The 2008 'quota' in a urban-rural civil society conference and beyond.

Ille, Enrico

Introduction

The 25% quota written into the electoral law of 2008 supported the notion that such a quota enhances or even realizes women's appropriate representation in national and local political decision-making processes. While the validity of such a notion has been thoroughly discussed in this special issue and other publications (e.g. Krook 2009); this article argues that formal arrangements for decision-making processes cannot tell us much about the actual practice of decision-making in everyday life. This is the case for the central arenas of national politics, but also in the minute practices and their negotiation that fill people's daily social life. This article will focus on the latter aspect with some fieldwork-based observations from the rural Nuba Mountains. The qualitative fieldwork participant observation and narrative interviews--has been carried out in 3 phases of overall 5 months between April 2008 and March 2010, mainly in Heiban and in the central Nuba Mountains. Additional fieldwork in Khartoum was conducted for another 7 months stretched over the same time period.

Through its case study, the article argues that the existing social practices don't necessarily fit either the patriarchy or the equality claims about social reality, and that the actually unfixed boundaries between acceptable and unacceptable social behaviour can be seen to result in a constant negotiation of gender relations with a wide range of situational and sometimes structural consequences.

After a recounting of observations from a conference of an urban migrants' association taking place in Heiban, I will present short analyses of the division of labour in water supply and agriculture, in order to show broad tendencies in gender relations and exceptions to them showing spaces of negotiation. Then I will trace some development projects' attempts to improve women's representation in public spaces in Heiban and surrounding rural areas, in order to show the dynamics related to efforts to induce social change.

The main observation put forward in this article is that the linguistic surface of the 'quota' discourse was mainly adopted among male urban elites in a rather rhetorical or even ironic fashion. The everyday negotiation of gender relations rather took place in relation to economic activities and actual or presumed skills. Gradual changes in gender relations happened thus rather in the wake of emancipating economic activities and newly acquired skills that questioned existing arrangements of social control, division of labour and political representation. It is crucial to agree that without the careful observation of such processes, important developments of gender relations, at formal art legal provisions, are missed to be taken into account.

Heiban Association

In April 2008, discussions were in full swing in Khartoum around a new national electoral law, injected with demands of a 25% quota of all seats in the parliament for women. Although the quota was not a significant issue at the Heiban Association's conference held that year, it gave a specific colour to the ongoing negotiations of gender relations.

A conference at Heiban

In this part, I will first give a general outline of what kind of organizations Heiban has got, then will discuss the conference in Heiban and the processes took place there.

Heiban, a small town about 120 km east of Kadugli, Nuba Mountains/South Kordofan. The Heiban Association, founded in Khartoum by migrants from Heiban and surrounding villages, who came annually before the on-set of the rainy season to Heiban, until the present war prevented them from doing so.

The Heiban Association is an example of a relatively successful social association, whose active members are in intensive contact or even overlap with representatives of other social institutions of the urban migrant community, such as church groups and Native Administration.

First associations for the region's migrants have been formed since the end of the 1970s (Meier 1990, p. 161). Since the 1980s they have been experiencing frequent control and closure by security forces, many times the members had to re-register under a different name, and in the end the work stagnated (Interview with a former chairman of an association, 8 June 2008, Omdurman). Also during the 1980s, another association was founded by women in Umbadda, who created step by step storage of equipment for social events, such as pots and pans, and chairs, as a female counterpart to the men-dominated association (Interview with Heiban Association Secretary for Women, 28 April 2009, Heiban).

While the founders of this latter association and some of their children still are the backbone of women's representation in the present Heiban Association, other leading members had been involved in the Association for the Students at Universities and Colleges from Heiban District registered in 1986 (Meier 1990, p. 163). Their activities took place in form of regular annual visits towards the end of the dry season, when harvests drew to a close and the abundance of food, the weather, and the end of the construction period before the rainy season created the best conditions for marriages, celebrations and other collective social events (Interview with Founding Member, then judge in Kosti, 6 May 2008, Omdurman).

In 1999, a new association was established, after the coup in 1989 and the Second Civil War had interrupted the former activities. It grew into a larger organization with branches in several parts of Khartoum state, other cities in Sudan and even abroad, although its active members were only a small percentage of all migrants: In 2009, the general assembly counted 470 paying members, while there were an estimated 30,000 migrants from Heiban in Khartoum (Financial report 2009, Heiban Association).

However, the annual conferences of the new Heiban Association were resumed in Heiban after 2005, and became part of a major season for urban migrants' visits to Heiban before the rainy season. Just as before, the conference was tried to be connected to public activities, such as cleaning roads and the hospital, contribution to the construction of a school, but most of all public debates of social hotspots. They continued until the present war disrupted this annual rhythm once again. However, the quota instead of leading to rethinking of these relations, the issue rather highlighted how little it caused to question established gendered categories of social life. I will concentrate here on the issues of division of labour and representation.

At a preparatory meeting of the conference in 2008, one female attendant demanded a clearer division of labour concerning the catering service during the conference. It proposed to have delegates for each day, who organize different teams--if necessary by going from door to door--for water, tea, etc., to avoid dumping all the work on the 'guests' from Khartoum. Another female participant demanded more contributions by the 'educated' girls (banat mucallimat), who ostensibly excused themselves by being 'busy'. Instead of leading to a more detailed planning of service provision, the General Secretary of the association merely referred it to on-the-spot solutions, drawing expressions of frustration from the Secretary of Women (Participant observation, 14 April 2008, Heiban).

Beyond the kind of organizational culture that can found here, it is the implication of catering service provision as 'female' issue that is of interest here. This gendering of work did not only remain unquestioned even if sometimes in words, almost never in actions -, the main problem of reforming gender relations stayed untouched by everybody in this public debate, namely added representative functions for women without changes in everyday-life division of labour.

Throughout the conference, it happened several times that a hand raised by a woman, in order to make a statement, was drawn attention to by some men shouting fih hina ot al-jindir [there is a gender voice here], often with a joking undertone. At other points, the same sign was given accompanied by calling the number 25, which developed into a running gag during the meetings. This gag, performed only by men, seems to indicate that something 'strange', 'funny' had entered this social space. If so, what was so funny about it?

In the following sections, I will show how this 'funniness' relates to issues of division of labour and representation not just at the conference, but in the social life beyond it. Rather than focussing on the social life of those annual visitors, for whom Heiban is home in a more complex way, I will concentrate on the everyday negotiations of gender relations among permanent residents of the rural areas around Heiban. While these negotiations may seem extremely far away from, for instance, the legislative processes at the National Assembly, I argue that the influence of the latter on the former--or the absence thereof--is a most relevant test, in how far formal laws say something about daily social life. The event described here is a good starting point for such a test. The same can be said about the representative functions themselves. The association had from the beginning a strong Secretariat of Women, especially up to 2006. In that year the first Secretary of Women died, a woman with a strong personality, who had initiated many activities in cooperation with other organizations (Official documents of the Heiban Association, 2005-2006). Also her antecedents in the position developed several initiatives, among them participation in the upgrading of the rural hospital in Heiban and medically supervised circumcision of boys in Heiban. The Secretary herself had worked since 2007 in the INGO Serving and Learning Together Holland (SALT) for education of women in handicrafts, medical basic knowledge, and how to set up small businesses, continuing the link to experiences from other organizations. But still, the frame of central 'female' issues--especially reproductive health and primary education--was seldom extended or even questioned as such. So both issues, division of labour and representation of social issues, speak of the gendering of social spaces of negotiation, which have to be looked at closer. The former leads to the observation of reluctance to follow the necessities of the 'modern' concept of gender balance into one's own household and attitudes. The latter shows the continuation of gendered blocks of issues, which are presumed to be 'female' or 'male', respectively.

Although, both seem to provide clear-cut examples of shallow adoptions of a 'gender-balance' language, several observations from the conference sensitize one to look closer at social behaviour to see both the change and the confirmation of gender lines, and the large number of contradictions occurring apart from and co-existing with 'clean' models of how society should be.

So the seating of the 2008 conference was changed by the president of the planning committee from an order based on ethnicity--as Heiban town hosts several ethnic groups--to a separation according to gender. He explained to me that this prepared later working groups, which would include one for 'women issues', suggesting that this would only include and thus concern--women. However, although this tendency in seating was uphold during the conference, there were exceptions to it, and the late-comers, who had to stand, did not follow a clear gender division at all. The same direction could be seen in the dance of a folklore group of the urban migrants: while their choreography clearly divided the roles between men and women, the joyful entering of other dancing people after the formal performance broke up the gender segregation as well. While there was no question that everything connected to the preparation of food is left to be done by women, male members of the association and from Heiban participated in the cleaning of Heiban and of the conference grounds. Still, among themselves, the same men fantasized about sitting near the river eating 'Mr. Pig', and were amused about stories about women refusing basic duties at home--Is it not one of her first duties to provide her husband with good food to cheer him up should he be sad or tired? (Own observations, 15 April 2008, Heiban).

Then again, the strong participation of women in the activities of the association was repeatedly stressed during meetings. In every formation of committees, the secretaries, apart from the one for women, ostensibly cared to include in best case 50% women in the appointments. However, the upper part of the hierarchal system of the association--chairman, general secretary, secretary of finance, secretary of the office for branches and states, secretary of sciences and culture, and secretary of youth were exclusively filled with men, while the position of secretary of women and children invariably went to a woman. Furthermore, most active nominations during the conference preparation and other organizational proceedings were put forward by men, as were demands for more female participants--including the suggestion that husbands should bring their wives.

This begs to ask: Is a visual and physical gender division simply an organizational tool, which would not come about through people's self-organization according to their own social norms? Are exceptions from gender rules and roles marginal or non-typical? Are men's fantasies simply a flimsy, nostalgic reference to the 'good old past' or is rather the quota of '25' the superficial reference amidst unchanging gender relations?

In the following section, I will go deeper into the issues of division of labour to show that the 'either-or' formulation of these questions are the core problem to answer them. I argue that rather a careful look at contradictions between people's models and formal rules for society and the behaviour in different social situations are a fruitful way to approach the complex workings of categories in everyday social life.

Division of labour

The argument put forward here could be traced in several social issues, which are of central importance to the social groups I talk about. I will concentrate here on division of domestic labour, one of the issues explored during my PhD research (Ille 2013), and also discussed in another previous publication (Ille 2012).

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

This picture, taken during the conference, seems to confirm the ongoing reproduction of domestic gender roles: a young girl cleaning the courtyard while several boys are sitting around playing with small stones, her left hand supporting the balance of the body to relieve her back, speaking of strains and routines from repetitive work, but also of imitation of the older generation's body language.

Other, more intensive observations support this impression, embedded in a wide range of gendered economic activities. The supply of houses with water without pipes, for instance, is essentially a female task in Heiban and adjacent villages. In Abol, for instance, domestic water supply relies on a combination of water from caves, a well, a water pump and, during the rainy season, many open running waters. Women can be seen walking several hours per day between the water source and the household to provide water for drinking, washing, cleaning etc. Still, a discussion with Abol's women group, 7 active members in a population of about 200, mentioned men, especially unmarried men, bringing water as well from nearby Heiban, mostly on bicycle, or other vehicles. The movement with water barrels carried on donkey carts is almost exclusively the task of young boys, and boys as much as girls were required to bring water with them for the voluntary teachers at the local primary school.

In agriculture, the tasks are engendered as well. There was a spatial element, which relates small farms close to the house to women, including their main crops, such as fast-growing sorghum and groundnuts, while farms in far, plain areas were mostly cultivated by men with staple crops, supported by women bringing food for the breaks. Routine tasks were divided between men and women, such as men making a hole for seeds and women and children putting in the seeds and closing the hole. The collective work of threshing and storing had similar tendencies, where men thresh the sorghum, while women collect the corn and transport it in baskets on their head to the storage. However, the observation specifically of young families in Abol showed much variation in practices: a young couple, born and constantly living in the area, divided a wide range of tasks among themselves, such as taking care of a store and cultivating on their house farm. Another young woman, the most active producer of jam, cookies, juices and spaghetti for the women group after she had lived all her childhood in Khartoum, did all economic activities of the rural household, because her husband refused to join her in the village.

Some previous studies provided deeper analyses of the gendering of social spaces (for instance Rottenburg 1991), and the historical regularity of such-like tendencies can easily be constructed. Therein, the reasons for a kind of fixed division of labour is clear: the assurance of social reproduction leads to predictability of easily recruitable labour force and productive routines of labour organization in the family; the belief in 'natural' order ensures less conflicts or even an emotional detachment from change; the tradition of knowledge and skills in similar ways can bring about a strong accumulation of experiences.

It is, however, always the minute observation of social practices that allows to trace the existence of social spaces that may not fit the general analysis and also models whose members of society have of themselves. While these spaces could be termed 'marginal' or 'non-typical', their existence not only shows the non-mechanical nature of social relations, but they may even provide the ground, on which social innovation grows. Furthermore, critical reflection on contradictions and changes is not a privilege of people, whose main occupation is intellectual work. So the circuits of education in Kubang, another village close to Heiban, seem to follow the same gendered lines. In the curriculum of the primary school in Kubang, taken from the Kenyan curriculum, the subject of Social Studies is taught with school books of the Jomo Kenyatta Foundation. They develop a societal picture with reference to Bible quotations, which draw on a 'natural', 'traditional' division of labour at home reproduced through women working with girls and men working with boys to ensure that everybody knows what to do (based on 2 Thes 3, pp. 10-12; Thes 4 pp. 11-12; Colos 3, p. 23).

A young man of 19 years, who just finished this education in Kubang, showed, however, a critical reading based on his own observations, not a simple reproduction of school material. He was born and stayed in Kubang during the war, and when we talked about present life perspectives of young people, he developed a historical line of changes from a male perspective.

During the war, so he said, everyone would enter school late, earliest 7 up to 12, until one is 18, to get married then, because one could be recruited by the government at any time and die, so one should have produced at least one child--shafic qacid [a child stays]. After the war, they could go to school up to the end, then to the army or police, getting paid out after service, building a house, then search for a wife. If the parents have money and one has a good school result and ambition, one goes to the secondary school, university, or to a trading school, starting a trade. In any case, it was better--now that there was a chance--to be older and more experienced concerning how to treat women, how to have a good behavior towards wives, than to marry with 18, treat one's wife badly and get divorced after two years. He also observed that girls increasingly entered first a profession after school, changing their course of life. (Interviews, 4/3/2010, 6/3/2010, Kubang).

Rather than merely excepting--even just on an intellectual level--a pregiven picture of normalcy, this shows an active reflection on changing economic options, conditions for right moral behaviour and speculative, relative approaches to life courses. This careful scrutiny of practical and intellectual contradictions to generalized models becomes even more important with reference to initiatives actively trying to change social relations.

To stay in Kubang: there has been an impact by several initiatives trying to establish new skills among women through training courses in Kauda. So a cooperation between the women union of SPLM, whose chairperson for the Nuba Mountains since 1984 was from Kubang, and the INGO Samaritan's Purse (SP) gave several women access to horticulture courses at SP's women centre in Kauda. This was financially backed by relief activities, from which food items were taken to support the women. The union itself depended on this support, so the shift to rehabilitation after the previous civil war meant the end of activities, pending a formation of an integrated national union that never happened. Similar constraints limited the work of the union-related organization Delebaya, founded in 2002, which succeeded in providing school books from Kenya for adult education and computer courses, but seems not to have institutionalized any further. (Interview with SPLM women union's chairperson, 7 March 2010, Kubang).

The chairperson reflected on a history of such initiatives in Kubang, strongly connected to the church as a central social institution, which still did not stabilize to a point making constant demanding, supporting, urging, admonishing, encouraging unnecessary. Therefore not just the consistency of women group's--including internal conflicts--but also the dependency on other financial sources, for instance INGOs such as NCA and Concern Worldwide, framed the conditionality of their existence. (Interview, 10 March 2010, Kubang).

The members of the women group in Kubap, which was founded in 2004 and was also the basis of the women group in Abol, still succeeded in establishing a commercially used vegetable garden. Supported by the NGO NRRDO and UNICEF, members of this group had acquired means for electrical mills, donkey carts and kiosks with solar energy (Interview with chairperson of women group in Kubang, 8 March 2010, Kubang). But not only did this kind of support stop after a few years--which was seen as abandonment, not as cycle of sustainable projects -, the equipment repeatedly benefitted previously trained and well-off members of the community, addressing thus inequality of women, not between women.

However, as a result of these initiatives, the presence of women, not just as consumers, but as active traders and restaurant owners in the market has increased. At the same time, even the chairperson of the women's union, a veteran of women issues in the area, experienced exclusionary practices on a daily basis. As an example, although being an official delegate of then Governor cAbd al-cAziz al-Hllu for the establishment of a new Nuba Mountains Bank, the times and places for meetings she set up was sidelined by other activities. So one meeting did not take place, because the large family of one of the sheikhs of Kubang had nafir, a working party based on social ties, on the same day, and the issue became merely a small talk during breakfast dominated by men, who claimed that such issues could not be left to women, who would only cause confusion. In spite of the fact that the organization of household activities--including the management of money--and even local trading activities were done in first place by women, the leaders of the conversation maintained that even nafir is more stressful, because women have to be constantly told to do this or that and how work has to be organized. (Own observation, 10 March 2010, Kubang). While there were other, less vociferous comments, these informal settings only continue and empower informal, male-dominated ideologies, and new public spaces are needed to challenge the legitimacy of such claims.

Public space

Accordingly, other initiatives tried to improve the representation of women in public spaces. However, the combination of manifold ideas and external finance, with its unpredictable nature, also characterized these projects.

A central device of development organizations, although not actively questioning a gender divide in public spaces, is the construction of women centres. In October 2009, a new director for the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) office for the Heiban Locality was appointed, who addressed the issue of an unfinished women centre in Heiban. The women's centre in Heiban had been built with cement and partly bricks brought by NCA, while a group of women brought stones, and a local trader sand; IFAD funded the material costs for the upper part of the walls, a fence and red roof sheeting. The IFAD staff also provided devices for the production of jam and noodles, as well as a television with video player.

Several practical problems prevented their fruitful usage. In the case of jam and noodle production, the initial capital to start production was lacking. In case of the television, the women had no experience of how to use it and to organize its use. IFAD staff promised training in its use that they never delivered, and the chairperson of the women group, Salma [name changed], commented: al-markiz da akbar minana [this centre is larger than us], meaning that it was beyond their capacities. (Interview, 9 May 2009, Heiban) But the reaction to these problems was not at all one of resignation: the idea of running video evenings was pursued with the help of a former urban migrant, who operated the TV for some time, and through the introduction of admission cards.

Contradictions and innovation

The perception of the 'quota' discourse injected into the conference's proceedings has to be seen in this frame. But further specifications have to be made. Here too, the potential of the concept 'gender' to go beyond the social divisions suggested by certain biological elements, has to be taken fully in account, in order to question the binary 'man-woman'. The minute way, in which, for instance, notions of 'femaleness' and 'maleness' in work are interspersed in social life, can be illustrated by the following anecdote from the conference.

On 21 April 2009, a nafir was organized by the conference members to transport stones from a hill to the construction site of a new school. Among the participants, different styles of work developed: the one-man show--men and boys heave big stones, also with winner gestures; the piece for piece--women and men take smaller stones and bring them to the central pile; the wave--a group of men loosen stones from the terraces, roll them down the hill; the chain--a bigger group gives stones from hand to hand.

The latter form allowed high acceleration, but had often interruptions and inefficiency for several reasons. So the lifting capacity was very different, especially with youngsters, so a man may break the chain to bring a bigger stone alone, or the stones were left in the middle, where the piece-for-piece people picked them up. Other reasons for delays were talking and distraction; slower availability of new stones from the 'source', which was only concentrated in case of previous piles, etc. Especially in the beginning the ratio of women and men was even, later some women concentrated on making tea and went away afterwards, girls were exhausted, older men went talking, others came late. The work was rendered by wisecracks, partly gendered, whose main emotional direction was either inciting or to hold on. The gendering appeared, for example, when a boy said to a diligent girl, 'how one should now distinguish boys and girls', implying that hard physical labour is a characteristic of boys. Some older men also acknowledged specific girls and their work, rendering their hard work exceptional. One of the collectively shouted phrases was (name) wen? maca al-niswan! yisawwi shnu? yisawwi shay! al-kalam da kwayyis? ma kwayyis! [where is ...? with the women! what does he do? makes tea! is this okay? not okay!] (Own observation, 21 April 2009, Heiban).

However, one man living in Heiban uttered during a small talk on the side that 'these people' would come and go every year, stirring up things, until they left and their daily life continued as it was. Indeed, while the nafir involved some permanent residents of Heiban, it was mostly an event for the Association's core members and other urban migrants. This speaks not only of a general complicated relationship between the annual visitors and their 'home' in general, there were also problems between the women of Khartoum and the women of Heiban.

In 2008, the visit in April was too short to get into contact at all, but in 2009 there was a chance by the prolonged vacation of the secretary of women in the Association, who invited local' women to come to her to discuss issues. However, the initiative stumbled over the seemingly simple question of who comes to whom. While the--by then former--chairperson of the women groups in Heiban, Salma, presumed that the Association's members would have to come to them to see what they achieved (Interview 1 May 2009, Heiban), the Association's women stressed their status as guest, who should not have to go from house to house (Interview, 28 April 2009, Heiban).

These seemingly anecdotal problems point back to crucial aspects of representation. After all, who talks and decides with whom about whom, is the central question of representation. Whose issues are 'women's issues'? What makes them just 'women's issues', rather than gender--relational --issues, or even just issues of society? While the 'quota' discourse also entered a 'stirring' moment into the conference and maybe beyond, the exact evaluation of gender roles and attitudes towards it needs a careful observation of social action that goes further than this moment, not stopping either at presumed gender lines nor presumed gender blocks.

However, the occurring contradictions between models of society and everyday practices do not necessarily lead to frustration and resignation, but can also incite a strife to understand or actively challenge the contradictions. This can be observed through a middle-aged woman in Heiban, who stayed in the area during the war and reflected critically about the connection of work distribution and violence: she recounted misbehaviour of SPLA soldiers (nas oyee), who approached any house and demanded to be given food. She claimed that in the end the women's work kept soldiers--whatever side they are on--alive, before they go to 'make their war'. She also expressed political criticism through a metaphor that: politicians' promises to be viewed like children, who beg their mother to get food and get the answer to wait just a little more, although there is still only water in the pot. (Interview, 15 April 2008, Heiban).

Conclusion

In spite of the persistent, though often merely rhetorical presence of the quota discourse at the 2008 conference in Heiban, the social reproduction of a certain understanding of daily routines and general duties of women and men seems to have continued almost unchanged beyond this event.

This article followed this observation through the examples of domestic division of labour and the creation of new public spaces in Heiban and adjacent villages. Based on general ethnographic observations and life stories, development initiatives and events, the general picture seemed to support an impression of only small, insignificant changes taking place, indeed. However, in its more detailed observations, the negotiation of gender relations--in different directions--was shown to question generalized claims both about patriarchical orders and about emerging equality in representation.

The article formulated thus a larger argument on the impact of such discourses: While categories of gender balance were included into discourses as part of development and modernization concepts, their impact on social life cannot be traced merely in reference to limited artefacts, such as formal documents and official numbers. Their working in society must be followed in more detail, in order to relate such artefacts to the facts of daily life.

However, while contradictions between these concepts and people's own ideas, perceptions and practices may continue, such contradictions can also lead to social change and innovation, especially in the social spaces of difference that already exist. In a larger conceptual frame this confirms that no social order is without contradictions which invariably question its 'naturalness' through the tension between confirmation and critique (Boltanski 2011).

Reference

Boltanksi, L. 2011. On critique. A Sociology of emancipation. Cambridge and Malden: Polity Press.

Financial report, 2009. Heiban Association.

Ille, E. 2012. The classification of drinking water between public administration and rural communities in South Kordofan, Sudan. Travelling models and technologies. Sociologus, vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 73-93.

Ille, E. 2013. Projections, plans and projects. Development as the extension of organizing principles and its consequences in the rural Nuba Mountains / South Kordofan, Sudan (2005-2011). Leipzig & Weissenfels: Ille & Riemer. Also Ph.D thesis, Halle, Univ., 2012.

Krook, L. 2009. Quotas for women in politics: Gender and candidate selection reform worldwide. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Meier, C. 1990. Ethnic self-help associations among Nuba migrants in the "Three Towns" (Rep. Sudan). Sociologus, vol. 40, pp. 158178. Nuba Mountain map: Available at http: // www. smallarmssurveysudan. org/ fileadmin/docs/facts -figures/tables-maps/ H SBA-Nuba- Mountains-Map-August2008.pdf. Accessed 05/08/2008

Official documents of the Heiban Association, 2005-2006.

Rottenburg, R. 1991. Ndemwareng. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in den Morobergen. Munchen: Trickster/ Hammer Verlag.

The Bible

Note on contributor

Enrico Ille is an assistant professor at Ahfad University for Women the Regional Institute of Gender, Diversity, Peace and Rights (RIDGDPR), Ahfad University for Women.