Soccer fans' self and group perceptions of superiority over rival fans.

Goldie, Sarah R. ; Wolfson, Sandy

The social comparison process is pervasive: parents monitor their children's progress by scrutinising developmental norms; students check the average class mark for an assignment to see how they compare to their peers; sports participants examine their own performance statistics alongside those of their teammates and rivals. Such comparisons can be made with objective measures such as goals scored or income but may also involve more intuitive observations about emotional stability, intelligence, competence and popularity.

The mechanisms underlying such comparisons have been of interest in social psychological theory for many years. Tajfel (1982) suggested that a fundamental feature of social identity is the categorisation of oneself as a member of an ingroup, while non-members are distinguished as outgroup members. People are motivated to hold more favourable perceptions of members of their own group than of outgroup members, even for minimal groups based on trivial characteristics such as ostensible preference for an artist (Tajfel, Billig, Bundy and Flament, 1971), where perceived affiliation with the group results in the belief that non-members are inferior. This effect is particularly strong for people whose self-esteem is threatened; a study by Fein and Spencer (1997) found that people who received negative feedback on their performance felt better about themselves if they were given an opportunity to denigrate an outgroup member.

Like committed members of other groups, highly identified sports fans are likely to feel a sense of pride in their association with fellow members and perceive a difference between themselves and rival fans. Such contrasts are actively encouraged in many sports, with their distinctive club colours, logos, stadiums, and separate seating for home and visiting fans. This exacerbates perceptions of rival fans as a homogeneous collection of outsiders characterised by a generally negative set of characteristics and thus difficult to understand or see as normal (Jones, 2000) when compared to the ingroup. Examining this lack of empathy for outgroup members, Weisbuch and Ambady (2007) recorded baseball fans' voices as they read about a fellow or rival supporter who was either happy or worried. Independent judges found incongruent responses to the outgroup member, with negative expressions to joy and positive ones to fear.

In keeping with research into ingroup bias, Wolfson, Wakelin and Lewis (2005) found that soccer (association football) supporters believed that fans of their team were more supportive and enthusiastic than the average soccer fan, and Wann and Branscombe (1995) reported that highly identified fans listed more positive attributions for their fellow fans and more negative ones for rival fans. Franco and Maass (1996) found that when basketball fans were asked to attribute adjectives either to their fellow fans or fans of a rival club, 91% of positive traits were given to fellow fans and 68% of negative traits were given to the outgroup.

However, social identity bias may not fully explain the tendency for people to conclude that they are superior to others. Festinger (1954) proposed that people selectively choose 'downward comparisons' in order to reap the benefits of self-esteem enhancement. For example, opting to compare oneself with people who are less successful, educated, talented or satisfied can be useful in ensuring that the self is seen positively. These comparison targets are not necessarily members of outgroups; they are simply convenient markers with whom esteem-bolstering comparisons can be confidently made. Hoorens and Harris (1998) used the term 'illusory superiority' to refer to the widespread use of perceived self-other differences wherein people conclude that they are characterised by more highly positive qualities than others. The effect has been shown to be robust and present in many contexts (Homsey, 2003), regardless of whether involving group or individual comparisons. Alicke, Vredenburg, Hiatt and Govorun (2001) demonstrated a consistent superiority effect using a list of traits (e.g., cooperative, honest, trustworthy, intelligent, imaginative) and found that perceptions of superiority remained strong even when the participants were later led to think that their previous estimates of their own related behaviours were no different to those of the average person. This supported and extended the findings of an earlier study (Alicke, 1985), where greater superiority was found for traits which were highly desirable.

An interesting aspect of illusory superiority pertains to people's reduced perceptions of their own superiority compared to those who are known by, liked, or linked in some way to themselves, and the greater alignment to themselves when making comparisons with less known others. People evaluate their close friends and relatives as superior to others (Brown, 1986; Heine and Lehman (1997), and parents see their progeny as healthier than other children (Lench, Quas and Edelstein, 2006). While one's friends and family may be conceptualized as one's ingroup, evidence suggests that these perceptions of superiority are not simply based on outgroup denigration. Harris and Middleton (1994) demonstrated students' beliefs that they are less likely than the 'typical' student to be afflicted with a long list of health problems such as high blood pressure, depression, schizophrenia, piles, meningitis, obesity, lung and heart problems; the extent to which fellow students can be perceived as an outgroup is unclear. On the other hand, when compared to a 'close acquaintance,' participants believed themselves to be less likely only to suffer from a few of these problems. These studies suggest that self-aggrandizement occurs more with outgroup comparisons but does still exist when self comparisons are made with members of one's own group.

The sports fan domain is one context in which perceptions of superiority might be particularly likely to operate. Cialdini et al. (1976) coined the 'Basking in Reflected Glory' (BIRG) effect, where fans publicise their association with a successful team by wearing more identifying clothing and logos after a victory than a defeat. The researchers also found that fans who had received negative feedback on their own performance were more likely to use the pronoun 'we' to describe their team's success, thus sharing the victory to repair the damage to their self-esteem, and distance themselves by preferring 'they' when describing their team's defeat. Such behaviours allow fans to feel good about and proclaim their association with a successful group or distance themselves from less positive groups, thus grasping an opportunity to present themselves favourably both to themselves and others.

Notwithstanding, strong evidence for fans' attachment to their sports team, regardless of results, has been found by Wann (1995) and Wann, Melnick, Russell & Pease (2001). Heere and James (2007) suggest that committed sports fans see themselves as an integral part of their organisation even when the opportunity to bask in reflected glory is not obviously available. Thus fans may be willing to endure high levels of disappointment and even depression (Banyard & Shevlin, 2001), pessimism about their own future performance (Hirt, Zillman, Erickson, & Kennedy, 1992), and a frustrating lack of control when their level of support has not changed the success of their team (Warm & Schrader, 1996), but they remain attached to their team regardless of such assaults to their well-being and self-esteem.

For these fans, satisfaction can be maintained by focussing on fellow fans who not only share attitudes toward their team but are also involved in reciprocal social relationships (Gantz & Wenner, 1995). This identification with fellow fans as opposed to one's actual team can be of value when the need for self-esteem enhancement is not achieved through one's team's success (Branscombe & Warm, 1994). In such cases, fans are able to embrace their positive regard for their fellow fans as a means of feeling superior to rival fans.

Evidence suggests that individual differences may mediate the use of positive illusions. For example, people who suffer from depression or low levels of seLf-esteem are among the few who fail to evaluate themselves as superior to others (Brown, 1986), possibly due to their vulnerability to a self-perpetuating cycle of self-denigration and helplessness. Schwartz (1981) suggested that depressed people are generally less likely than non-depressed individuals to compare themselves with others. Hornsey (2003) also found a positive relationship between self-esteem and perceptions of superiority. It could be that while most people find it more pleasurable to focus on their strengths than weaknesses, the absence of superiority actually provides congruity and validation for the lack of self-regard among people with low self-esteem (Baumeister, 1999; Hoorens, 1995). Such people might actually find it fitting to believe that they themselves, as well as members of the groups with whom they are associated, are characterised by negative qualities when compared to other people. In support of this possibility, Homsey (2003) found that the more positively Australian students rated themselves on a set of personality traits, the more superior they believed Australians were in general compared to people from other countries. This suggests that people with high levels of self-esteem might be more inclined to believe that fellow ingroup members are similarly typified by positive traits.

The present study examines the extent to which illusory superiority exists among soccer fans in judgments of both themselves and their fellow ingroup members in comparison to rival fans. Given the self-aggrandizement literature showing a general illusory superiority effect for self-other comparisons, it is possible that fans might actually feel an even greater personal sense of superiority when comparing themselves, as opposed to their fellow fans, to rival fans. The role of self-esteem and context in this process is also investigated, the latter by giving fans the opportunity to focus on characteristics which are both related or unrelated to soccer. It was hypothesised that fans overall would exhibit illusory superiority in both their ratings of themselves and their fellow fans compared to rival fans, with a greater effect for fans with high self-esteem. Superiority for ingroup members was predicted to be particularly high on soccer-related items, as information regarding fellow fans' non-soccer characteristics is less likely to be available.

Method

Design

The study employed a 3x2x2 mixed factorial design varying self-esteem (low, medium, high), comparison target (self or fellow fan with rival fan), and context (soccer-related or soccer-unrelated characteristics), the latter two factors being repeated measures.

Participants

Volunteers who supported an English Football League One team were recruited from soccer fan websites, message boards and mailing lists. Out of 84 participants who attempted the questionnaire, 77 participants (71 males and 6 females) with a mean age of 34.88 (sd = 13.96) successfully completed the key items. 47 of the participants were season ticket holders and 70 of them attended away games, with 45% attending at least half of them. The study was passed by and adhered to the guidelines of the Northumbria University School of Life Sciences Ethics Committee.

Materials and Apparatus

An on-line survey website (hosted by www.surveymonkey.com) was used to present the questionnaires. The initial page of the questionnaire gave participants information regarding the study and their right to withdraw and included an informed consent box. Demographic information such as gender, age and soccer interests was requested. As a check for soccer commitment, participants were then asked to indicate on a 1-5 scale the extent to which they saw themselves a fan of their club; all indicated 4 or 5.

This was followed by the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965), comprising of ten items rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale with 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). The questionnaire's psychometric properties have been confirmed in a number of studies (see Silber & Tippett, 1965), and the scale has been used in other research investigating illusory superiority (Hoorens & Buunk, 1992).

Illusory superiority items devised for the present study included six soccer-related items (passionate about soccer; tactical knowledge; awareness of media reports of soccer; knowledge of your club; supportive of your club through thick and thin; knowledge of soccer laws) and six soccer-unrelated items (awareness of media reports of non-sport issues; physical attractiveness; honesty with money; intelligence; enthusiasm for life; loyal to friends). Participants compared both themselves and other fellow fans to rival fans, with I am/We are 1 (much worse), 2 (slightly worse), 3 (the same), 4 (slightly better), 5 (much better) for each item. The self/other order was randomly determined, as were the items within each set of questions.

Procedure

Six fan websites gave permission for a link to be placed so that supporters could be asked to volunteer to participate in a research project on the perceptions of soccer fans. Potential participants were also provided with the researcher's contact details in case they had any queries regarding the study.

The first screen of the questionnaire included information about the study and a box to tick to indicate informed consent. Participants were able to control the speed at which they completed the questionnaire and omit any questions. At the end of the questionnaire participants were given debriefing information and could provide contact details if they wished to receive details of the results of the study, though participants were informed that the results would be sent to the websites as well.

The questionnaire went online after a home league match was drawn and stayed online for a week. Debriefing information was e-mailed to the individual participants who had requested it and also sent to the websites which had provided a link to the study.

Results

All analyses were carried out using SPSS version 20. Participants were classified as low, medium and high self-esteem groups based on norms provided for the self-esteem scale (Rosenberg, 1965).

Illusory superiority scores for the six soccer related (a = .92), and six unrelated (a = .88) items were averaged for each participant. A 3x2x2 mixed design ANOVA varying self-esteem (low, medium, high), target (self v others) and context (soccer-related v unrelated) found a significant main effect for target (F(1,74) = 9.68, p = .003, [eta][p.sup.2] =. 116), with higher illusory superiority scores when participants compared rival fans with themselves (M = 3.67, SD=.82) than with fellow fans (M = 3.43, SD=.80). In addition, significantly higher scores for the soccer-related (M = 3.67, SD=.88) than soccer-unrelated (M = 3.41, SD=.69) items were found (F(1,74) = 16.55, p=001, [eta][p.sup.2] =. 183). A significant interaction between target and context (F(1,74) = 5.71, p=.02, [eta][p.sup.2] = .072) followed by post hoc paired samples t-tests showed that the illusory superiority scores for soccer-unrelated questions about fellow fans (M = 3.24) were significantly lower than all other combinations: soccer-unrelated for self (M = 3.62, t(76) = 5.01, p=.001); soccer-related for self (M = 3.71, t(76) = 5.35, p=.001), and soccer-related for fellow fans (M = 3.68, t(76) = 7.89, p=.001). Figure 1 illustrates the interaction and includes a line representing the theoretically neutral point at which no differences in superiority could have been indicated.

No significant effects related to self-esteem emerged. Since the classification based on norms resulted in only 10% and 12% of participants respectively labelled as low and high in self-esteem, a further analysis was conducted based on dividing the sample into thirds; this also revealed no effects for self-esteem.

Although the results show a relative difference between the soccer-unrelated items for fellow fans and the remaining three conditions, overall illusory superiority was found for all conditions in comparisons with the theoretically neutral ('same') point of 3. One-sample t-tests revealed that the superiority scores in all four conditions were significantly higher than 3 (p=.001), and indeed this effect was found for every single item (p<.015).

Discussion

As hypothesised, perceptions of superiority were highly prominent in fans' comparisons of both themselves and fellow fans with rival fans. Whether considering soccer or non-soccer contexts, they rated rival fans significantly more negatively. This finding supports the existence, consistency and robustness of illusory superiority in social comparison. The effect is likely to be exacerbated by perceptions of outgroup homogeneity, where members of a large group are not seen as individual people but instead as an amorphous unit, often sharing inferior characteristics. Thus simply observing just one aggressive or puerile behaviour in a rival fan could motivate onlookers to assume that the entire outgroup shares such qualities, convincing individuals that their own group is typified by more positive characteristics (Jones, 2000). The nature of soccer, with its distinctive team colours and logos as well as separate seating areas for the home and away fans, could very likely increase the salience of ingroup-outgroup differences and encourage fans' belief in their own superiority.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

The results, however, suggest that ingroup affiliation may not be the only mechanism underlying such perceptions. When comparing rival fans with themselves as individuals as well as their fellow fans, participants were more likely to see a greater distinction between themselves and rival fans. This indicates a general egocentric bias where people see themselves as superior to others, even ingroup members. The literature reports a number of cognitive distortions such as self-serving bias, unrealistic optimism and illusion of control which may be used to bolster confidence and self-esteem. Soccer referees and players, while expressing a high regard for their fellow referees and players, have demonstrated illusory superiority when comparing their competence and knowledge with their respective peer groups (Harmer, 2003; Wolfson & Neave, 2002).

The illusory superiority depicted in the present study can be explained in terms of both motivational and cognitive mechanisms. People appear to take advantage of an easy means of maintaining a positive view of themselves and achieving self-validation (Hoorens, 1995) by comparing themselves favourably with others. Ego-enhancement is further boosted when aggrandizement is extended to the fellow group members with whom they are associated. In the present study this process occurred regardless of the context. However, fans were not totally undiscerning: they placed even more emphasis on fellow fans' superiority for qualities where evidence is regularly and readily accessible. While the superiority effect occurred across all conditions, it was reduced when fans compared their fellow fans with rival fans on soccer-unrelated items. Here an information processing mechanism may have been involved, as fans' perceptions were likely to be sustained by the availability of information (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974) about fellow fans' knowledge of soccer and enthusiastic support for their team.

Unlike in previous research (Brown, 1986; Hornsey, 2003), this study found no effects for self-esteem. Taylor and Brown (1988) suggested that people with higher levels of self-esteem might demonstrate greater levels of superiority in order to maintain their confidence and protect their ego. It is also possible that identification in the context of sports fandom is so powerful that it decreases or even overrides the impact of individual differences. Indeed, fans appear to derive a great deal of support for their social confidence from the very act of associating themselves with a large group of fellow fans.

A number of issues need to be considered for future research. Although the self-esteem scale (Rosenberg, 1965) used in this study is highly popular, it has been criticised for response set problems (Blascovich and Tomaka, 1991); in addition, its online delivery and focus on self rather than group esteem might have minimised its effect. It is possible that a group esteem measure might yield different results. Also, since females show particularly high levels of ingroup bias toward other females (Rudman & Goodwin, 2004), it is possible that self-other differences might be exaggerated in this study, as 92% of the participants were male.

In conclusion, the present study found that perceptions of superiority occurred when individuals compared themselves and fellow fans with rival fans, with even more favourable comparisons made for themselves. Since all individuals and clubs cannot be better than average, some distortion of reality is likely to be occurring. Traditionally psychologists have viewed such illusions as unhealthy, as they allow people to operate without insight and under misconstrued notions about the true nature of the world, but some theorists note the positive impact of positive illusions in increasing confidence and wellbeing (see Taylor & Brown, 1988). Whether the dysfunctions of illusions outweigh the benefits is difficult to ascertain, but in a sports context it is likely that fans' perceptions of their own superiority are pervasive and robust.

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Sarah R. Goldie and Sandy Wolfson

Northumbria University, UK

Address correspondence to: Dr. Sandy Wolfson, Department of Psychology, Northumbria University, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE1 8ST, UK. E-mail: s.wolfson@northumbria.ac.uk Table 1 Superiority Scores for Target and Context (high scores = higher superiority), M and SD Context Target Soccer- Soccer- Total related unrelated Self 3.72 3.59 3.67 (1.02) (.79) (.82) Other 3.62 3.24 3.43 (.91) (.79) (.80) Total 3.67 3.41 3.54 (.88) (.69) (.75)