From India to Canada: An Autoethnographic Account of an International Student's Decision to Settle as a Self-Initiated Expatriate.
Rajani, Namita ; Ng, Eddy S. ; Groutsis, Dimitria 等
INTRODUCTION
One of the key challenges facing advanced economies, such as Canada, is an aging workforce and an impending shortage of skilled workers (Burke and Ng 2006). As such, the Canadian government has implemented an aggressive immigration policy aimed at attracting skilled migrants (Ng and Metz 2015). Between 1989 and 2013, Canada accepted 3,210,826 immigrants or permanent residents in its economic class category (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2014a). "Economic immigrants" are individuals who are selected based on their potential to contribute to Canada's economy, such as skilled workers and business immigrants (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2014b). However, recent research suggests that economic immigrants experience poor economic integration despite possessing high levels of skills and education (Haq and Ng 2010; Reitz, Curtis and Elrick 2014). Specifically, economic immigrants encounter skills discounting (i.e., a devaluation of foreign experience and credentials) and misinformation, and they are said to have unrealistic expectations pertaining to the labour market in the host country (HC) (Somerville and Walsworth 2010, 2015).
One alternative to reducing the poor economic integration of skilled immigrants might be to focus on the retention and integration of international students who come to study in Canada. This suggestion is well worth exploring given that international students earned their degrees in Canada which, in turn, reduces the likelihood of credential discounting. International students also possess more accurate information and realistic expectations of the local labour market given their period of studies (3-4 years) in Canada. We also learn from immigrant experiences that they are less likely to repatriate back to their countries of origin when they have more positive adjustment and economic integration (Sussman 2010; Tharenou and Caulfield 2010). Since international students arrive in Canada between the ages of 18-22, compared to immigrants in general who arrive at a median age of 47.4 years (Statistics Canada 2011), they adjust more easily than older immigrants (Cheung, Chudek, and Heine 2010). This, in turn, reduces the likelihood of repatriation to their home countries.
However, international students often feel rejected by mainstream members at their host institution and country because of cultural differences and language barriers (Andrade 2006; Arias-Valenzuela, Amiot, and Ryder 2016; Chow 2006; Sawir, Marginson, Deumert, Nyland, and Ramia 2008). As a result, they are more likely to perceive discrimination and experience exclusion, and have much in common with other disadvantaged or minority groups such as immigrants (Govaris, Kaldi, and Papadopoulos 2013; Poyrazli and Lopez 2007; Schmitt, Spears, and Branscombe 2003). This may discourage international students from staying following the completion of their studies abroad.
The purpose of the present paper is to deepen our understanding of the decision processes international students undertake when considering whether or not to stay in the HC upon completion of their studies. At the moment, we do not know enough about why individuals decide to transition from international student to "permanent resident" status (Kim, Bankart, and Isdell 2011). This knowledge is important because it can help governments, educational institutions, and organizations set the right policies and practices to encourage international students to stay and participate in the HC labour market (Arthur and Nunes 2014), which is important given the current skills gaps in Canada (Ramos and Yoshida 2015). While research is beginning to emerge on why international students stay in the HC after graduation (e.g., Baruch, Budhwar, and Khatri 2007; Bratsberg 1995; Dreher and Poutvaara 2011; Kim et al. 2011), this has been patchy at best, and has predominantly been informed by a quantitative approach, limiting our understanding of the decision processes students make to remain in the HC. For the purpose of this paper, we will use the term "self-initiated expatriates" to denote "immigrants" or "permanent residents" to keep consistent with management literature (see Al Ariss and Crowley-Henry 2013). The term is also appropriate given that international students may transition from temporary sojourners to self-initiated expatriates with the intention to remain as permanent residents (Arthur and Flynn 2011). Thus, international students make for an interesting sample to study migration, integration, and acculturation into the host society.
Self-initiated expatriates (SIEs) are skilled workers who travel on their own initiative--vis-a-vis assigned expatriates (AEs) who are sent by employers, to a new country in search of career opportunities (Al Ariss and Syed 2011). SIEs' finance their own expatriation, assume their own career development and as such can be considered to follow a boundaryless career orientation (Inkson, Arthur, Pringle, and Barry 1997). A boundaryless career orientation describes individuals who actively seek out opportunities, often internationally, to acquire new skills, for personal development, and to enhance their career experiences (Stahl, Miller, and Tung 2002).
This study is an autoethnographic account of the first author (hereafter referred to as "the author") who is an international student from India, and who chose to settle in Canada following the completion of her studies. The author was particularly interested in understanding what makes international students remain in the country upon completion of their studies. An autoethnography is particularly suited for this type of research because it involves self-reflection which enables the author to make sense of her personal experiences and connects them with her motives for staying in the HC (Chang 2008; Ellis and Bochner 2000).
This paper is organized as follows: First, we review selected literature on self-initiated expatriates to understand their motives, adjustment cycle, and career orientation. We then provide the author's autoethnographic account in the first person. By exploring the author's experience as an international student, and specifically her decision to settle and therefore transition to a self-initiated expatriate, we gain valuable insights into the author's thought processes to stay in the HC, including factors that originally "pushed" her to repatriate to India and her subsequent decision to expatriate back to Canada. We analyze the author's account and relate it back to the literature to demonstrate how the author's experiences enhance our understanding of the decision processes international students undertake regarding whether to stay or return to their home country after completing their studies. We conclude with some practical and research implications to encourage future research.
INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS AS SELF-INITIATED EXPATRIATES
The number of international students in Canada rose from 195,760 in 2009 to 293,503 in 2013, representing an increase of almost 50% over a five-year period (Statistics Canada 2014). The top five source countries of international students to Canada during this period include China (22%), India (12%), South Korea (8%), France (5%), and the United States (5%) (AMSSA 2013). Given the skills gaps in Canada, the large number of international students makes them a suitable and sustainable source of talent.
SIEs are classified as highly skilled individuals who undertake "an international career experience on their own initiative" (Al Ariss and Crowley-Henry 2013). This is in contrast with AEs who are normally sent by their employers on international assignments. Al Ariss (2010) also distinguishes between immigrants and SIEs in the following ways: (1) immigrants relocate from developing countries to developed countries, while SIEs may relocate in both directions; (2) immigrants relocate out of necessity (e.g., for sociopolitical reasons), while SIEs relocate to a country of their choice; (3) immigrants find permanent homes overseas, while SIEs make temporary homes overseas; and (4) immigrants are frequently unwelcomed (e.g., Muslims in certain European countries), while SIEs are seen in more positive terms (e.g., address the shortage of skills). In reality, the strict binary distinguishing immigrants and SIEs is restrictive as the line between these groups is blurred, particularly when SIEs make their "temporary" home overseas permanent by settling in the HC (Al Ariss and Ozbilgin 2010).
Although international students are not immigrants or SIEs per se, they can be considered as prospective SIEs because they have a choice of returning to their home countries or remaining in the country where they studied, and they are frequently welcomed in the HC to help address the shortage of skills (Tamburri 2013). Since international students have the opportunity to step into the role of an SIE, it is worthwhile to review the literature behind SIEs, their adjustment process, and their aspirations for career orientation and development.
REASONS FOR EXPATRIATING ABROAD
SIEs relocate overseas for various reasons. Richardson and colleagues (Richardson and Mallon 2005; Richardson and McKenna 2002, 2003) identify five reasons that motivate individuals to relocate overseas, including: adventure/travel, life change/escape, family, financial incentives, and career. Demographic characteristics also play a role in the motivations for SIEs to expatriate abroad. For example, in comparing the demographics between SIEs and AEs, Andresen, Biemann, and Pattie (2015) note that SIEs tend to be younger, single, female (AEs tend to be men), work for smaller organizations or the public sector, and are found in lower level jobs (AEs tend to be in high-level management/technical roles).
Selmer and Lauring (2011) note that married individuals focus extensively on family issues, while single SIEs move abroad to improve or change their lives and are frequently found in more junior positions, placing greater emphasis on adventure/travel than AEs in senior roles. Furthermore, Suutari and Brewster (2000) and Jackson et al. (2005) observe that lifestyle and family considerations tend to be pull factors towards the home, while career, culture and economics operate primarily as push factors attracting people to move overseas. Female SIEs also make decisions to expatriate based on relationships and family, while men are much more motivated by financial gains and the risky nature of expatriation abroad.
THE ADJUSTMENT PROCESS
When individuals relocate to a new country, they inevitably experience cultural differences, such as language, customs, norms, and traditions. In this regard, SIEs need to adjust to the new culture as it facilitates social integration, development of networks and contacts, and finding jobs in the HC. Cross-cultural adjustment is the degree to which individuals are psychologically comfortable and familiar with different aspects of a foreign environment (Black 1988). Black and Stephens (1989) conceptualize cross-cultural adjustment as having three dimensions: general, interactional, and work-related adjustments. General adjustment refers to the way expatriates get used to the living conditions in the foreign country. Interactional adjustment refers to the way expatriates get used to dealing with host-country nationals (HCNs). Work adjustment deals with expatriates' ease of integrating into the workplace (Froese and Peltokorpi 2013).
Since SIEs relocate overseas to seek new cultural experiences and find career opportunities on their own volition, they are more likely to be proficient in the local language and often stay longer in the HC than AEs (Froese and Peltokorpi 2013). As a result, they may have better cross-cultural adjustment than AEs. Specifically, SIEs experience better interactional adjustment due to their knowledge of the local culture and language, which helps them to build effective social networks with HCNs (Froese and Peltokorpi 2013). According to Black (1988), adjustment to a new culture follows four stages: the "honeymoon" stage, a "frustration" stage, a stage where some new behaviours are adopted, and a final stage where adjustment is complete. The author will refer to these stages to help make sense of her adjustment experiences in Canada.
CAREER ORIENTATION AND DEVELOPMENT
SIEs are thought to espouse strong "boundaryless" and "protean" career orientations (Guo, Porschitz, and Alves 2013; Inkson et al. 1997). Under the boundaryless career conceptualization, individuals move freely between firms and countries, relying on competencies that are transferable between organizations (Andresen, Biemann and Pattie 2015). According to Briscoe, Hall and DeMuth (2006), individuals with protean career attitudes are self-directed (i.e., taking an independent and proactive role in managing their vocational development) and are values driven (i.e., following their own vs. organizational values in career management). Protean careerists also display strong adaptability and self-direction in personal career management (Hall and Harrington 2004; Sullivan 1999). In this regard, while both SIEs and AEs are observed to be associated with having boundaryless and protean career mindsets, these career orientations are stronger for SIEs. Therefore, it is no surprise for SIEs to demonstrate strong personal agency (Guo et al. 2013; Inkson, Gunz, Ganesh, and Roper 2012), thus ensuring their personal and professional success.
Since SIEs are motivated to gain international exposure and build global professional skills, they must accumulate career capital to be successful (Rodriguez and Scurry 2014). According to Mayrhofer et al. (2004), career capital incorporates cultural capital (knowledge and experience), social capital (social connections), and economic capital (money and properties). The accumulation of career capital is essential for accessing potential career development opportunities. Eby, Butts and Lockwood (2003) also propose that "knowing-why" (protean career attitude), "knowing-whom" (career network), and "knowing-how" (cultural intelligence) promote career capital and success. In this regard, a large network not only provides opportunities for acquiring intercultural skills--which increases cultural intelligence--it also promotes career success. Cultural intelligence and knowledge of diverse cultures, in turn, assist individuals with building networks, moving across and within organizations, and achieving greater career success (Cao, Hirschi, and Deller 2012).
AUTOETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACH
Autoethnographic accounts can be a useful and impactful method of informing new knowledge. Although autoethnography is a reflection of personal experiences, it is also an introspective account that can inform theory (Shields 2000). By reflecting on personal experiences, researchers as storytellers can produce engaging and compelling scholarship (see Ng 2014; Tung 2009). For example, Friedman, Dyke and Murphy (2009) detail culture shock, adjustment and acceptance based on the firsthand experience of the author. The account led to a greater understanding of cross-cultural adjustment among expatriates. According to Karra and Phillips (2008), there are benefits and shortcomings in autoethnographic research. Autoethnography reduces resource requirements as the cost of translation and resources needed to understand the context are eliminated. As a result, it minimizes translation issues through intercultural misunderstandings (Friedman et al. 2009). On the other hand, autoethnography may be criticized for a lack of researcher distance, which may lead to researcher bias (Vryan 2006). Nevertheless, autoethnography allows the writer/researcher to make sense of her experience and to extract the most relevant information to fill a gap in knowledge (Anderson 2006). Vickers (2007) notes that discussing personal experiences through a sense-making autoethnographic account can also help confirm or add to existing theories. In this autoethnography, the author recounted her experiences from the very first moments of the circumstances and thoughts she had about leaving India to her subsequent settlement in Canada. Her account included identifying key events, triggers, and pivotal moments that helped construct her narrative. Her interpretation of these events was also corroborated by the key actors (e.g., family members, classmates, and coworkers) that surfaced in her narrative. They also helped fill any gaps in memory. The second and third authors acted as interviewers, often asking for clarification, and probing for the motive behind each decision and action. These steps provided a layer of reliability and validity in the research process. The author's account builds upon existing literature on the "push" and "pull" factors' shaping expatriate retention in the HC (Baruch et al. 2007; Kim et al. 2011; Tharenou and Caulfield 2010), and enhances our understanding of why international students decide to remain in the country following the completion of their studies.
MY JOURNEY: REFLECTIONS BY THE (FIRST) AUTHOR
I wasborn and raised in a northern city in India. Similar to the demographic profile described in Andresen et al. (2015), I am a young, single female. My older sister got married in 2007 and moved to Tokyo, Japan and later to New Hampshire, U.S. where her husband studied for his MBA. Upon my brother-in-law's graduation in 2009, he was offered a job in Halifax, Canada, and my sister invited me to join them and to travel to Halifax with them. A lot of factors played a part when I was deciding whether or not I should go to Canada. I had finished my undergraduate studies by then and I was not employed. This had prompted my father to urge me to get married, which I was not yet ready to do. Reeling from a recent breakup, I was looking for a change of scenery and wanted to get away from my mundane life. I also wanted to travel and Canada was an exciting opportunity not only because my sister was moving there but also because my aunt lives in Montreal. Based on Richardson and McKenna (2002, 2003) and Richardson and Mallon's (2005) reasons for expatriation, a desire for adventure/travel, life change/escape, and family reasons in combination motivated me to visit Canada. In August 2009,1 got a travel visa and travelled to Halifax.
Upon arriving in Halifax and after spending a month in the city, I decided to explore the graduate programs as a way to extend my stay there. As Al Ariss and Ozbilgin (2010) suggest, an initial "sojourner" can become a "self-initiated" expatriate at a later stage and an expatriate may become an immigrant. I, too, fell into these shifting categories. I found an MBA program in Halifax that appealed to me. However, in order for me to apply to the program, I had to study in Canada for one additional year, as my undergraduate program which I had completed was only three years in length. Hence, I returned to India in November 2009, obtained my student visa, and returned to Halifax to begin my studies.
My first term of studies commenced in January 2010 and ended in April 2010. Since I was on a student visa, I was not legally allowed to work in Canada. As such, in order to gain Canadian work experience and learn the culture better, I volunteered with a charitable organization. With my academic background in accounting, I became their bookkeeper. I also volunteered with another organization where I worked with immigrant youth and through this group, I got to explore Halifax and nearby areas with them. Through these volunteer roles, I was able to see more of Halifax, integrate with the local culture, become more confident, and build networks with HCNs. My social networks helped me learn about the culture and the norms in the city. These contributed to the "knowing-whom" component of my career capital, which had a positive effect on my well-being and adjustment during my stay (Wang and Kanungo 2004). Consistent with Yang, Noels and Saumure (2006) on the role of intercultural contact in facilitating cross-cultural adjustments, I credit my volunteer roles for instilling the confidence in me to reach out and interact with new people. To better integrate with the local culture and to provide balance to my life, I became friends with native-born Canadians, as well as maintaining friendships with people in India. I further expanded my social networks to include people from various countries like Mexico, Czech Republic, Palestine, Germany and El Salvador to gain an understanding of a diverse range of cultures and international exposure. Prior knowledge of the English language was an added advantage and further assisted with my interactional adjustment. This not only allowed me to expand my social network but also demonstrated my willingness to become a part of the HC culture. Various studies have shown that HC language skills enable and foster interactions with HCNs and enable expatriates to learn about HC culture (Froese 2010; Peltokorpi 2008; Selmer 2006). Since cross-cultural adjustment is crucial for SIEs from culturally distant countries to achieve career success (Cao et al. 2012), I found that my path to gain cultural knowledge and career capital through volunteering was instrumental in my career development.
After the "honeymoon" stage (Black 1988) was over, I decided to join an accounting program as I hoped that would add more value to my experience and help me find a job in Canada sooner. I started the program in September 2010 and it ended in April 2011. Since I was volunteering during this time, I had no source of income. It was becoming hard to find a job since smaller and local organizations could not afford to sponsor my work visa while bigger organizations required more Canadian work experience. Reitz et al. (2014) observe the problem of non-recognition of immigrants' credentials and discounting of their foreign experience in Canada. As Richardson (2009) notes, in Canada the guidelines are such that it is required that "priority be given to Canadian nationals" (166) and "hiring panels must justify in writing why a position was offered to a non-Canadian applicant" (166). Even though I cleared the exam for my accounting program and was eligible to move forward, I would not have been able to complete the program until 1 gained at least two years' of work experience at a managerial level. Thus began my "frustration" stage (Black 1988) as I realized that it was time to repatriate to India and either find a job there or get married and settle down.
I moved back to India in July 2011. Home country family encouragement also impacted my intention to repatriate. While in India, I tried to find a job but I started comparing the living conditions and working environment with that in Canada. I had family in both countries who pulled me in two different directions. However, my desire for adventure, career progression, and a better standard of living pulled me back to Canada. Within two years, I had expatriated to Canada, repatriated back to India, and was now longing to move back to Canada. In December 2011,1 wrote my GMAT exam and went back to Halifax to apply for admission to business schools. The MBA program was an avenue for me to stay in Canada on a permanent basis. At this point, my motivation to be in Canada shifted from pursuing further education to career development and I became an SIE. I commenced my MBA program in July 2012, and also started working on-campus as a Teaching Assistant (TA) for one of my former professors in September 2012. Working as TA had several benefits. It provided a regular source of income, but more importantly, it helped me gain experience and utilize my skills, which allowed me to expand my social network. Mendenhall (1996) comments that both foreign teaching assistants and expatriate managers have authority over HCNs, performance-based evaluation and the need to communicate effectively--sometimes despite language deficiencies--to work with HCNs. The TA role was also instrumental in enhancing my general and interactional adjustment.
As part of my MBA program, we had to complete an eight-month internship. I was fortunate to receive an offer following a first interview, and it was the job I wanted the most. While some of the international students from my class returned to their home countries to work for a home organization, I was elated at the opportunity to work in Canada. The reasons for taking up a local position were to gain cross-cultural experience, personal growth, future career prospects, excitement, and meeting new and different people. From January to August 2013, I moved to Toronto, Canada to work for an international credit financing company. Although Lee (2005) notes that little is done by organizations to tap into the full potential of SIEs and to explore their international knowledge and skills, most of my colleagues and supervisors were themselves SIEs to Canada and were employed in the roles that best suited their experiences and knowledge. This internship was useful not only for gaining work experience, but also for fulfilling my desire to travel, explore, and enjoy a new place. Even during my internship, I found opportunities to volunteer which benefitted me in expanding my contacts and acquiring deeper and broader social capital. This work experience also facilitated my work-related adjustment. I had not only learnt how to live by myself, but also gained the necessary work experience and cultural knowledge. I was, therefore, at the third stage of adjustment (Black 1988) and adopted new behaviours. Since many of my colleagues spoke Spanish, I took Spanish lessons, which strengthened my working relationships and adjustment in the workplace. These office socializations, such as having lunches and coffees together, further enhanced my adjustment process. As I was on my own in a new city, I also explored Toronto and neighbouring cities. I was comfortable and confident in a new environment and soon felt like a part of the city.
At the end of the internship, I returned to Halifax to resume school in September 2013, and I decided to work as a TA again. One of duties included working with international students and assisting them in improving their written and verbal communication skills. It was a rewarding role since I was able to share my experiences and knowledge, and "pay it forward" to help other international students better acculturate in Canada.
Before completing my graduate program, I secured a job at a local law firm. Through my personal contacts and networks, I was able to secure an interview for a job that I wanted and soon landed an offer. SIEs are often found to accept what they perceive as a less challenging role and a lower salary in order to stay abroad (Doherty, Dickmann and Mills 2011), but this was not the case for me. I was hired as a Business Development Coordinator, which is a new and challenging role for me. Since I am changing my career path, my motivation for taking the new job was career progression and not financial incentives. This position also allowed me to further develop my career capital and enhance my future in Canada. At the moment, I am fully embedded in the HC (a situation that pulls SIEs to remain rather than to leave) and I have no plans to repatriate to my home country. One may say that I have "gone native," i.e., I have a strong relationship with my HC but a weak one with the home country (Black and Gregersen 1992), but I do not yet consider myself to be at the final stage of adjustment (Black 1988), i.e., calling myself "Canadian." I am proud of initiating my own expatriation to Canada and taking responsibility for my own career development.
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
A host of factors influence an individual's decision to remain abroad following their studies. These factors can be categorized as push factors (i.e., push people towards expatriating abroad) and "pull factors" (i.e., factors that pull people back to their home countries) (Baruch et al. 2007; Tharenou and Caulfield 2010). Baruch et al. (2007) report that international students' adjustment, ties to family and perception of the labour market in the HC affect their decision to stay abroad or return home. They also note that Indian students were the least inclined to return home given the smaller cultural distance between India and the U.K. and the U.S. International students may also remain abroad because of economic and political conditions at home (Bratsberg 1995). Indeed, in a study of international students who have completed their doctorates in the U.S., students originating from developing countries with poor economic conditions such as China and India were much more likely to remain in the HC (Kim et al. 2011). However, students from these developing economies were also more likely to return home during periods of economic growth, but the return rates declined during economic recessions. Furthermore, political concerns (such as lack of freedom, corruption, and instability) in developing countries also discouraged students from returning home (Alberts and Hazen 2005). In contrast, students from Western developed countries were least likely to cite these as reasons for staying in the HC, instead emphasizing the quality of life for returning home. Apart from home country conditions, individual personal circumstances also play a critical role in a student's decision to remain in the HC and transition as an SIE.
In this respect, the author's autoethnographic account emphasized the role of social networks and family ties in influencing her decision to expatriate and repatriate. Not only was family a consideration when the decision to expatriate was made, her family actively influenced the decision-making. Importantly, career and professional development were the key influencers in the author's decision to move back to Canada for the second time. As a female SIE, expatriation to a less risky and more secure country also helped the author become more confident, particularly in taking risks and extending herself in social situations (Myers and Pringle 2005). Although the location of expatriation was pre-determined as a result of her sister's migration to Canada, she was also influenced by the opportunity to relocate to a developed economy.
The author's adjustment in Canada was also facilitated in part by her prior knowledge of the native language (i.e., English) as well as existing social ties in the HC (i.e., family ties), and in part by her personal agency. Through volunteering, she was able to step out of her comfort zone which enabled her to establish a greater number of and stronger social networks with HCNs. This, in turn, facilitated her understanding of the cultural norms in Canada. As a result, her cultural knowledge ("knowing-how") and career network ("knowing-whom") facilitated her general and interactional adjustments, while her protean career attitude ("knowing-why") assisted with her work adjustment. Knowing-why was also a push factor that led her to integrate more quickly and expedited her career success.
Family ties in both home and host countries also contributed to the pull and push factors. Having a sister in Canada pulled the author to stay in the HC, and at the same time, having parents in India pushed her to return to her home country. However, she overcame this by calling her parents frequently and also visiting her home country regularly (at least once every year). According to Tharenou and Caulfield (2010), career embeddedness (i.e., how many career sacrifices will an SIE have to make) and community embeddedness (i.e., how many social activities and ties will be sacrificed) are related positively to HC satisfaction and negatively to intention to repatriate. This embeddedness also made it easier for the author to stay in Canada after the completion of her studies.
The factors that led to the author (1) first returning to India and (2) subsequently returning to Canada and deciding to remain, are summarized in Table 1. Initially, personal factors (such as family encouragement), public policy, and employer practices "pushed" the author to repatriate back to her country of origin after her studies. However, personal ambitions (such as travel and career development opportunities) and prospects for a better life "pulled" her back to Canada. Furthermore, personal agency (e.g., volunteering) and positive experiences contributed to her adjustment and subsequent decision to remain in the HC as a self-initiated expatriate.
PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS
As the Baby Boomers begin to exit the workforce in large numbers, many industrialized countries will experience a shortage of skilled workers. Many countries are resorting to immigration as a way to sustain their economic growth and prosperity and, in the immediate term, to address skills gaps. However, immigrants also experience poor economic integration, in part, because of differences in human capital (education, technical skills, language proficiency) between the immigrants' home and host countries (Chand and Tung 2014). Research from international assignments suggests that when expatriates fail abroad, they also experience a blow to their self-esteem, wellbeing and personal ego (Tung 1987). When highly skilled and educated immigrants (such as SIEs) are underutilized, they represent a "brain waste" and a brain drain for the SIEs home countries (Haq and Ng 2010). Reitz (2001) estimates the opportunity cost of immigrant underutilization at $15 billion. Thus, to minimize the personal and opportunity costs of SIE underutilization, a compelling case can be made to retain international students as permanent residents, as they are less likely to experience credential discounting and they are more likely to adjust efficiently and effectively.
However, the author in the present paper also encounters challenges with remaining in Canada upon completion of her studies. Specifically, Canadian law requires international students to leave the country upon graduation and to apply for re-entry from outside of Canada. In this instance, a change in public policy (1) could remove an obstacle for international students to remain in the country and transition from international student to SIE status more efficiently. Likewise, public policy could also be simplified to assist smaller employers, with a strong need for skills, to sponsor international students as prospective SIEs. For example, there have been calls from politicians in the U.S. to staple a "green card" (permanent residency) to every diploma they award to international students (Strain 2012). Given the looming shortage of skills and increasing pressures for cross-cultural competencies in a global context, employers should actively capitalize on this cross-cultural pool of talent. International students speak the language, know the culture, and understand how business works in their home countries, and can therefore guide Canadian firms on how to do business with their countries of origin. Recruiting international students into the Canadian workforce can provide firms with transnational ties necessary for facilitating trade between the students' countries of origin and Canada (Chand and Tung 2011).
RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS
Although there is growing extant research on SIEs, very little attention has been cast on the attraction and retention of international students as SIEs. At the moment, we do not know enough about why individuals decide to transition from international student to SIE status. Previous research suggests that home country factors such as economic and political conditions play a role in a student's decision. Students from developing countries with scarce economic opportunities and insecure political situations are much more likely to remain in the HC. However, when the push factors in the home country are weak, personal preferences for professional development and quality of life play a larger role in an individual's decision to stay. In addition, it would also be informative to know the settlement success of other international students who transitioned as SIE in influencing the decisions made by current students. For example, if international students have a history of poor economic and social integration, then current students may have a lower desire to remain in the HC after completing their studies. Indeed, Harvey, Groutsis and van den Broek (2017) suggest that the direct experiences of SIEs in the HC can impact the reputation and ability of a country to attract future skilled immigrants. Of note, while a lot of attention has been focused on the retention of international students from developing countries (such as China and India) to developed countries, comparatively little attention has been cast on the decision of students from developed countries (such as the U.S. and Canada) to settle as SIEs in developing countries where the economy is growing. This reverse flow of talent can also potentially impact the shortage of skills in aging, developed economies such as Canada, and merits further research attention.
Based on the autoethnographic account in this paper, we further propose adopting a general theory of commitment (Meyer and Allen 1991, 1997) in future research to examine the association and strength between an international student commitment to the HC and intention to stay as SIEs. In general, individuals may be committed [to an organization] because of "affective" (i.e., desire to remain), "continuous" (i.e., cost of leaving) and "normative" (i.e., obligation to remain) reasons. In this paper, the author is attracted to Canada because of travel and family (affective commitment), but also to avoid a loss in the quality of life in Canada (continuous commitment). Furthermore, the desire to "pay it forward" and assist other international students, as expressed by the author, demonstrates a strong normative commitment (obligation to give back) to the HC. In this regard, we encourage future scholarship on SIEs in general and international students in particular to build upon Meyer and Allen's theory of commitment, and to more closely examine their potential antecedents and consequences with respect to the personal and professional outcomes (e.g., career success) of self-initiated expatriation.
CONCLUSION
As the present paper utilizes an autoethnographic approach to generate insights into why international students decide to remain in the country, it represents the experience of a single individual. Nonetheless, the experiences of isolation, integration, and adjustment reported here are common to many international students, and worthy of sharing. A notable exception in the author's experience was the support of family in the adjustment process which allowed her to overcome the challenge of loneliness and anxiety which is experienced by many international students. Despite the limited generalizability of the present study, we know from the literature that the existence of family ties and social networks in the HC facilitate SIE adjustment. Both community and career embeddedness in HC also help anchor the SIE and influence their decisions to remain.
NOTES
(1.) Inkson et al. (1997) originally used the term "Overseas Expatriates."
(2.) We acknowledge that, in general, "push" factors refer to reasons that motivate an individual to leave their home country, while "pull" factors refer to motivations that draw someone to the HC. Given that the author was compelled to return to India because she couldn't find work due to visa requirements, and her family encouraged her to return to India, the push/pull factors have reverse meanings in this instance.
(3.) Since January 2013, international students may now stay and work in Canada for up to three years following graduation. This was not made available to the author back in 2010 when she completed her accounting program.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Eddy S. Ng gratefully acknowledges the support of the F.C. Manning Chair in Economics and Business, Rowe School of Business, Dalhousie University and SSHRC Insight Grant 435-2016-1227 in the preparation of this manuscript.
NAMITA RAJANI works as a Clients and Markets Specialist at McCarthy Tetrault, a law firm in Toronto. Namita completed her Bachelor of Commerce from University of Lucknow, India and Dalhousie University. Following this she finished her Master of Business Administration from Dalhousie University, with a focus on international business. Namita came to Halifax (Canada) from India in 2009 to visit her sister and decided to stay in Halifax for further studies. This inspired her to explore the topic of self-initiated expatriates and why some decide to stay in the new country while others decide to move back home. Namita is deeply interested in cross-cultural communication and integration. She was a member of the Diversity Council at Mclnnes Cooper (past employer) and is actively involved in promoting diversity and inclusion in the workplace.
EDDY S. NG is Professor of Organizational Behaviour and the F.C. Manning Chair in Economics and Business at Dalhousie University. His research focuses on managing diversity for organizational competitiveness, the changing nature of work and organizations, and managing an intergenerational workforce. His research has been funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and Canadian Studies grants. He has served as Chair of the Diversity and Inclusion Theme Committeee of the Academy of Management, and the Gender and Diversity in Organizations Division of the Administrative Sciences Association of Canada. He is the Editor-in-Chief of Equality, Diversity and Inclusion.
DIMITRIA GROUTSIS is Senior Lecturer in Work and Organisational Studies at the University of Sydney. Dimitria's research program focuses on high- and low-skilled labour mobility and diversity management, with a focus on cultural diversity. She is also a frequent media commentator on issues surrounding diversity management, migrants and refugees. She has served as the Regional Editor (Australasia) for Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion: An International Journal. She is an Advisory board member of the journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies and she is currently Associate Editor of the European Management Review. She is also the Chair of the Gender, Diversity and Indigeneity Stream (Australia and NZ Academy of Management). Dimitria is the co-Convenor of the Migrants[c] Work Research Group (M@WRG), School of Business, University of Sydney and serves as Board member for the Ethnic Communities Council. TABLE 1. A comparison of the "push" and "pull" factors that led the author to return home to India, and subsequently return to Canada and stay Repatriation Expatriation (Factors that led to returning (Factors that led to a home to India) return to Canada and subsequent decision to stay) Public Policy Opportunities * Student visas did not permit students to * Relational ties work following the (serendipity). completion of their * Adventure and travel. studies. * Career development and * Employers have to give opportunities. employment priorities * Preference for quality of to Canadian citizens and permanent life in Canada. residents. Employer Practice Individual Competencies * Small firms cannot and Personal afford (time, money) Agency to sponsor work visas for students. * Career orientation * Large employers frequently require (protean, boundary-less) sub-stantial work experience. * Human capital (e.g., MBA). * Native language competency. * Cross-cultural and communication skills. * Networking skills (social Individual Factors capital acquisition). Expatriation Outcomes * Family ties, particularly parents. * Expatriation experience and satisfaction. * Professional fulfilment and achievement. * Career embeddedness. * Community embeddedness.