"YOU HAVE TO HAVE SOMEBODY WATCHING YOUR BACK, AND IF THAT'S GOD, THEN THAT'S MIGHTY BIG": THE CHURCH'S ROLE IN THE RESILIENCE OF INNER-CITY YOUTH.

Cook, Kaye V.

ABSTRACT

This study was designed to explore Freeman's (1986) finding that the institution that made the greatest contribution to male African-American youths' socioeconomic success was the church. Thirty-two African-American, Haitian-American, and Latino male and female teenagers--16 drawn from inner-city Protestant churches and 16 comparison teenagers from the same communities--were interviewed. The interviews revealed that churched teenagers were less stressed and less likely to have psychological problems than were teenagers in the comparison group. They also appeared more likely to be living with both biological parents, less likely to have a family member on welfare, and more likely to have a job when compared with the other teenagers. They described the church as being central to their lives and as having multiple functions, many of which have been identified in the resilience literature as contributing to positive developmental outcomes. Results are interpreted in light of the transactional model, and recommend ations are made, such as expanding the role of the church within these ethnic communities.

INTRODUCTION

Youth violence has been described as a public health epidemic (Prothrow-Stith, 1991). Indeed, according to Kids Count Data Book (1998), "every two hours, in America today, a child dies of a gunshot wound." Teenage pregnancy and drugs conspire with the high incidence of violence to rob inner-city teenagers of their future.

An additional source of stress for young people is poverty and unemployment (for example, nearly 16% of the children in Massachusetts live in poverty according to Kids Count Data Book, 1998). Latinos are five times more likely than whites to live in poverty, and African-Americans are almost four times more likely (Bureau of the Census, 1998). Nationwide, unemployment is down compared with earlier decades, but there is considerable disparity between ethnic groups. Unemployment among whites was at 3.7% as of the end of 1999, while African-Americans experienced 8% unemployment and the rate for Latinos was 6.4% (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2000). In the inner cities, unemployment may be much higher than this among those aged 16-19 (it has in the past ranged between 40% and 50% according to Gibbs, 1988).

Some urban youths, however, do well. In a comprehensive study of black male youths from inner-city poverty tracts, Freeman (1986) explored the factors correlated with "escape" from poverty and unemployment, using data from the 1979-1980 National Bureau of Economic Research survey of inner-city black youth and the 1979-1981 National Longitudinal Survey of Young Men. He investigated time allocation (i.e., youths were asked to describe their activities during a 24-hour weekday), school status, labor force participation, wage rate, social deviance, weeks worked in a year, annual income, and weekly consumption expenditures. He concluded that, in poor inner-city areas, the institution that contributed the most to socioeconomic success was the church.

Freeman argued that church involvement influenced how these urban youths used their time, whether they went to school, whether they worked, and how socially deviant they were. Those who went to church were more likely to have jobs (even though they did not necessarily have greater access to opportunities in the labor market) and less likely to be socially deviant. Freeman concluded that the mechanisms by which the church helped teenagers escape inner-city stresses included factors specific to their going to church, factors that he did not explore. The present study attempted to examine some of those factors.

Transactional Model

Sameroff (1993) has suggested that the transactional model best recognizes the bidirectionality of influence that shapes individual development. According to this model, the individual actively shapes his or her own experiences, and the individual's experiences in turn shape the nature and development of the individual. Further, development is dynamic. Later functioning cannot be adequately predicted, because the environment, the individual's characteristics, and the relationship between them may change over time, shaping the unfolding trajectory of individual performance.

This model can be applied to church involvement. Some individuals have characteristics that lead them to become involved in the church and to derive benefits from that involvement, and the church in which these individuals participate provides them with experiences that may help to maximize development. Adaptation must occur as the individual and the institution change, if the relationship is to continue to be mutually beneficial.

Resilience

The transactional model has helped shape the conceptualization of resilience. Garmezy and Masten (1991) have defined resilience as "a process of, or capacity for, or the outcome of, successful adaptation despite challenging and threatening circumstances" (p. 159). Certainly, youths who have experienced the stresses associated with life in the inner city but nevertheless have done well can be described as resilient.

Although resilience was first considered to be innate in children, recent studies have indicated that teenage resilience is more dependent on the kinds of experiences an individual has had (see Garmezy & Masten, 1985; Sameroff 1993). Thus, teenagers' external support systems, including the church, can strengthen their resilience, contributing to their long-term success. The literature suggests several mechanisms through which the church fosters resilience (i.e., providing mentors, helping teenagers to develop self-regulatory abilities, fostering identity development, providing a supportive and stable community, and offering a relationship with a powerful and loving Other).

Mentoring. Churches may facilitate resilience by providing mentors who are involved in young people's lives and who help them make important decisions.

Developing self regulatory abilities. A primary developmental goal is self-regulation (Sameroff, 1993). The individual and his or her environment must work in synchrony to produce adaptive patterns of functioning, and the church may help enhance personal functioning by encouraging self-regulation (the ability to modify behavior in positive ways).

Fostering identity development. Erikson (1968) described the crisis of adolescence as identity versus diffusion. This crisis, if appropriately resolved, leads to the ability to commit oneself to a person, an idea, or a calling. Garrett (1995), reviewing Erikson's work, argued that violent behavior is often the means by which teenagers who have limited life options achieve an identity. Similarly, Goldstein (1991), from a social learning rather than an Eriksonian perspective, argued that gang membership provides identity, self-esteem, and purpose in life. Dunlop (1995) concluded that religious conversion provided former gang members with an alternative identity and a sense of purpose that allowed them to transcend their past. Thus, the church may provide teenagers a "frame for identity" (McLaughlin & Heath, 1993). If young people are willing to negotiate life within the context of the church rather than a gang, they have a better chance of avoiding prison, early pregnancy, and the numerous other negative outco mes that limit their ability to achieve health and happiness.

Providing a supportive and stable community. Ianni (1989), analyzing teenage life in ten communities, concluded that young people engage in a "search for structure." If this search is successful, teenagers will have internalized a "youth charter," an unwritten but widely shared set of expectations that teens and adults should together participate in a caring community. Haitian-American, Latino, and African-American churches can, in this way, be the focal point of a nurturing community, improving young people's chances of success.

Offering a relationship with a powerful and loving Other. The church also offers distinctive experiences, most notably the promise of a relationship with a powerful and loving Other. Having a relationship with a God who cares about them is beneficial in itself, but there are other advantages. For example, principles of right and wrong may be easier to inculcate if they are communicated by God, a group of people who share similar religious beliefs may be more close-knit, and such a community is likely to be diverse in age and more personally engaged with, and accepting of, individual members.

The Role of the Church in Ethnic Families

The church is particularly important in the African-American community (see Nelsen & Nelsen, 1975). According to the United Methodist Church Board of Discipleship (1976), "religion is the organizing principle of black experience in America" (p. 57). Billingsley (1968) characterized the church as one of several "screens of opportunity" that contribute to achievement in African-American families. Rubin's (1981) findings from a twenty-year follow-up study indicated upward mobility in churchgoing families.

The church is also important in the lives of Latinos (which here includes Americans of Puerto Rican, Mexican, Cuban, Central and South American, and Dominican descent). Most Latinos are Catholic (85%), but a significant percentage are Protestant, particularly in the northeastern part of the United States (Villafane, 1992).

Data are less available on Haitians in the United States. This is due, in part, to the fact that Haitians have immigrated in large numbers only recently (Ungar, 1995).

In 1993, Mitchell reported that, of the 532 congregations in the Boston area, 32% were African-American, 7% were Haitian-American, and 15% were Latino, and some of these were the focus of the present study. (Although 26% of Boston churches were predominantly Anglo, these were less likely to serve an inner-city population.) In addition, ethnic churches have shown substantial growth (Mitchell, 1993). Youths from Protestant congregations (and not Catholic) were interviewed here (to decrease heterogeneity of the sample) and the role of the church in their lives was explored.

METHOD

Participants

Freeman (1986) explored the socioeconomic status and church experiences of teenage African-American males; the present study interviewed both males and females. In addition, Haitian and Latino cultures, as well as African-American culture, were represented to broaden our understanding of the church's role in the resilience of inner-city youths.

Eight Boston churches that were known to have large youth groups were asked to provide the name of a boy and a girl between the ages of 12 and 18 who have struggled with the "street culture" and whose lives have been affected by the church. Four of these churches were predominantly African-American (Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church, Church of the Holy Spirit, New Covenant Christian Center, and St. Paul's African Methodist Episcopal Church), two were Latino (Iglesia Bautista Central and Iglesia Canaan Defensores de la Fe), and two were Haitian (Boston Missionary Baptist Church and l'Eglise de Dieu Haitienne de Boston). Denominationally, two were Methodist, two were Baptist, one was Episcopal, one was Defensores de la Fe, one was Church of God--Cleveland (Tennessee), and one was nondenominational. Geographically, one was located in Jamaica Plain, two were in Cambridge, one was in South Dorchester, two were in Roxbury, and two were in Mattapan.

Sixteen youths were identified as a result of contacting these eight churches. Fifteen were between the ages of 12 and 18 and one was 20. Their median age was 16 years. They were not paid for their participation.

An additional 16 youths were recruited to serve as a comparison group. Originally, the church-involved youths were asked to provide the name of a friend who was not a churchgoer. One youth was identified in this fashion. In general, however, asking for the names of friends proved to be ineffective. As a result, parachurch organizations, schools, and social service agencies were then contacted for the names of potential participants (of the appropriate age, gender, and ethnicity) who were not involved in a church. Fifteen youths were recruited in this manner. Four were students at a local school, seven attended a local youth development center, two were peer leaders at a community service center, and two attended a six-hours-a-day, six-days-a-week program for teenage males on court-ordered probation. They ranged in age from 12 to 17, with a median age of 15 years. They were paid $10 for their participation.

Some of the participants identified themselves as multiethnic. One Latino and one Haitian also identified themselves as African-American. Three African-Americans also identified themselves as West Indian, one as Trinidadian, and three as Haitian.

Procedure

Each youth was interviewed for approximately an hour at a mutually agreeable location. At the beginning of the interview, the teenagers were told that the purpose of the study was to gain a better understanding of the lives of urban adolescents, what kinds of stresses they experience, and how they cope. They were administered the Life Events Checklist (LEO; Johnson & McCutcheon, 1980), which measures changes in their lives in the past year (positive and negative), and the Youth Self-Report (YSR; Achenbach, 1991), which measures competencies and problems in daily functioning. Additional questions, developed for this study, touched on such topics as where they live and what their neighborhood is like; where they go to school and what their school is like; who lives at home with them; who pays for their food and clothes and who is supportive of them; and whether they work, or have ever worked, for pay. They were also asked to describe a particular situation in which they had to make a difficult decision and per haps had to ask others for help. All were asked whether they were involved in church, and, if so, how much they attended, when they started going, and what they liked about the church and what they would change. They were then asked to name someone they go to for advice and specifically if there was someone in the church who helped them make decisions. Finally, whether they were churchgoers or not, they were asked to describe what they felt were the differences between those who go to church and those who do not.

Interviews were audiotaped, the audiotapes were transcribed, and the transcriptions were coded for demographic information, employment data, and information about financial and emotional support. In addition, a coding scheme was developed to assess their constructions of the church's role in their lives. Six categories (five derived from the resilience literature) were included: mentoring, self-regulation, identity development, belonging to a community, relationship with God, and something to do. The self-regulation category was subdivided because preliminary interviews indicated that teens describe self-regulation in several ways: (1) the church sets a standard by which the individual measures his or her performance; (2) the church discriminates between right and wrong, encouraging its members to make similar distinctions; (3) the church provides a reference point for morality; and (4) knowing church guidelines can reassure a person that he or she has made a good decision.

RESULTS

Church Alignment

Some youths who were identified through other sources than the church nevertheless went to church. Individuals were considered aligned with the church if they attended more than once a week and if at least one of the following was true: they had a mentor in the church, someone in the church or something they heard in church helped them solve the dilemma they described, or other members of their family went to church regularly.

By this definition, all of the 16 youths identified through a church were aligned. Of the 16 who were identified through other sources (the comparison group), three attended church irregularly and two (one Latino male and one Latino female) were aligned. For each of the measures, the scores of these two Latinos were more similar to the scores of the churched group than to the scores of the comparison group.

Life Stress

Data on unemployment and income suggested that these ethnic youths were under greater stress as compared with Anglos. According to the Boston Redevelopment Authority (1993a, 1993b, 1993c, 1993d), African-Americans and Latinos experienced higher rates of unemployment than did Anglos (African-Americans in Massachusetts, 13.5%; Latinos, 13.1%; Anglos, 6.4%) and had lower household incomes (African-Americans, $29,750; Latinos, $25,609; Anglos, $41,852). (Data for Haitian-Americans were unavailable.) Data from the Boston Redevelopment Authority for the four communities from which the majority of the teenagers were drawn, and in which six of the eight churches were located, indicated that these communities (Jamaica Plain, Mattapan, South Dorchester, and Roxbury) had large ethnic communities (ranging from 48% to 95% of the population) and higher rates of unemployment (ranging from 8% to 14.9%). (Data were not available for Cambridge.) Roxbury and Mattapan had particularly high levels of unemployment (14.9% and 12.5 %, respectively), and Roxbury had a particularly low mean household income ($26,963).

Scores on the Life Events Checklist indicated that the entire sample reported fewer changes in their lives compared with LEC norms (mean = 4.8 positive changes and 4.4 negative changes versus 6.9 and 5.5, respectively). Youths who went to church experienced significantly greater stability in their lives than did those who did not go to church (churched group: 3.7 positive changes and 3.1 negative changes; comparison group: 5.8 positive changes and 5.6 negative changes), t(29) = -2.59, p [less than] .02.

Ethnic groups were also compared. Haitian youths reported many more negative changes (7.5) than positive ones (3.5), whereas African-Americans reported as many positive changes as negative ones (4.8 for both) and Latinos reported more positive than negative changes (5.3 and 2.5, respectively). These differences between ethnic groups were statistically significant, F(2, 28) = 5.11, p [less than] .01.

Family Stability

When family structure was explored, the families of the churched group appeared more stable than the families of those who were not church aligned. Although the numbers were too small for statistical analysis, five members of the churched group and two members of the comparison group (one of whom was church aligned) lived with their biological parents.

The churched group was no more likely, however, to have two parents present in the home. Seven youths in the churched group and six in the comparison group were living with both a mother or stepmother and a father or stepfather; seven in the churched group and ten in the comparison group were members of single-parent families.

The two groups had comparable socioeconomic status. Using Hollingshead's (1958) coding scheme for class, the median rating for mothers (or stepmothers) and fathers (or stepfathers) of the churched group was III (range = II-V); for the comparison group, it was also III (range = I-V).

Churched teens were less likely to have family members on welfare, but the numbers were too small to test statistically. One teen in the churched group and four in the comparison group reported having family members on welfare.

Teenagers in the churched group were, however, more likely to have jobs, although again numbers were too small to test. Seven teenagers in the churched group and two in the comparison group had jobs.

Functioning

The Youth Self-Report provides a competence score and two problem scores (externalizing and internalizing). There was little difference in competence scores between the churched and comparison groups. The median score was 47 (range = 24 to 78). Six youths scored in the clinical range (cutoff score = 41), three in the churched group and three in the comparison group. One was Latino, three were Haitian, and two were African-American.

When scores on the problem scales were examined, however, the churched youths showed healthier patterns than did the nonchurched youths; in particular, they were less likely to show externalizing problems. The mean externalizing score was 48.6 (range = 40-64) for the churched youths and 57.4 (range = 38-79) for the nonchurched youths, F = 9.36, p [less than].005. The mean T-score was 48.4 (range = 38-71) for the churched youths and 53.3 (range = 38-70) for the nonchurched youths, F(1, 25) = 3.69, p [less than].07. There were no significant differences in internalizing scores.

When ethnic differences were examined, Latino and African-American youths were found to have fewer problems compared with Haitian youths (mean internalizing scores were 48.5, 48.8, and 57.4, respectively), F(2, 25) = 6.866, p [less than].004. There were no church affiliation by ethnic group interaction effects.

Role of Church

The youths were asked whether they had a mentor, who this mentor was, and what qualities they thought a good mentor should have. In addition, their conceptualization of the role of the church in their lives was identified.

Churchgoers were somewhat more likely to indicate that they had mentors as compared with those who did not attend church, although these differences were not statistically significant. Eleven of those who attended church had mentors, and every one of the eleven had a mentor from the church. Six youths in the comparison group had a mentor (one of whom was church aligned, but the mentor was not).

Twelve of the youths mentioned the benefits of mentoring. A 16-year-old Latino female said, "[When I need advice], I talk with my youth pastor. He's a really key person in my life. I have a really close relationship with him. I know I can be really open with him about anything." Nine youths in the churched group and two in the comparison group said someone in the church helped them make decisions. Six youths in the churched group and ten in the comparison group said that no one helped them make decisions.

Fifteen youths said they appreciated the self-regulatory abilities that the church helped them develop. Most often mentioned were that the church offered a standard for behavior, provided a reference point for conversation, and served as a guide for right and wrong (mentioned by thirteen, eleven, and ten youths, respectively). One youth commented, "They say, when your priorities kick in, it's God, family and it goes like that, even your work or your studies, that comes last." A 16-year-old Latino female stated, "As a Christian, I know what I'm supposed to do and what I'm not."

Also mentioned, but less frequently, was the church's role in shaping identity. An 18-year-old Latino male said, "I feel that if I didn't go to church that I'd probably be somebody else, smoking pot, selling drugs, stuff like that." A 13-year-old African-American female stated, "I've learned that I can express my feelings, that I shouldn't be afraid. I can write things out or say anything I want."

All sixteen in the churched group noted that the church provided the opportunity to be a part of a community. When asked what church activities he liked best, a 17-year-old Latino male said, "It has to be my youth group, I think. I love going there. My pastor is a fun guy to be with. And then you see a whole bunch of kids. When I was young, especially when I was in New York, I always wanted to have a group that I could go and have a bunch of kids and go there and be so cool with them. And that's what they got there, so that's why I like it." An 18-year-old African-American female commented, "I've been here all my life. Maybe it's just because ... it's my home."

Fourteen youths appreciated having something to do. When asked how friends who attend church differ from those who do not, a Latino male churchgoer said, "I have a friend and he went to a party and he got jumped or something like that. And it was over something stupid; I think it was over his ... coat. And if he wouldn't have been there, drinking and all this, he would have never got into that trouble. Instead of being there on that Friday, he could have been here like I am on Fridays."

Fifteen youths in the churched group mentioned that the church fostered a relationship with God. A 16-year-old Haitian male stated that this is important because "you have to have somebody watching your back, and if that's God, then that's mighty big."

DISCUSSION

Inner-city teenagers experience significant stress. They live in neighborhoods in which the average income is low, the unemployment rate is high, and families experience a great deal of instability. In the present study, 78% of the teenagers were from families in which their mothers never married, their parents were divorced, or a parent had died. Further, according to one Latino male, "there are a lot of police around my school," and unfortunately many of the youths viewed this learning environment as normal.

The youths who participated in this study reported fewer life events in the last year than the norm, perhaps because the normative sample for the Life Events Checklist included few inner-city teens, with the list of events consequently being unrepresentative of their experiences. The lower number of reported events may also reflect the lack of options available to this population and the lack of structure in their lives. Many of these youths reported that, every afternoon, they go home and stay there or "hang out" with their friends.

In such neighborhoods, churches play a major role in buffering stress. Even among teenagers in the comparison group, many had some contact with a church. Indeed, several described the church as the place to go when you want to "go straight," "get your life together," and "make something of yourself."

Although all the youths in this study experienced some degree of stress, the churched group reported less stress than did the comparison group. The churched teens were more likely to have biological parents present in the home and were less likely to have a family member on welfare. Further, they were more likely to be employed. Greater job experience is surely helpful and may explain, in part, the differences in socioeconomic success between those who go to church and those who do not, as reported by Freeman (1986).

As predicted, the church was found to serve multiple functions in the lives of inner-city youth. For example, the church provides mentors. As one 14-year-old African-American noted, "I hear [the voice of my youth minister] telling me not to do it."

Further, the church fosters identity development. It strengthens youths' self-worth and the conviction that their lives have meaning. In addition, it provides a valuable alternative to a gang identity.

The church also assists youths in developing their self-regulatory abilities (i.e., the ability to refrain from negative behaviors and to engage in positive activities). The church helps them self-regulate in multiple ways: it sets standards they should strive toward; offers reassurance when they have made a wise decision; provides clear guidelines distinguishing between right and wrong, desirable and undesirable behaviors; and provides a reference point outside their own experience.

Belonging to a religious community and having a "personal relationship with God" can enhance teenagers' sense of self-worth. It can also help them to grow and develop their gifts in a safe, caring context. Referring to God, one teenager said, "You have to have somebody watch over you."

Last but not least, the church provides youths with a place to go and things to do, instead of watching television all afternoon or hanging out with friends, a situation in which trouble easily develops. Indeed, whereas many people think of church as a once-a-week activity, most of these churched youths were there more than once a week, if not daily, going to youth groups, Bible classes, sports events, or after-school tutoring programs. Merely spending their time in a safe setting, even if being at church had no other advantages, is a major benefit, considering the alternatives.

The youths eagerly attested to the importance of church in their lives. Every churched teen mentioned the benefits of belonging to a religious community. All but one said the church provided standards or a reference point for good behavior. Most delighted in stating that they had an active relationship with God.

The transactional model suggests that youths have distinctive qualities that transform the church at the same time that they themselves are being transformed. Only churches that are willing to acknowledge the experiences of young members, and provide or modify programs to meet their needs, are likely to reap the benefits of their involvement.

The sample in the present study was probably biased toward higher functioning youths. Further studies need to explore inner-city youths whose lives are more chaotic. If these more at-risk teenagers can be drawn into a church community, the potential benefits--for them and the church--are great.

The author thanks the Ten-Point Coalition and the Emmanuel Gospel Center for their involvement in planning the larger series of studies of which this project was a part. A related study has been published by the Emmanuel Gospel Center (Abramson, 1996). The author also thanks Molly Gadenz, peer coordinator of the Upham's Corner Health Center; Christiana Thorne, guidance counselor at John O'Brien School; Chris Troy, director of the Boston Urban Youth Center; and Rev. Roland Robinson of Project Turnaround, who provided subjects for the comparison group. Finally, the author thanks the pastors from each of the churches described in this report.

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