'Game over': indigenous Australian sportsmen and athletic retirement.

Stronach, Megan ; Adair, Daryl ; Taylor, Tracy 等

Abstract: In Australia, three sports in particular--boxing, rugby league and Australian Rules football--have attracted many Indigenous (1) competitors, both in professional and elite amateur ranks. This paper investigates the retirement experiences of Indigenous Australian sportsmen; in doing so, it explores a significant gap in knowledge. There is no body of research into the athletic retirement of elite Indigenous athletes, thus very little is known about how they have prepared for and adjusted to a life after competing in sport. The study analyses the roles and responsibilities of sport organisations in terms of athletic retirement planning, since these bodies arguably have a duty of care to their employees and, in the case of player associations, to their members. The research is underpinned by an Indigenous philosophy known as Dadirri, which emphasises deep and respectful listening, and the concern is to understand policy and practice in respect of athletic retirement. The study concludes that Indigenous Australian sportsmen face complex postsport challenges due to (a) the primacy of their athletic identity, (b) assumptions about their 'natural' acumen as athletes, (c) the impact of racialised stereotypes, and (d) profound commitments to extended families and communities. Athletic retirement is therefore likely to be particularly challenging for Indigenous sportspeople. Consequently, providers of athlete career and education programs need to develop policies and provide resources that cater for the complex transition needs of Indigenous athletes.

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Elite-level sport offers professional careers for many athletes; for others it is a full-time activity, but with little prospect of significant financial remuneration. Irrespective of the type of engagement in elite sport, all full-time athletes face the inevitability of retirement, which may or may not be voluntary. Therefore, effective planning for a post-sport career is critical at both the individual and organisational level. Athlete transition programs have become more common in elite sport, but services vary significantly among sports and playing environments. So depending on context, there are situational limitations and constraints for athletes facing retirement: some sports have well-developed programs, others have none; some countries have sport systems with transition education and resources, others have none (Lavallee and Wylleman 2000).

In terms of the present study, a paper by Stambulova and Alfermann (2009) is particularly important. They lament that career and education programs have generally been structured in a culturally homogenous manner, suggesting that the needs, aspirations and experiences of participants are broadly similar. The assumption among policymakers is that athletes who leave sport are socio-culturally similar subjects with common issues of adjustment (Alfermann et al. 2004; Stambulova and Alfermann 2009; Stambulova et al. 2007). This rather narrow perspective fails to acknowledge the cultural diversity of elite athletes, a population group with varied personal circumstances and thus arguably different needs at retirement. Athletes are hardly a homogenous group; they have diverse sociocultural backgrounds and identities. In their paper, Stambulova and Alfermann (2009:292) put it this way: 'universal knowledge about "athletes in general" is unable to comprehend the attitudes and behaviours of "athletes from different cultures'". These points have since been reinforced by a doctoral study that concluded that ethnic and cultural backgrounds are particularly important in terms of decision-making processes around athletic retirement. Park (2012) found that norms and values that underpin an individual's sense of self also impact on their coping strategies and support mechanisms. According to these researchers, therefore, career education programs need to be culturally aware in order to be more inclusive and thus effective.

Taking this lead, this study explores the career transition and retirement experiences of a particularly interesting and important group in Australian sport--male Indigenous athletes. (2) Although Indigenous Australians constitute less than 3 per cent of the national population (ABS 2009), they are statistically over-represented at the elite level in three sports--Australian Rules football, rugby league and boxing (AFL 2007; Masters 2009; Tatz 1996). Although many Indigenous Australians have assumed high-profile roles in these sports, very little is known about their experiences of transitioning from a full-time athletic career and associated life adjustments. This study, which draws upon four years of research, seeks to address this significant knowledge gap.

The paper begins with an overview of relevant literature on athletic retirement, followed by a discussion about the nature of Indigenous involvement in Australian sport. It discusses the ethical and practical methodological challenges that were inherent in the research underpinning this paper, and the chosen research design. Subsequently, by drawing on the voices of male Indigenous athletes, thematic findings are presented; a key objective here was to enable the respondents an opportunity to reflect on their experiences while also allowing them to contemplate how athletic retirement might be improved for their colleagues in the future.

Research into athletic retirement

Research into athletic retirement, taking in perspectives from psychology, sociology and management, has matured in recent years. Early research tended to address the causes and nature of athletic retirement, but recent work has started to 'investigate factors influencing the quality of career transitions and strategies preparing athletes for life after sport' (Smith and McManus 2008:45). This paper focuses on the transition from sport to the post-sport career, and the associated need for planning. That process is particularly important in the context of high-performance sport; athletic careers generally last only a few years, and so transitioning to a vocation beyond that may be challenging, and may occur at a relatively young age. Indeed, numerous studies have indicated that the end of an athletic career is likely to present significant problems of adjustment to a new life, especially when retirement is abrupt and unexpected. Investigators have uncovered emotional and psychological problems for some sportspeople, including serious stress, reduced perceptions of self-worth, lack of purpose, loss of identity and alienation from social networks (Kerr and Dacyshyn 2000; Stephan et al. 2003; Svoboda and Vanek 1982; Taylor and Ogilvie 2001). Psychologists have also pointed to examples of zeteophobia (3) among retiring athletes, which is understood as extreme anxiety or fear about career decision making. The most troubled retirees may even exhibit pathological behaviours, such as substance abuse and suicidal feelings (Butt and Molnar 2009).

Professional sport, whether in Australia or other developed nations, has generally accepted the argument from player advocates that athlete support is a responsibility of sport clubs and federations, often in partnership with player associations and/or player agents (Denison 1996; Sinclair and Hackfort 2000; Taylor and Ogilvie 1994). In part, this is a demonstration that sport organisations have a responsibility to develop more than just athleticism among their on-field employees. But it is also a realisation that recruitment into sport is more likely to be appealing if athletes have opportunities to prepare for a career beyond the playing field. For many years Australia has been at the forefront of career and education program development for high-performance athletes (Gorely et al. 1998). Compared to highly paid sports stars in the United States or Europe, Australia's professional or elite amateur athletes are paid modestly; this helps to explain why career transition and education programs have been of particular interest here. Few Australian athletes can retire on the earnings they have earned through sport.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

Drawing on the academic literature, a flow chart (Figure 1) was developed by the lead author to illustrate the transition process, from the initial decision to exit sport through to the post-sport situation. This chart combined the work of several authors (including Kerr and Dacyshyn 2000; Fernandez et al. 2006; Schlossberg 1984; Taylor and Ogilvie 1994).

Indigenous athletes

In terms of the present study, an investigation into the involvement of Indigenous Australian sportsmen in three major sporting contexts--the Australian Football League (AFL), the National Rugby League (NRL) and boxing (elite amateur or professional)--identified four major areas of relevance. First, over many decades Indigenous athletes have demonstrated abundant sporting prowess, becoming high-profile performers in Australian sporting culture (Korff 2008; Tatz 1995). As already mentioned, Indigenous Australians constitute less than 3 per cent of the national population (ABS 2009), yet they are statistically over-represented in each of the three sports in focus here, constituting well over 10 per cent in the football codes alone (AFL 2007; Masters 2009; Tatz 1996). Second, Indigenous athletes have an intriguing challenge: in sport they are widely admired for their skills and talent, yet when retired from the playing field or boxing ring they may struggle to preserve economic or social capital (Stronach 2010, 2012). This suggests that their time in sport, and indeed planning for life beyond it, is likely to be particularly challenging. A third factor is that Indigenous athletes face the persistent prospect of racism in Australian society. This used to be an endemic part of on-field sport, but since racial vilification rules were introduced into Australian sports in the mid-1990s, athletes are probably more likely to face bigotry and discrimination outside of the playing field or boxing ring (Gorman 2010, 2011). The implication, therefore, is that Indigenous athletes, during their time in the spotlight, may be somewhat shielded from excesses of racism as a consequence of their celebrity status, yet their time in that bubble is finite. Fourth, according to the research of Indigenous scholar Darren Godwell (1997, 2000), there is a widely held self-belief that Indigenous people are 'naturally' suited to competitive sport and 'naturally' talented as performers. Although this sense of physical acumen instils confidence in Indigenous footballers, boxers and the like, there is no corresponding assumption that these athletes have intellectual skills upon which to base a different type of career (Adair and Stronach 2011).

This brief overview suggests that Indigenous athletes are likely to face a complex experience in sport: lauded during their time on ground or in the ring, but outside that space--particularly once their playing careers are over--they have even bigger challenges. This study, therefore, is driven by an assumption that knowledge about the aspirations, needs and experiences of retiring Indigenous athletes is much needed.

Methodology

The researcher (the principal author) and her doctoral supervisors are non-Indigenous. When conceiving her doctoral project, the researcher sought to engage Indigenous advisers as a first step towards inviting Indigenous participants. Anticipating the cultural learning and sensitivities required to establish authentic relationships, two steps were vital. The first was to meet with Indigenous people who were in a position to counsel her and provide guidance. Three respected Indigenous people with interests and backgrounds in sport were approached to form an advisory group. The group met with the researcher on several occasions to discuss the structure of this study and methodology used, and eventually to help identify and discuss emerging themes from the viewpoint of members of the Indigenous cultural groups. The group continued to provide support throughout this study. In this way, the viewpoints of the advisory group were an integral part of the lead author's learning, research and interpretive process.

Stemming from her inquiries, the lead researcher was made aware of an Indigenous methodology known as Dadirri, (4) which offered a culturally appropriate means by which empathy, serious discussion and interpersonal communication is possible (Ungunmerr 1990). Dadirri advocates learning through quiet observation and deep listening, building knowledge inductively through sensitivity and awareness, and developing understanding by contemplation and reflection (Atkinson 2000). The advisory group and Dadirri enabled the lead researcher to better appreciate how and why Indigenous people function in their own cultures and environments. The researcher recognised the complexity of engaging with Indigenous informants, and that principles of honesty, sensitivity and respect, as well as a preparedness to 'listen with the heart as well as the head', were crucial. Indeed, within Indigenous Australian cultures, these are widely considered to be authentic bases for storytelling and deeply meaningful conversations (Ralph 1997).

The athlete participants were 30 Indigenous Australian athletes who had retired from their sports within the past 20 years, or who were currently at elite levels. All participants were high-performance competitors in their chosen sport. They volunteered to contribute to the research either through a sport organisation or by personal approaches using email or social media. After initial contact, a snowball sampling process ensued, with participants providing contact details of other Indigenous athletes who might be interested in taking part. The participant group consisted of:

* ten AFL sportsmen

* 14 boxers (seven amateur, seven professional)

* six NRL sportsmen.

At the point of data collection, each participant was coded with a pseudonym, current status or year of retirement (r), and the sport. (5) Formal approval for the research was granted from the University of Technology, Sydney Human Ethics Research Committee.

Consistent with previous studies conducted by non-Indigenous researchers (see, for example, Atkinson 2000; de Ishtar 2005; Kingsley et al. 2010), an open-ended and conversational approach to interviewing Indigenous respondents was developed. The objective was for the voices of the athletes to be heard, allowing the collection of rich data based on participant perspectives about athletic retirement (Veal 2006). The interview guides were fluid, but drew specifically from the issues raised in the literature review--both in terms of career transition research and in respect of Indigenous athletes. This allowed key themes to emerge, such as experiences of racism within sport, social support resources, Indigenous sport programs, athlete career and education programs, and recommendations for future Indigenous sport programs.

In seeking further explanation for the experiences of the athletes, other individuals were approached and interviewed. These 25 key stakeholders were personnel from the clubs and associations where the athletes had been located. These individuals had either direct or indirect involvement with Indigenous player recruitment and/ or welfare (development) programs. Some were current or retired coaches, managers, and club or association officials.

Following data collection, the researcher coded the information to allow for critical interpretation, analysis and understanding. Interviews were transcribed, checked for coherence and then returned to participants: this was not simply about fact checking; this was part of the collaborative process of creating knowledge. Feedback and follow-up points were welcomed from respondents. Transcripts were coded using the constant comparative analysis of data approach, as described by Glaser and Strauss (1967). Constant comparison can be undertaken deductively (i.e. codes are identified prior to analysis then looked for in the data) or inductively (i.e. codes emerge from the data) (Leech and Onwuegbuzie 2007). In this study, codes were developed using both methods. Identifying themes and sub-themes deductively was done by referring to the literature and the flow chart (Figure 1). An example is the four phases of the retirement experience, described by Kerr and Dacyshyn (2000) as (a) Exiting Sport, (b) Nowhere Land, (c) New Beginnings and (d) Moving On. A theme that emerged inductively was 'engaging indigeneity'. It was an obvious major theme identified by the occurrence and repetition of relevant topics. Table 1 illustrates the themes that emerged from the data, and which formed the basis for analysis.

To ensure reliability of the coding process, a strategy recommended by Miles and Huberman (1994) was followed. This involved a series of meetings between the advisory group and the researcher. Blank copies of the transcripts were recoded. Pleasingly, comparisons with the original coded transcripts demonstrated very high levels of code-recode reliabilities.

Habitus, capital and the field

Pierre Bourdieu's (1984) concepts of habitus, capital and field were particularly useful in the evaluation of data. Bourdieu asserted that the habitus is what people are, or what they do--or 'lasting, enduring dispositions' (Webb et al. 2002:125) --that involve identity and culture. Capital is what people have, such as knowledge or expertise that has value and can be traded in a workplace (Webb et al. 2002). The field is seen as a 'structured social place' (Johnson 2006:1) with its own rules, attitudes, language and logic. This encompasses associations, leagues, clubs and individuals such as officials, coaches and managers, along with the media. Interactions between the three elements are said to result in particular trends of social practice. In brief, Bourdieu's theoretical triad provided a framework:

1. to identify individual and group habitus and capital in sport

2. to evaluate the importance of the field on the social practices of Indigenous athletes

3. to enable exploration of notions of identity in the context of wider norms and responsibilities (familial, cultural, occupational) (Zevenbergen 2005).

Results and discussion

Engaging indigeneity

This section provides examples of the salience of the theoretical concepts of habitus, capital and the field in terms of interpreting the self-identity of participants, initially as Indigenous men, but ultimately as Indigenous athletes. It became evident that the processes by which the athletes constructed their sense of identity and maintained cultural values influenced their involvement and social practices, both in sport and in greater society.

1. Personal identity: participants' obvious pride in their Indigenous identity and heritage was typified by the words of Alex (r2007 NRL): 'I am a strong black man, and I know who I am and where I'm from'. This comment was reiterated in various forms by several participants. Neville's (r2008 NRL) self-description was succinct: 'I'm just a "blackfella" from the bush.' It was significant that both these athletes chose to acknowledge their skin colour; this was a factor that helped them assert their sense of identity.

Indigenous disadvantage is evident in Australia across virtually every socio-economic indicator, and consequently a career in sport gave these men a rare opportunity to change their personal situations, which many self-declared as having been challenging, problematic or even troubling. Footballers described motivating factors to participate in elite sport, such as being part of a premiership-winning team and being chosen in either an All-Australian AFL or Indigenous All-Star NRL team. The amateur boxers each yearned to be the first Australian gold-medal winning boxer at an Olympic Games. Above all, the athletes linked sport with a burning desire to enhance not only their own circumstances but also to make their families proud and happy. For each of the professional athletes, financial security for themselves and families was also a key. As Nathan (r2003 AFL) emphasised:

It's a way out of poverty, for most Aboriginal people, if they can get the opportunity to pay their parents' bills--oh! I wanted my mother to feel proud of herself, so when I went to [AFL club] it was fantastic for my mother. We'd get paid every Wednesday night, and so we'd go down to the ATM [automatic teller machine] and go and have a feed ... Oh, what a terrific feeling to make the people around you happier.

At the same time it gave them the opportunity to inspire other Indigenous people. Jack (current boxing) explained:

Nah, it's not the dollars ... the challenge has been a personal chance to say that I can do it, that I've come from nowhere. And it's been a chance for me to say to the other kids of [my economically depressed suburb] ... that they can do something when they put their heads to it.

Some, like Nick (r1997 boxing), had a different motivation to succeed. He recounted a deprived childhood and frequent episodes of bullying from school mates. Learning to fight was essential when he was a little boy:

I did it because I had red hair, and my Mum moved about a fair bit so I was always the new kid at school, got picked on all the time and had to learn how to defend myself. I didn't have a father to teach me how to fight. I had to learn how to fight to stick up for myself.

Kris (current boxing) described a life without direction. He had never held a job until after the birth of his first child. This was the catalyst he needed to turn his life around, giving him an incentive to find a job and also to take up the sport of boxing:

I had never worked and grew up experimenting and getting into trouble as a young person, making some silly choices and whatever, I came to that stage in my life we had our first child, and I thought 'I've got to snap out of this, get my act together', so at that stage that's when I started to want to turn my life around a bit. I was playing up a bit, drinking a bit of alcohol and smoking cigarettes, and, you know, the rest of it. And I thought 'no,

I've got to do something for myself'.

2. Indigenous heritage and culture: for Indigenous Australian athletes, identity is entwined with a staunch pride in cultural heritage, along with an acceptance of kinship and community obligations (Adair and Stronach 2011; Hallman and Judd 2009). Many athletes described how they negotiated relations between traditional cultural practices and modernity. While they were not necessarily trying to cling to the ways of the past, their living culture was of utmost importance. Current NRL footballer Bradley explained:

I may not look like the darkest guy, but my family is very culture orientated ... my family tries to drive that into us, to be proud of our Indigenous heritage and to do as much as we can to help other Indigenous people.

Maintaining culture was challenging for some participants as they became caught up in the intensity of their sport. Some discussed how they planned to explore their culture and Indigenous heritage further, once they retired from sport. This was not just a case of learning more about traditional Aboriginal customs, but a complex process of (re)discovering and embracing an identity. Anders' (r2008 boxing) words illustrate this:

We hear stories from my aunties, and you know I never really sat down with her and asked her about it--you know with her being from the Stolen Generation, and they are the ones to bring back memories for us.

For Simon (r2003 NRL), maintaining his culture was paramount. He described himself as a 'traditional owner of tribal lands', and his move to the city and eventual career in elite sport were designed to enable him, ultimately, to return home and assume a leadership position in his remote community. Therefore, it was with a sense of pragmatism that he described a 'detachment [from home and culture] that had to occur; I made a decision that I was going to go and pursue a university degree, and the rugby league was actually second'.

Kevin (r2007 AFL) contemplated both his indigeneity and the subconscious level where actions are formulated; in doing so he illustrated an awareness of a historic culture that had been instilled since an early age: 'I think it's there in some way, some things you do, you realise it's Aboriginal.'

Participants attempted to explain the collective nature of their own society. For Johnny (r2009 AFL), a distinctive Indigenous worldview emerged; he described strong feelings of connection with other Indigenous people and declared that 'non-Indigenous people don't get it!'

We had people coming through our house all the time. It was an amazing place to grow up. I could walk in the backyard of people's houses and knock on the back door, and walk in and say--'how ya going' and they'd make me a feed. Make me something to eat. Ask if I was OK. And sit down and chew the fat. And that's the bond, and I know non-Indigenous people don't get that. But we seem to get it.

For most Indigenous people, we don't treat things as our possessions--if it's mine it's yours, if it's yours it's ours.

Pete (r2007 boxing) summed up these feelings, stating, 'it's family first always, sharing, care for your people and respect'.

3. 'Natural' athletes: for many athletes, identity is developed and confirmed through their participation in sport. A dominant form of masculinity for Indigenous Australian males is expressed in sport. Respondents expressed a self-belief in the notion of Aboriginal people as 'natural' athletes. This reflected the widely held assumption that Indigenous people are 'naturally' suited to competitive sport and 'naturally' talented as athletic performers. A typical example of such strong self-belief in 'innate' Indigenous physical abilities was provided by Jerry (r1989 boxing):

You know yourself, you can go anywhere in Australia, any school in Australia, the best athlete is what? The best sportsman is what? Indigenous people. They're gifted, high fighters, running, speed, more balance, rhythm, timing--they're gifted.

Billy (r1989 boxing) simply believed Aboriginal talent for boxing was natural: 'Yeah', he said, 'it's in blackfellas' blood, to fight, all blackfellas are good fighters; they just need someone to bring it out of 'em.' Bradley (current NRL) also indicated his acceptance of an assumption about the 'natural' Indigenous athlete:

Indigenous people can do so many special things, like they're just--some of the hand-eye co-ordination of some Indigenous people, the speed some of the kids have got, the way that they can move, balance, step--you just don't see that in any other race.

Thirty-three-year-old Alex (r2007 NRL) expressed his conviction about Indigenous people as 'natural' athletes. Flowever, he also hinted at the importance of cultural practice and the strength of familial examples:

I think it's been passed on. And I mean when you look at a lot of the top athletes, they do have that look and physique of a natural-born warrior. And it's something I think when you look at a lot of the sports that we do are hand-eye, speed, co-ordination, and that comes down I think to our ancestors and our fore-fathers.

Alex was acknowledging the importance of skills handed down from parents and the challenges of growing up in a remote environment, which in its own way necessitated athleticism if food was going to reach the camp fire: 'Well', he said, 'the kangaroos didn't jump in our laps!' However, this ongoing belief in the 'innate' abilities of Indigenous athletes fails to acknowledge other motivations at work, such as the incredible will and desire of Indigenous athletes to excel. Nathan (r2003 AFL) expressed his exasperation:

So you'll get people, you'll get commentators using language like, 'Oh, this is magic'. So, almost in a mythical sense. Which really irritates us [Indigenous] players, because what it does is saying to everyone else that somehow this is done a lot easier, and so we don't work as hard.

To amend this misconception, Nathan suggested that a change of idiom was needed, if only to enhance the career stability and aspirations of Indigenous players:

So you have to reframe language around it so it does suggest that Aboriginal players work hard. 'Cos what it does is that it has a rippling effect, so when you go into negotiations with your next club and you're trying to secure your work, people say, 'oh, you're a sporadic player', or 'you're good--at times'. People don't actually see the hard work.

4. Family cohesion and connectedness: the importance of family was obvious as participants described their close ties. Mothers held a special place in the lives of their sons, with Key Stakeholder #23 (an Indigenous person) alluding to a strong matriarchal influence. In some families, the mother was the sole parent, while other participants talked about the importance of their mothers in what they described as challenging, yet close, family units. Brian (r1993 AFL) said, 'Mum and I were extremely close ... I didn't have to kick a hundred goals to have Mum proud or put her arm around me.'

Many of the athletes were married and had families of their own at a relatively young age. Scott (r2007 AFL), a 33-year-old father of four, spoke about the support he had received from his family and how that had benefited his career:

That's when my career started taking off, when I got married and settled down and started moving towards family-orientated sort of life. When I went home and I'd had a bad performance, they didn't care who I was, they still looked at me as Dad. So that was a pleasing thing. It makes it a lot easier and it certainly helped my career.

An understanding of the factors influencing the self-identity of the participant group proved to be helpful in appreciating how the athletes experienced athletic retirement.

Athletic retirement

1. Exiting sport: when making the decision to leave sport, the athletes often described 'pull factors', or positive aspects of a post-sport life (Fernandez et al. 2006). These included wanting to spend more time with family, and strong ties with land and community. For example, Robin (r1989 AFL) said, 'In my heart I wanted to go back home ... yeah, back to the top end ... I had things that I wanted to do ... yeah, the top end was just calling me'.

A strong desire to 'give back' to Indigenous people and communities was evident, with a number of participants discussing their aspirations to work in remote communities. As Johnny (r2009 AFL) talked about this, he described a profound belief in his role as an Indigenous man:

I believe I'm put here to help more Indigenous people. In what role and capacity, that's where it comes in the next five or ten years, and that's what I'm working on at the moment. There's another side of me that wants to do some other stuff in communities, and basically use my profile to get things done, I suppose. But in the end--put it down --I'm here to help.

'Anti-pull factors' are said to express perceived difficulties and feelings of insecurity associated with the post-sport career (Fernandez et al. 2006). Norman (r2005 AFL) had delayed leaving the sport due to a feeling of insecurity:

In my last four years I wanted to walk away from it and hang up the boots, but I just stuck at it. I had my doubts for the last four years. So when I did retire--I mean my body couldn't handle it, the level of the game--it was a very scary moment, a very, very scary moment, because ... my whole life was football. I didn't know what to do.

The most common 'push factors', or negative considerations of the athlete's present life, were age, injury and deselection (Fernandez et al. 2006). But the athletes also faced problems during their time in sport that made their careers problematic--in particular, a lack of recognition or respect of their cultural obligations to family and community. So there was often a lack of appropriate support during their playing careers and hurdles to overcome in terms of maintaining their culture. Players linked these push factors to premature or problematic retirement. For example, Kevin (r2007 AFL) said:

There were a few deaths in my family, and they really didn't give me enough time to stay home, and so I wasn't happy about that. And that affected the way I felt about the coach.

So yeah, it was difficult.

'Anti-push factors' are the perceived negative considerations of the athlete's present life (Fernandez et al. 2006). Players felt a strong sense of camaraderie, often described as brotherhood, with their athlete colleagues, and so at retirement they felt they were leaving a type of family, not just team mates. They also felt very hurt when officials and coaches were quick to cut ties with them. Nathan (r2003 AFL) said:

My wife could see the time and effort that I'd put into the club, like, that's my family ... and then all of a sudden it's the family not giving you anything back, or not caring. And we had thought a lot more of the club than that. I thought the coach was one of my mates.

Most often, the decision to retire was a combination of factors, but it certainly evoked strong emotions. For example, Ben (r2009 AFL) had decided the time had come for him to quit his sport. Fie was in a new relationship, his partner was expecting a child, and his body was no longer handling the pressures of training. However, when he approached his coach, he was told he was about to be cut anyway. He reflected:

When you hear you're not wanted it's a bit of a kick in the guts. That lasted probably just for the first day I reckon (laughs), it's just, oh shit, you know ... it just makes you feel like you're worthless, you're not wanted, you're not good enough anymore.

Athletes in this study had made significant sacrifices to pursue their dreams of a career in sport, hoping that it would translate into financial security and success at the highest levels. While under-achievement at school was viewed with a degree of disappointment, most concluded that it was a sacrifice they had been prepared to make:

The Commonwealth Games fell in my [Higher School Certificate] year and I put all my efforts into the Commonwealth Games so school got missed out. I didn't care about the school marks and results and now I wish I had good marks because then I would have something to fall back on. I've been boxing since I was ten, and that's all I know, I don't know anything else. (Dennis, current boxing) Kevin (r2007 AFL) stressed a lack of engagement with the training on offer. Although he managed to complete his traineeship, Kevin did not see any relevance for the qualification in his future pursuits:

I did a traineeship when I was playing AFL. That was through AFL SportsReady. It was sort of the thing to do, and they find you work as soon as you arrive. Not that I'll ever follow it, I won't continue it. But if I hadn't done it I would have come out with nothing.

2. 'Nowhere Land': according to Kerr and Dacyshyn (2000:122), Nowhere Land is 'where athletes [may] dangle in a time of uncertainty and disorientation undergoing a shift in identity and eventually achieving a new definition of self'. However, as the title suggests, this is not easy and may involve a protracted period. For example, Norman (r2005 AFL) had a very difficult time:

I just didn't know what I wanted to do. I ended up going up to [community] to play football and to be with family ... I went through a funny phase where I grew my hair long, I went into a hermit-crab shell. I just went through a funny phase for a year ... I knew I was [Norman] the footballer, but I didn't know who I was gunna be after football. And that was the confusion.

As David (r1997 AFL) explained:

There's hundreds of footballers that go through depression, I had nothing left in the bank, went on the dole, you know, I had the sunglasses on, a newspaper and the hat on --incognito, you know, I would hide, it was highly embarrassing ... that went on for thirteen months.

3. New beginnings: this phase is ably described by Nathan (r2003 AFL) as 'like you're born again; you're a child again in a different world'. Here athletes start to reposition themselves into a new life after playing sport. In many cases this complements Indigenous habitus, such as with a profound sense of obligation to family and community. For example, Norman (r2005 AFL) eventually found a new direction in life, which he described as his 'duty':

What really gave me the vision of where I wanted to work was working up in [country town] with the youth. And so my transition, and my duty in life is the reason why I'm doing this work at the moment, and I enjoy it. I can relate to some of the kids that I work with--I've been through that path.

Yet there were challenges--one of them was trying to get used to a vastly reduced income, as Ben (r2009 AFL) explained:

The hardest thing is using your money properly --you have an endless supply when you're a footy player. Now the wallet's dried up, you certainly have to prioritise what you need and what you don't. And you can't go out and have lunch every day at cafes like we used to. I'm finding that a bit difficult.

David (r1997 AFL) experienced problems as he tried to rejoin his old community:

It's a rude awakening. People need to know that it's not good. People think you're flying but you're not ... you've got responsibilities, mate, mouths to feed; you need to be in the workforce. I assumed back in [my home town] I would be accepted with open arms and there'd be work there for me, and people were going to employ me and things like that, but it wasn't--you become a bit of a threat to 'em, people become very protective of their own positions.

4. Moving on: as the athletes negotiated their transitions, they eventually came to terms with their post-sport situations. One concern shared by the respondents was their reduced physical capacities. The risks involved with playing sport can lead to untoward outcomes. In particular, the boxers were very aware of the possibility of a serious condition known as dementia pugilistica (more commonly known as the 'punch-drunk' syndrome):

My wife, my girl at the time ... she started to look at me different. Well that's the way I thought she was, my mind was doing some awful things, like--am I dumb? Can I remember? So I'd try and remember things: my mind was doing some awful things. (Nick r1997 boxing)

Injuries sustained during sport careers affect the quality of the athletes' lives after sport:

One was the pain of my back, and I just couldn't stand waking up in the morning, after a game, not being able to walk for two days. Yeah, look, I can't stand for a long time now and [today] I couldn't play a round of golf. (Nathan r2003 AFL)

Over time, the majority of respondents gradually moved away from their athletic identity; some even alluded to the fact that they could no longer understand the intense and all-consuming involvement in sport they once had. They were able to reflect back on their playing careers, like David (r1997 AFL):

I didn't realise but along the way I picked up all these life skills: communication skills, people skill, management skills and time management stuff. You get through it, you tap into all the knowledge you've built up over the years. I'm a survivor--it taught me how to survive--well I taught myself how to survive, I reckon.

Scott (r2007 AFL) said:

I've had a good retirement ... [but] it hasn't all been easy sailing. There have been times where you think, ah this is tough, this is tough, but you sort of just get on with it. [I'm] very happy with my life at the moment; four kids, my wife, just looking forward to the next chapter of my life, you know, knuckling down, getting a good job.

Athlete career and education programs

In Australia the first athlete career assistance initiative was the Lifeskills for Elite Athletes Program. Launched in 1989 by the Australian Sports Commission, it was later rebadged as the Athlete Career and Education (ACE) program. The aspiration was to provide a nationally consistent career and education service for elite athletes at the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) and similar centres of excellence (AIS 2009). In terms of boxing, amateur competitors on scholarship at the AIS are eligible to use the ACE program. However, participation is contingent upon holding a scholarship, which can be as brief as two years. A further 12 months of support is available to boxers following cessation of their scholarships. Boxing Australia--like most national sports organisations in Australia--has a very modest financial position and is logistically incapable of providing ongoing retirement support (Boxing Australia 2005).

Boxers at the AIS are encouraged to participate in Vocational Education and Training and other forms of education through the ACE program--as are AFL and NRL footballers--as soon as they arrive in their new environment. Yet, while many of the athletes commenced vocational training, few actually completed these qualifications. Kim's (current boxing) comments illustrate the ongoing lure of sport and the subsequent downgrading of educational or vocational pursuits in favour of committing to the demands of sport: [At the AIS] I started to do some fitness courses, some different courses like that. I never actually got to finish one I really wanted to finish. It was Certificate III in Fitness, yeah, I started that down in Canberra but because of training commitments and travelling and stuff like that I didn't get to finish it.

The publication Welfare and education program 2011 and 2012: success on and off the field (NRL/RLPA 2010) outlines the career and education program and services made available to players by the NRL and the Rugby League Players Association. These are aimed at players who are at least 26 years of age. Retiring players who have spent a minimum of seven years in the NRL, or have retired earlier through injury or hardship, are provided further assistance for at least another two years after their final game. Although this program is a positive initiative, the conditions for eligibility are puzzling in that many players are delisted well before the age of 26, or may not have spent seven years in the game. In addition, it is curious that these services are restricted only to those players who have been injured or have experienced hardship, as it is well accepted that many athletes do experience some difficulties upon retirement and potentially could benefit from some of these services. Along with those listed above, additional services for retired players are family support, financial assistance and links to rugby league support groups, which can provide ongoing support, social connections and networks. Two of these are Men of League (6) and the NRL 'old boys' associations.

In the AFL early career and education programs used to be ad hoc and restricted to club level. Early in the 2000s management of these programs was the domain of AFL Player Development Managers (PDMs) at club level, and the PDMs had direct responsibility for meeting the diverse development and welfare needs of players. There was variety in the way that clubs used their PDMs, and research conducted during 2004-05 revealed that, at this time, clubs held the role of the PDM in very high regard (Hickey and Kelly 2008). Indeed, the PDM role became increasingly important as the first, and possibly most important, point of contact for both the management and professional development of AFL footballers. However, some club officials believed that exit programs were often not as sophisticated as induction programs (Hickey and Kelly 2008). Consequently, formal responsibility for player welfare, including career and education programs, has since been adopted by the AFL Players' Association (AFLPA). Additional services provided by the AFLPA are work training opportunities through the Next Goal program, apprenticeships, workshops, short courses and employment opportunities.

For both the NRL and the AFL, the development of league-wide programs reflected the growing professionalism of their sports and an awareness (even if anecdotal) that some retirees from football had not made the transition effectively. Yet the programs exhibit weaknesses in that they demonstrate little understanding of the specific needs of individuals from culturally and linguistically different backgrounds, including Indigenous athletes. Indeed, both the AFL and the NRL administrators who were interviewed for this study agreed that none of their organisations' career and education programs had been specifically tailored to meet the needs of Indigenous athletes. These circumstances are in stark contrast to the initiatives at policy level and in practice that are undertaken by both organisations in terms of welcoming Indigenous players into the sports and assisting their transition into the professional club environment. This situation is particularly problematic for Indigenous athletes, due to (a) their strong athletic self-image, (b) limited formal education and (c) very focused employment aspirations.

Career choices and stereotyping

For the Indigenous athletes in this study, career choices were invariably underpinned by their desires to give back to their own communities and to other Indigenous people. However, what also became evident was a small range of career selections, which limits the scope of opportunities. (7) The most common choices were:

* Indigenous sport programs/mentoring (7)

* coach/personal trainer (11)

* youth work (5).

Figure 2 shows the career choices of elite Indigenous Australian athletes and indicates that 17 (or 58.1 per cent) of the athletes did not see a career outside of sport at all, with seven choosing to work in Indigenous sport programs, and 11 selecting a career in coaching or personal training.

A further eight (or 25.8 per cent) of the athletes saw their futures fully engaged with Indigenous community programs.

As mentioned previously, Godwell (2000), an Aboriginal researcher, has argued that Indigenous males are at risk of being typecast in life as being good at sport, with social myths and racial stereotyping limiting the range of life and career possibilities that could be available to them. There is a growing body of research into Indigenous typecasting and associated perceptions of self-worth in society generally (i.e. Balvin and Kashima 2012; Kickett-Tucker 2009; Kickett-Tucker and Coffin 2010; Paradies 2006), but the genre of sport has been too rarely addressed in this manner. An exception has been research that puts the onus on the media for having created and perpetuated the assumption of 'magical' Indigenous athletes (Coram 2007; Hallinan and Judd 2009; Hallinan et al. 2005), alongside other stories of problematic Aboriginal people in terms of education, crime, health and so on (Meadows 2001). Sport is often singled out, albeit alongside other performance genres like art and dance, as activities that Indigenous people are 'capable' of doing well (McHenry 2011).

Tellingly, almost all of the Indigenous men interviewed for this study appeared to self-stereotype, assuming that they were 'born to play' football but were lacking in other skills. Such attitudes seem likely to stem from long-held self-beliefs about the 'natural' Aboriginal athlete, along with perceptions of little acumen in academics or business. This imbalance seems particularly salient in the case of football, where a picture has emerged of a significant on-field presence and profile, but chronic invisibility of Indigenous people in sport coaching, management and media. This 'Indigenous invisibility' has had the effect of reducing post-sport career opportunities for these men. The underlying reasons for this are complex, but the suggestion that Indigenous players may perform well on the ground but are not suitable to lead or manage would appear to seriously limit opportunities for Indigenous athletes to find employment within sport upon retirement. There seems to be an erroneous and discriminatory implication that Indigenous athletes are 'all brawn but no brain', and not suited for management or decision-making roles (Adair and Stronach 2011). Some sport organisations have begun to respond to what is an illogical contrast between diversity on the field of play and a lack thereof among employees off the field. An example of this is the AFL's Indigenous Employment Strategy of 2007, which called for 4 per cent of its workforce to be made up of Indigenous people. Yet present levels are below that aspiration, currently at approximately 1 per cent of the total workforce. Retired Indigenous footballer Andrew McLeod commented further on the matter in terms of both the AFL and wider Australian society, when he addressed the United Nations on Australia Day in 2011: The next step for Indigenous people in the AFL is to look for other ways to be involved. We have no representations at a board level in any of the 17 [now 18] clubs, no representation on the executive committees and we don't hold any current coaching positions, this is another agenda we must address. (AFL 2011) (8)

Support during and after sport

The Indigenous athletes interviewed in this study all pointed to the need for better support throughout their careers. Many of the athletes agreed that they could have benefited from assistance in terms of planning for a life-after-sport and career pathways. As David (r1997 AFL) pointed out, 'you have to know what you want to be and what you want to do before you retire--that's the toughest thing'. Yet they also described their need for a specific type of support, insisting that they wanted culturally appropriate mentoring. This, they believed, should be sourced from within their own culture. Typically, they considered that sport clubs and organisations are ill-equipped in this area. Nathan (r2003 AFL) explained: You'll find at [club] there's a welfare officer. Now this officer's not even Aboriginal, it's sort of like how can one person know what's in another person's mind if they're not Aboriginal ... Unless you are [Indigenous], you're unable to help, really. When an Indigenous person walks into an organisation, whether it be in a sport or anything else, what they bring with them is who they are, everything about family first, and caring and nurturing, and they understand issues, that really nobody else can, no matter how good, or how much goodwill someone may mean. How can one person know what's in another person's mind if they're not Indigenous?

Boxers, like the footballers, also had to cope with limited support provided to them while in residence at the AIS. Kris (current Boxing) was especially concerned at the lack of consideration in the structure of the program, arguing that this could lead to premature retirement by squad members: I think they tried to put in some supports there, but a lot of the mainstream coaches, they had no idea ... They didn't have the support that was really needed in my eyes --I sort of knew the positive outcome that that would have for the team, being around our own people ... For problems, passings in the family and stuff, that was the part they lacked, they lacked support. If they want the Indigenous athletes in there, and have that Indigenous program, then they have to have that support.

Both the AFL and the NRL pride themselves on their cultural awareness policies and programs, but athletes described times when there was a clear lack of appreciation of the cultural obligations of Indigenous players. Several participants suffered deaths in their families during their sport careers. When deaths ('passings') occurred, they needed to be at home for an extended period, not merely for a few days for the funeral. However, that proved difficult for sport organisations to understand and accommodate:

I had a death in the family. So then for that, they let me come back for that [for a short time], [When I went back to the AIS] I just sort of went downhill and everything started building up. So it was like I wanted to be at the AIS but I didn't want to be there, I wanted to be home comforting family. (Wills r2008 boxing)

Indigenous context of athletic retirement

Given their status and income, Indigenous athletes have a much better opportunity to thrive after sport if they develop appropriate skills and knowledge while still playing. Part of the challenge for the participants in this study was their limited focus in terms of post-sport aspirations; this left them with few options. However, a sense of what might be possible for athletes could be widened during their time in sport; that is, if they are presented with alternatives, allowed to develop new skill sets and mentored into thinking about different career opportunities. Importantly, this may well include returning to remote communities to assist in fundamental ways, but to optimise aspirations, Indigenous athletes still need appropriate skill sets and formal education in order to fully achieve their goals. Otherwise, such a commitment--which is laudable--may unwittingly be to their economic detriment and make their contribution unsustainable. Few community support roles generate much (or, indeed, any) income, so it is important for athletes to partner with charitable foundations, philanthropists and government agencies to provide structure, resources and support for development initiatives. Career advisers within sport organisations therefore need to learn about the aspirations of Indigenous athletes and their goals beyond sport, both of which are likely to be more complex and complicated than for non-Indigenous players.

Of the interviewees in the current study, most acknowledged that job skills training, education, financial advice and career planning--either during or after their sport careers--would help them prepare for, and cope with, athletic retirement. However, a limiting factor was that the athletes themselves conceded that they needed to be sufficiently motivated to avail themselves, and thus take full advantage, of the range of career and education programs and services. That state of mind or 'readiness' to engage in retirement planning is something that, for many of the Indigenous athletes, came about only late in their careers. This is not an unusual situation among elite sportspeople in general. However, evidence from this study suggests that Indigenous athletes may be overwhelmed with the enormity of challenges related to cultural needs and expectations, especially during the early stages of their sport careers. For example, Key Stakeholder #21 noticed a lack of engagement by Indigenous footballers in career and education programs, but felt that this was an indication of something more important that the young athletes needed to address: 'Footy comes first, they will unpack the other stuff later when they can; there is cultural conflict in the support structures that they have to try and deal with first.'

Indigenous athletes are highly motivated and focused individuals who have the opportunity to be seen as exemplars for Indigenous people to enter sport with a strong sense of self and move into other occupational spheres once their sport careers are past. But they have specific areas of need, including:

* encouragement and support from coaches and managers to actually complete Vocational Education and Training and other academic programs

* support to access a broader range of career pathways, including those that complement Indigenous values of 'giving back' to community, such as teaching, health, police work and so on.

For many of the former athletes, community support work will likely remain philanthropic and purely voluntary. However, if Indigenous athletes are provided with appropriate leadership and

mentoring skills, such as those provided by the National Aboriginal Sporting Chance Academy, the NRL's One Community or the AFL's Flying Boomerang program, it can also be socio-culturally virtuous and 'life-changing'. Leadership training in these programs provides valuable and worthy preparation with many potential transferable applications; similar programs could be developed by boxing organisations.

Former athletes have much to contribute to their sport organisations. However, as career pathways in sport are rarely followed by Indigenous athletes, a concerted effort is needed from those in positions of influence to facilitate a shift in organisational attitudes, policies and practices.

Implications for sport management practice

The final phrase in Dadirri advises that, having 'learnt from the listening', one should then construct 'a purposeful plan to act, with actions informed by learning wisdom and the informed responsibility that comes with knowledge' (Atkinson 2000:16).

The following reflections, suggestions and recommendations for future practice were contributed by participants in this study. They believe that a process is needed whereby Indigenous athletes can negotiate an improved athletic retirement experience, and they suggested the following tactics, some or all of which may assist towards such an outcome:

* recognising and accepting the deep variations that exist between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples' beliefs and values

* facilitating other Indigenous people to provide culturally appropriate support during sport careers and during transition to the post-sport career; the footballers believed that, ideally, each club required the full-time services of one Indigenous staff member, and the boxers believed that there should be an Indigenous support staff member closely linked with all programs set up to foster Indigenous boxers

* mapping the retirement environment in advance, including pre-empting the specific potential difficulties and challenges relevant to Indigenous athletes

* empowering Indigenous athletes to take on leadership and decision-making opportunities

* providing vocational training that takes into consideration the cultural needs, aspirations and obligations of Indigenous people and is relevant to their unique situations

* providing ongoing cultural awareness training for sport officials, managers and coaches.

In producing this list of needs and strategies, the athletes were calling for Indigenous ways of knowing, being and doing (Martin 2003; Yunkaporta 2009), both during sport and beyond. The tactics reflect many of the challenges that are present in Australia, both within sport and in society more generally. These approaches are not intended to diminish the role and contributions of career and education programs already available for retiring athletes. Rather, the athletes recognised that in addition to mainstream programs, they need learning and support to complement their Indigenous worldviews.

The athletes believed that, ultimately, the only people who can provide this are former Indigenous athletes who have navigated and survived athletic retirement, and who could work within their clubs or organisations as mentors, liaison officers or welfare officers. These individuals have a unique perspective on athletic retirement. The process of developing an effective support or mentoring program would require putting value on Indigenous ways of knowing, being and doing (Martin 2003; Yunkaporta 2009), as well as ensuring that these values are taken into account in day-to-day practices. A support or mentoring program would allow current and retired Indigenous athletes to make significant contributions, and, in return, provide social opportunities by allowing them to maintain continued involvement in their sport in a useful and respected role. The challenges of establishing a mentoring program should not be taken lightly; however, if managed sensitively, it could help to fulfil the needs of Indigenous athletes to both provide and receive culturally appropriate support.

Employment for retired athletes within sport organisations may enhance their retirement experiences in many ways, including financial resources and social opportunities. There are also other less visible but equally important implications. These revolve around avoiding the sudden identity crisis experienced by many athletes upon retirement. Indeed, evidence suggests that for some individuals, continued involvement in sport as a coach or in a similar role might help to ease the transition from sport as an athlete by allowing the individual's sport-related identity (his athletic identity) and social support systems to remain intact for a period of time after athletic retirement (Lavallee 2006). However, this is another situation that may be linked with identity foreclosure, resulting only in an artificial and temporary outcome, with these individuals eventually having to disassociate themselves from sport to negotiate a changed life beyond that domain. This situation requires extremely sensitive policies and interventions to ensure that Indigenous athletes are encouraged to consider a wide range of post-sport vocations, but also to ensure that such post-sport roles fit within the boundaries of the distinctive self-identity demonstrated by the Indigenous athletes in this study.

Conclusion

This study has allowed the voices of the athletes to be heard, and the way forward, the 'purposeful plan to act', has come from the athletes themselves. It is imperative that the voices of Indigenous athletes continue to be heard and for this group and their colleagues to build on the confidence they developed as elite athletes. In order to assume off-field careers, Indigenous athletes--like their non-Indigenous counterparts --need qualifications (via education and training) in order to develop skill sets required to work in fields as diverse as business, communication and social work. The athlete workplace is very different to other employment environments, but preparation for life beyond sport enables sports people --whether Indigenous or non-Indigenous--to wield some influence over their wellbeing and long-term future. Successful athletes have a short career in sport and a much longer life beyond that. How Indigenous athletes transition into a post-sport world is an important issue, particularly as their cultural and family obligations are typically complex and their sense of 'what is possible' in career terms tends to be rather limited, as evidenced by the testimony of athletes in this study.

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Megan Stronach, Daryl Adair and Tracy Taylor

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NOTES

(1.) The term 'Indigenous' is used in this paper to refer generally to the two Indigenous populations of Australia--Australian Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders.

(2.) A limitation of the study is that it focuses on male Indigenous athletes only. This reflects the fact that there are numerous Indigenous males in professional sport, but, to date, very few Indigenous Australian females in professional sport.

(3.) Zeteophobia is a term coined by psychologist and Stanford University Professor John Krumboltz, and is defined as an anxiety, or the fear of career planning. Zeteophobia may appear as general indecisiveness, lack of knowledge about occupations, the experience of internal conflicts about career choice, and lack of knowledge about how to get additional information.

(4.) This methodology is the focus of a paper entitled 'Dadirri: reflections on a research methodology used to build trust between a non-Indigenous researcher and Indigenous participants' (Stronach and Adair in print).

(5.) All the participants in this study wished to remain confidential and the researchers respected that decision. The life stories of respondents were gleaned from very personal and lengthy discussions. The themes for the study were drawn specifically from what was disclosed in these meetings. The voices of these men were, therefore, a compelling and driving force.

(6.) The Men of League Foundation assists Rugby League players, coaches, referees, officials and administrators from all levels of the game, as well as members of their families who have fallen on hard times.

(7.) For comparisons with non-Indigenous athletes, refer to Albion and Fogarty 2005, and Fogarty and McGregor-Bayne 2008. This research demonstrates a much broader range of career choices of retiring athletes, including a wide variety of professions, trades and other vocations.

(8.) As it happens, Andrew McLeod has recently been announced as coach of the reserves side at the South Australian National Football League side Norwood after previously undertaking an assistant coaching role at the club. It is typical for AFL coaches to have several years as an understudy, with experience at lower levels, before moving into higher ranks.

Megan Stronach is a Research Fellow at the Wicking Dementia Research and Education Centre, University of Tasmania, Hobart, and Senior Research Associate at UTS Business School. Her research interests include transition experiences of elite athletes, cultural issues in sport, women's issues in sport, and sport and the law.

<Megan.Stronach@uts.edu.au>

Daryl Adair is Associate Professor of Sport Management at UTS Business School. He is interested in diversity issues in sport and has edited special issues devoted to 'race' and ethnicity with Australian Aboriginal Studies, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, Sport Management Review, Sport in Society, and Cosmopolitan Civil Societies and Sporting Traditions. Adair has also edited the book Sport, race, and ethnicity: narratives of difference and diversity (Fitness Information Technology, Morgantown, WV, 2011).

<Daryl.Adair@uts.edu.au> Table 1: Themes and sub-themes Major theme Sub-theme Engaging indigeneity Personal identity Indigenous heritage and culture Natural athletes' Family cohesion and connectedness Athletic retirement Exiting sport Nowhere Land New beginnings Moving on Athlete career and education programs Career choices and stereotyping Support during and after sport Indigenous context of athletic retirement Figure 2: Career choices of elite Indigenous Australian athletes Career choices of elite Indigenous Australian athletes Youth work (5) Trade (1) Indigenous Sport Programs (7) Community Work (2) Management (1) Coaching/Personal Training (11) Labouring (2) Pension (1) Note: Table made from pie chart.