. Grace, who has complete 11 half-marathons at the time of the interview, recalled her initial response to running as a leisure activity: "Running seems to be something I thought I wouldn't be able to do." Beatrice, who has completed four marathons and two half-marathons echoed that feeling and expanded its source, saying "I never visualized myself as a runner. I mean, there are no runners in my family at all." An evaluation of the sub-themes demonstrated unique characteristics of each, while also explaining the many levels at which limited exposure may impact an individual's perception of running as an activity.

Friends/family. The influence of family and friends play an important role in introducing activities into our lives. While subtle in form, a lack of exposure to an activity as a child may eliminate its possibility to become a viable leisure activity option in adulthood. Likewise, a lack of involvement in the activity in referent groups as an adult may also limit the activity as a viable option. Theresa talked about the importance of exposing children early to the activity to encourage health lifestyles and goal achievement. She witnessed a lack of African American families present at events, "I have not personally seen one person of color with their children racing the race I've been in. But I've seen tons of everyone else's." She continued by saying, "there's early onset of the physicality that is not in my community-"

While this lack of attendance at running events may be a result of choosing one activity over another, some remarked that the source of this absence might run deeper, caused by limited family resources. Alma stated, "If you grow up in a home where no one really has time to take you to the park or could take you to participate in a sporting activity, or maybe it is too expensive ... those are barriers affecting the minority population." Here, it is not a simple choice of which activity to choose to attend but that limited resources are not enabling a choice to even be made. Instead, parents must work, leaving children to their own devices and eliminating parental influence.

Should one overcome some of these initial obstacles and gain exposure to and interest in the activity, they often received limited support from family members and friends. Eunetta recounted, "I brought a cross-country (running) paper home and my mom said, 'why would you want to do that? You don't like that.' So I didn't want to do that." Even as the respondents grew older and made their own choices, they still faced challenges when indicating an interest in endurance running. Referent others viewed running as a "white sport" not typically applicable to people of color. Beatrice stated: "I've heard them say, 'that's just a white rep,' and some of that could be coming from the fact that you don't tend to see a lot of African-American women doing endurance sports." Alma, who has run two marathons and two half-marathons, recalled similar remarks: [Running] was always a little out of the norm. You grow up and people have the mentality in minority cultures, "Black people don't ski. Black people don't swim. They don't run. They don't bike. That's something that white people do."

Avon has completed one marathon and two half-marathons, and commented, "Most of my friends are not runners. In fact, it's been difficult as an African-American to get other people to run with, especially when it's cold in the winter."

These individuals also faced questions regarding why someone would willingly choose to run longer distances. Clay noted, "It's just hard to get people to run. 'Oh man, I can't run. I don't ran. The only time I ran is when there's somebody chasing me, or a dog is chasing me." Crystal has completed two marathons and four half-marathons, and said, "Most of them say, 'Why would you want to ran like 13 miles? Who does that?' Or 'why do you pay for a race? What do you get out of it?"'

Neighborhood. Immediate surroundings also had the ability to play an important role in creating constraints for participation in running. For some, their world is restricted to a small geographic area, with very limited outside exposure. Alma, who lived outside of Atlanta, said endurance running is not something you commonly see growing up, "especially when you're thinking about it from an inner city neighborhood where people live their whole life in a block. They never see or experience something outside of that." If endurance running does not occur within the context of this neighborhood, it becomes more difficult for these individuals to be exposed to the greater world.

Another important influence location plays in an individual's exposure to certain activities is civic resources and crime. Alma stated, "a lot of times, especially in our school system, the first to get cut are PE or sports programs or things like that because the money is not there." If physical activity programs are being cut from schools, individuals take their physical activity to the streets where their choices may be limited. As Cedric, a New York City resident, mentioned, "if people living in the South Bronx and areas of Brooklyn and many of the areas of Harlem, New York, where crime is a little higher, they may not feel a safe way through those areas." Thus, neighborhood resources and characteristics may shape options available to its residents and provide major constraints for certain activities, such as endurance running.

Media. Respondents also cited a lack of endurance running media coverage in outlets popular in their culture and limited representation in national media covering this activity. Specifically, few examples of African American endurance runners were showcased in advertisements or running stories. As such, the participants in this study had a harder time conceptualizing themselves as runners. Rhonda has run four marathons and 12 half-marathons, and stated, "In magazines that lots of black women read--Essence, Ebony, or whatever--there's no advertisements for races in those magazines. So I don't know if there's a real effort to increase participation in minorities." Jen has run two marathons and one half-marathon, and said, . .when you see advertisements for a race, there are never any black people in the pictures. There's hardly ever any black people other than Meb, I guess, in Runner s World."

Limited Exposure Constraint Negotiation

Despite experiencing limited exposure to the activity in their own lives, these individuals attempted to share the benefits of their running with others. They believed seeing a range of runners could change perceptions about the sport and an individual's place within it. Avon noted changing sentiments with other potential runners: They have a tendency to say--well, some of them to say--that "maybe that's something I can do." When you look at the collection of people that are running, from the very young to the very old and all types of weight, it introduces the idea that they can do it.

The respondents also discussed ways to respond to potential obstacles and increase exposure to the sport within the African American community. Nerese who has completed two marathons and 14 half-marathons said, "I'm trying to encourage people to run, even if it's just 5k, even stuff like that, or to walk, run, just give them the info." Beatrice explained that her newly formed running habits have influenced her overweight sister to take up running. Theresa also described how her decision to run her first half-marathon encouraged her sister to do it with her. These are a few of the examples individuals within the running community pass the torch, or "running bug" as some participants called it, to others in their network.

This exposure could lead to greater recognition of healthy lifestyle benefits associated with running and exercise in general, and the respondents relayed these benefits. Having these regular communications could counter some of the negative beliefs about endurance running and its application to the African American community.

Physical Appearance

Next, a reoccurring theme revolving around the physical appearance of African American women emerged. Despite recent fashion trends towards a more natural look, female respondents indicated hair issues were a key deterrent for many African American women to participate in physical activity. Alma was sure of its influence when she said, "one of the biggest reason why a lot of women won't exercise is because of their hair." Another constraint perceived by the group was misconceptions about body shape and the effects endurance running has on the body.

Hair. Hair plays a unique role in African American culture (Versey, 2014). But when it comes to hair and physical activity, Rhonda said, "it's the fight of the black woman." Beatrice continued by explaining, We have a lot of women who feel like, "Well, I don't like to sweat. I don't want to mess up my hair." And as silly as it may sound to some people who are not African-American or who are not women, hair is a big important thing with African-American women. We will spend a crap load of money on our hair. Well, our car can be out of gas, no food in the fridge, but our hair is going to look phenomenal.

Hairstyles are now as much a fashion statement as they are statements of self-identity. Someone new to running may find her current hairstyle is difficult to maintain because of the sweating and humidity produced from the activity. As a result, some women are changing their hairstyle to afford them the life they wish to live. Eunetta commented, "The hair thing was a big thing initially. Because you know it just messes it all up. So I actually changed my hairstyle. I started making hairstyles that would accommodate my ability to run." Alma provided another example. She talked about how "I wear a very short kind of natural cut and I go play when I want to go play." Rhonda echoed this transition in hairstyles by saying, "one thing I've noticed is that, you know, a lot of the African-American women have gone to this natural hair type of thing."

Body Shape. In addition to perceptions about hair, African American women's view of body shape and physical appearance may serve as a deterrent for endurance running activities. Beatrice said she has heard many women say, "I don't want to be skinny. I'm not trying to get skinny, I like my curves," and "I don't want to lose my butt." She continued by saying there is a misconception, that a lot of women "think that the only reason you exercise and run is to lose weight and be skinny and that's just not the case, (sic) You're not going to lose it all."

Whether not wanting to be skinny is to defend their current body or a true reason to not participate in the activity, many of the respondents did find they had preconceived notions about the body type of endurance runners. Crystal described her expectations of runners by saying, I mean I just felt like runners--they were all small, lean, and trim. Then, when I started running, in the race day, I see that it's not just one set image for running. Everybody--I mean it's young, old, short, tall, fat. I mean, it's like there's no perfect image of a runner now.

As Crystal demonstrated, gaining exposure to the activity and increasing one's knowledge about it may assist with constraint negotiation. As Avon previously said, "When you look at the collection of people that are running, from the very young to the very old and all types of weight, it introduces the idea that they can do it." For some, going out and doing something new is exciting, for others it is daunting. Those needing more support have found it within their network of friends and family. Beatrice talked about how she helped her sister navigate challenges after she introduced her to the endurance running. Similarly, running groups specifically committed to assisting underrepresented populations have been founded across the country. These groups provide resources and communities to help new endurance runners cope with constraints. Rhonda explained how a group called Black Girls RUN! helped her achieve her running goals and remove barriers, stating, "I didn't really see much of an obstacle and I think the group really helped me to get past if there were any obstacles because, you know, just seeing older women doing this made it seem so possible."

African American Norms

Another major theme to emerge from the data was an evaluation of African American norms that either conflict with physical activity as a whole or influence individuals to consider certain activities to be more appropriate. Some individuals contended that African Americans do not generally undertake activities considered healthy. As Odell remarked, "We have (a) group of people who just don't believe in physical fitness." Still, when physical activities or sports are part of their lives, participants often follow the trends of the times, causing them to consider certain activities as foreign, endurance running being one of them.

General Health. While running could generally be considered a healthy activity, respondents indicated that African Americans do not always seek healthy behaviors. Clay stated, "it's almost like the norm to be unhealthy and the abnormal is to be health-conscious." Odell echoed this statement, "Anything that's good for you, you really don't see African Americans participating in that proportionately with the percentage that you would expect comparing the African American community to the majority community." Despite these trends, Alma stated, "traditionally what we know is that as a minority population, we have not looked at exercise or nutrition in a healthy way as necessary. But that's improving and is growing."

For some, personally navigating these health constraints was not difficult, as they used running to continue their fitness. Clay mentioned that, whether it was playing baseball or football, he has always been an athlete and "always been health conscious, really health conscious. So, (sic) when I picked up running, it was just like another way of staying fit."

Still, many respondents indicated that there was a general health awareness problem, and they offered ways to navigate these constraints. Odell suggested to "share the good news and share the benefits of doing, of running, to them." He continued by stating, Maybe we don't share the good news as much as we should.... There needs to be some type of, I would say, maybe community health focus on encouraging all populations and unrepresented populations to participate and what the benefits are.

Regardless, it seems cultural influences are central to decisions made about physical fitness and leisure activity choices.

Sport Activity Choices. Even when sports or other physical activities are considered, endurance running is often not a popular choice. As previously mentioned, Alma stated that she has heard other African Americans say, "Black people don't ski. Black people don't swim. They don't run. They don't bike. That's something that white people do." Cedric suggested that many participants of other sports and activities have been conditioned to have negative feelings toward running. He said, "you got athletes who running was considered a punishment. When I played basketball, you just ran laps." In both cases, running as an activity has negative attachments for this group.

As previously mentioned, constraint negotiation strategies included exposure to the activity to break down negative stereotypes or attachments. Connecting with members of your referent group is one way to gather information about the activity. Alma suggested that seeing people like you engaging in the activity could break down those stereotypes. Other suggested converting past athletic participation into something new, like running. Clay mentioned that "I've always been athletic (sic) ... playing baseball at high school and football (sic) ... running, it was just like another way of staying fit."

Cultural Fit

The Lone African American. Despite using these strategies, witnessing few, if any, African American endurance runners left many respondents feeling isolated. As a solitary activity, endurance running can be a lonely endeavor. Clay stated, "Running is a lonely sport if you're not part of a club." This isolation may be enhanced for individuals in underrepresented groups. Beatrice remarked, I have to admit; it does feel a little lonely sometimes. I feel like everybody wants my picture because I'm like that little--that rare thing they got to get these pictures because "Oh, oh, oh, here comes an African American woman. Get the picture!" It's like "There she is! Could you come here and pose in front of the logo?"

Even few in number, Alma remarked, "it's really nice to see someone ... from a minority group, people who look like you who are out exercising."

In recent years, a new running group trend has been the development of African American oriented running groups, especially for women. These running groups provided support and community to their members, allowing them to overcome challenges or constraints that may have been difficult to face alone. As previously mentioned, Rhonda said the group Black Girls RUN! helped her overcome potential obstacles.

Another negotiation strategy was demonstrated in how the respondents shifted their personal perceptions and what they could accomplish. They began to worry less about how they looked and how others viewed them, and instead focused on setting and accomplishing their running goals. Theresa has completed two marathons and 15 half-marathons, and said, We were like, "Okay, so this isn't something that you just had to be perfect before you can go to the next level. It's something people work at." And the glass--it's like the veil lifted, and after that we were like, "you know what, screw this. I'm going for it."

Lester, who has run one marathon and one half-marathon, showed that his identification as a runner overcomes any other roles that may provide unwanted constraints. He stated, "When you put on those running shoes, lace up, you're an athlete. You're a runner." Some runners have embraced this new identity. Beatrice recalled, "That's how my family introduces me, 'Here's my niece. She's a runner.' I quite frankly, I love it. I'm proud of that."

The participants in this study identified several constraints related to endurance running with limited exposure, gender roles, African American norms, and cultural fit. Despite these constraints, the runners identified ways to manage these challenges. They used strategies such as changes in personal identity and personal appearance as well as greater exposure to the sport and support to accommodate their running pursuits.

Discussion

This study investigated constraint formation and constraint negotiation strategies within African American endurance runners. Examples of specific constraints and negotiation strategies have been identified within endurance sport settings (Goodsell & Hands, 2011; Hambrick et ah, 2013; Kennedy et al. 2013; Ridinger et al., 2012). However, while considered important (Goodsell & Harris, 2011), only limited investigation of this sport participation has been conducted using specific subgroups (Hambrick et al., 2013). The current study extended previous serious leisure sport constraint research to incorporate the potential influence of ethnicity on the experiences of an underrepresented group. Similarities and diversions from previous research are considered, with greater attention given to diversions.

Consistent with previous research, this study found the presence of Crawford et al.'s (1991) three types of leisure constraints with some overlap of specific constraints and constraint negotiation strategies, suggesting underrepresented groups such as African American runners, shared similar constraint experiences with the general running community. However, differences were present and are discussed. Participants interviewed in this study indicated the existence of both intrapersonal and inteipersonal constraints, which Crawford et al. (1991) suggested could influence the preference of activity choice. The runners noted challenges with levels of fitness, personal assessment of skills, and limited support and exposure of the activity, especially from referent others and the media. Additionally, the results echoed constraints identified by Philipp (1999), where African American participation was restricted because these individuals tended to deem some leisure options as more acceptable while shying away from others.

One unique barrier to participation found within this underrepresented group, especially female African American runners, was the role physical appearance played in leisure activity decisions. Most notably, hair was consistently mentioned as a major barrier to participating in any physical activity. Past research has indicated the impact hair plays in African American culture and its role in creating a barrier to physical activity (Boyton et al., 2008: Hall, Francis, Whitt-Glover, Loftin-Bell, Swett, & McMichael, 2013; Versey, 2014; Woolford, Woolford-Hunt, Sami, Blake, and Williams, 2016). "Hairstyling in the African American community can entail a substantial time and monetary investment" (Versey, 2014, p. 811). Most adult African American women wear their hair in a relaxed or straightened style, which requires salon services and upkeep, but is prone to distress when it becomes wet from rain or sweat (Hall et al., 2013). Elements of physical exercise such as rain, sweat, and humidity may cause a relaxed or straightened style to become frizzy. Because of this, many women ultimately decide to avoid exercise, while some--including participants in this study--consider changing their hairstyle to facilitate exercise (Hall et al., 2013; Versey, 2014).

For many women, hair is an important representation of cultural identity and has deep cultural significance for African American women (Versey, 2014). Studies have revealed that hair culture development begins during adolescence with African American girls learning that physical activity and exercise is likely to "mess up" their hair (Boyington et al., 2008), which is desired to be long and straight (Woolford et al., 2016). Early experiences at the playground and with extracurricular activities reveal that maintaining desirably long straight hair is complicated by physical activity. Once formed, these beliefs are carried into adulthood and met with additional barriers to physical leisure activities such as work and family demands, which have been shown to exist in the general running population (Hambrick, 2013). Even when these barriers are managed and African Americans begin to participate in running events, they encounter an additional unique and powerful constraint, a sense of isolation and the task of being the lone African American representative.

As an underrepresented group, African American runners in this study noted experiencing feelings of isolation along with being on display during their participation. While previous research has discussed the impact of not having referent others to join them in certain activities, which the current results also supported, the isolation of being physically unique is different. Norwood, Waller, and Spearman (2014) conducted a case study on a Division I university's first and only African American swimmer. They found the swimmer experienced cultural stereotypes and was constantly educating team members and coaches about how she was different, especially in regards to her hair, from her teammates. She also expressed bouts of loneliness. Participants of the current study noted that they sometimes felt lonely during the activity and at other times they felt like an attraction on display.

Underrepresented participants may experience a sort of social identity limbo as they exist between multiple groups. This feeling of isolation may be heightened if they do not fully share the same characteristics of other members. Social identify theory posits that social identity, or group affiliation, is a primary source of self-concept creation, which individuals may adjust to create a more favorable self-concept (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Loneliness may be experienced by individuals attempting to shed their identity with past groups when they are not fully integrated into the new group. In this limbo, stability of a self-identity may be difficult and result in feelings of isolation. However, while this experience was somewhat uncomfortable at times, participants in this study did not indicate this behavior kept them from participating in running.

The participants, all of whom had recently participated in a long-distance road running event, found ways to overcome these barriers. One respondent even believed some of these constraints represented an excuse rather than a viable rationale for non-participation. The runners in this study used a series of negotiation strategies shared by those found in past studies as well as new strategies. The study documented a changing personal identity as a constraint negotiation strategy unique to this group of runners. They initially faced limited support and exposure from referent others and the media about African Americans as endurance runners, and worked to shift their personal perceptions and eventually assume the identity of runner. They ultimately changed their notions about who constitutes an endurance runner, and moved beyond the boundaries of activities deemed appropriate for African Americans. Through this process, they noticed attitudinal (self-esteem) and behavioral (health) benefits, and wanted to share the benefits of running with others. This strategy represented a new approach, different from endurance sport participants, and suggests cultural influences upon constraints may differ among groups. The runners in this study initiated these leisure pursuits despite barriers and developed and embraced a new identity in the process.

Similar to past studies, participants have found that social networks of family members and friends can provide valuable support to their running activities (Goodsell & Harris, 2011; Hambrick et al., 2013; Kennedy et al., 2013; Ridinger et ah, 2012). These others may provide beneficial emotional support as well as specific training advice and assistance. While often considered an individual activity, participating in endurance running events often requires a small support team. This has been found in past studies. However, the ways participants connect with these individuals and their characteristics may be unique to this underrepresented group.

The discussion about health issues was also unique to this group. Cardiovascular health issues common for African Americans were used as a personal motivator and recruitment tool when respondents looked for assistance or activity companions. Some runners even noted they themselves were scared into changing their life, either because of their own health issues or those common to the group (Center for Disease Control, 2014), and found endurance running as a way to help them with a healthier lifestyle. They recruited friends and family members, people sharing their same genetic makeup, to be a part of the change. In recent years, organizations such as the NBMA and Black Girls RUN! have emerged to help spread the importance and benefits of physical activity and provide supportive outlets for likeminded people of color to participate (Gaines, 2013; Patowski, 2008). Thus, African American runners now have more resources available to navigate barriers to participation.

Still, interviewees offered suggestions to the running industry to help underrepresented groups navigate interpersonal and intrapersonal barriers to participation. While these new running organizations provide some solace, participants noted a lack of marketing directed toward them. Marketing communications in popular African American media outlets could assist with removing social stereotypes surrounding the activity. Specific messaging may aid in creating awareness for the activity and provide education about its benefits, which are currently limited. Highlighting successful long distance runners, professional and amateur, could provide role models for youth and adults alike. A visual representation of role models may increase favorable personal assessments, help persuade individuals to develop new skills, and improve overall physical fitness.

The study's findings suggest African American endurance runners share similarities with the larger endurance running population, but also have experiences unique to them. Serious leisure activity and sport managers are encouraged to develop an understanding of these differences and produce strategies to assist the group overcome their barriers to participation.

Limitations and Future Research

Several limitations exist with the current study. First, the study used qualitative data collection and analysis to explore the perceptions of African American endurance runners who participate in half-marathons and marathons. Those who participate in shorter distances or in ultra-marathons or other endurance events may have offered different insights. Additionally, those who no longer train for or participate in endurance running may have expressed varying perspectives. Capturing data from larger numbers of participants via quantitative data collection may have provided a wider range of perceptions. Finally, collecting information related to household income may have helped address questions regarding potential financial and safety constraints among these participants versus African American participants in general.

To address these limitations, future research could focus on runners who complete 5K or 10K races on one end of the spectrum or those who take part in 50- or 100-mile races at the other end to gain a better understanding of the potential challenges associated with these distances. Interviewing or surveying former runners may provide insights into the obstacles faced--and potentially how they failed to overcome them or chose alternative leisure options. Expanding the data collection to survey more runners would offer additional perspectives and allow for greater generalizability to a wider group of participants. Gathering other demographic and psychographic information may also provide a more in-depth and nuanced examination of African Americans who participate in serious leisure pursuits. Additionally, researchers could apply supplementary theories to gain greater insight into the relationship African Americans have with sport participation and the role of constraints. For example, the theory of planned behavior may further explain how attitudes and subjective norms impact behavioral intentions, while behavior modeling may provide a mechanism to reduce constraint influence.

Conclusion

The purpose of the study was to examine the role of constraints and constraint negotiation with African American endurance runners. The findings identified challenges related to this participation and the constraint negotiation strategies employed to help manage them. The runners dealt with constraints related to endurance running with limited exposure, gender roles, African American norms, and cultural fit. Despite these challenges, they identified ways to mitigate their constraints to participation. They used strategies such as changes in personal identity and personal appearance as well as greater exposure to the sport and support in order to run. The findings add to the existing literature by studying the intersection between serious leisure participation and constraints related to race. They provide support for previous studies, as similarities existed with the constraints and strategies of this subgroup. The findings also document the importance of a changing personal identity among this group of African American endurance runners as a constraint negotiation strategy to facilitate positive running attitudes and behaviors.

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Jason A. Rice

North Central College

Marion E. Hambrick

University of Louisville

Thomas J. Aicher

University of Cincinnati

Address correspondence to: Jason A. Rice, Sport Management, North Central College 30 North Brainard Street Naperville, IL 60540. Email: jarice@noctrl.edu Table 1 African American Endurance Running Participants Number of Number of Half-Mar- Marathons athons Employment Name Completed Completed Gender Age Status Alma 2 2 Female 33 Self-Employed Avon 1 2 Male 38 Full-Time Beatrice 4 2 Female 27 Self-Employed Cedric 3 9 Male 42 Full-Time Clay 0 7 Male 32 Full-Time Crystal 2 4 Female 34 Full-Time D'Angelo 7 10 Male 38 Self-Employed Eunetta 0 1 Female 23 Full-Time Grace 0 11 Female 37 Full-Time Jen 2 1 Female 33 Not Employed Kima 1 6 Female 34 Full-Time Lester 1 1 Male 42 Full-Time Marla 1 2 Female 31 Full-Time Nerese 2 14 Female 32 Full-Time Odell 1 1 Male 38 Full-Time Omar 1 8 Male 59 Retired Rebecca 2 2 Female N/A Full-Time Rhonda 4 12 Female 22 Full-Time Russell 3 1 Male 35 Full-Time Theresa 2 15 Female 25 Full-Time Number Number of Relationship of Children at Name Status Children Home Alma Single 1 1 Avon Married 1 1 Beatrice Single 0 0 Cedric Married 6 2 Clay Married 4 3 Crystal Committed 4 1 D'Angelo Single 4 1 Eunetta Married 2 2 Grace Single 2 1 Jen Married 3 2 Kima Divorced 3 3 Lester Married 7 1 Marla Single 1 1 Nerese Married 2 1 Odell Married 4 2 Omar Widowed 1 1 Rebecca Single 1 1 Rhonda Married 3 3 Russell Married 3 2 Theresa Single 1 4 Note. All names are pseudonyms.