A second look at the 'Towa Sanyo': clues to the nature of the Guanhuah studied by Japanese in the early eighteenth century.

Simmons, Richard VanNess

In an earlier article, I examined the phonology of the Towa sanyo [Chinese Text Omitted] and demonstrated that despite a Wu dialect-like cast, the sound system of the language represented in the text is actually a form of Mandarin.(2) Further to illuminate the text's language and more clearly characterize its nature, I present here a brief review of the vocabulary represented in this Chinese language primer, which was compiled by Okajima Kanzan [Chinese Text Omitted] (1674-1728) during the Edo period (1603-1868) and published in Japan in 1716.

The Towa sanyo presents a form of spoken Chinese that also is essentially Mandarin in its vocabulary and grammar, with obvious Wu forms making up a small minority. There are also many examples of bookish usage and forms drawn from the literary language. Yet it is obvious that the language the Towa sanyo intended to teach had a true colloquial base. It was not merely drawn, for example, from the language of Chinese vernacular fiction that was popular among the Japanese Sinophiles of Okajima's day. This is seen in the extensive lists of items and phrases listed in the Towa sanyo that are not found in such texts. The primer, then, represents an idealized form of spoken Chinese, one that probably carried great prestige in the Jiangnan region where the bulk of the Japanese merchants who learned from the text would have carried out their trade. Indeed, Okajima calls this language guanhuah [Chinese Text Omitted], the term for the prestigious idiom of the Chinese literate class. Yet while idealized, most of the fundamental features of the guanhuah represented in this text do not lack a living representative: they can still be found in the single dialect of Harngjou. It is thus possible to surmise that in ways similar to the fashion in which the language of the Towa sanyo corresponds to the dialect of Harngjou, a guanhuah koine current in the Jiangnan region during the Ming (1368-1644) may have also been strongly reminiscent of the Harngjou dialect in a majority of its major features.

ORGANIZATION OF THE TEXT

The Towa sanyo is divided into six chapters (maki [Chinese Text Omitted] each containing a different type of material:

Chapter 1 contains two sections, one listing twocharacter compounds and the other listing three-character compounds or phrases; within each section, entries are roughly sorted by meaning.

Chapter 2 is made up entirely of four-character phrases, also roughly sorted by meaning.

Chapter 3 is composed of two sections: The first lists five- and six-character phrases, with five-character entries across the top of each page and the six-character entries underneath, across the bottom half of the pages; all, again, are roughly sorted by meaning. The second section lists "common expressions" (jogen [Chinese Text Omitted]), phrases and sentences of longer length.

Chapter 4 presents "talk of varying length" (jotanwa [Chinese Text Omitted]), mostly snippets of conversation which vary in length from a few lines to over a page.

Chapter 5 has several clearly marked sections. Most are lists of generally two-character nouns grouped by topic: terms for clan and family relations; utensils and objects; animals; insects, snakes, and reptiles; birds; fish; grains; vegetables; fruit; trees; flowers and grasses; boating equipment; numbers; and fabrics. Between the lists of numbers and fabrics are several pages of short lyrics and folk songs.

Chapter 6 contains two short stories written in a rather literary style.

All the Chinese material presented in the Towa sanyo is in Chinese characters with the Chinese pronunciation written alongside in katakana (similar to the way furigana is used in modern Japanese). In chapter 6 only, tone is also indicated, using the traditional method of placing a dot at one of the four corners beside a graph. Except for the lyrics and songs in chapter 5 and the stories in chapter 6, all entries are followed by a Japanese gloss written in katakana. Okajima did not provide any translations for the lyrics; but at the end of each story in chapter 6 he gives a translation written in a mix of kanji and katakana.

MANDARIN AND WU AND LITERARY LAYERS

A cursory glance through the chapters reveals an obvious mix of language types. The lyrics and songs in chapter 5, though not written in pure Classical Chinese, are composed in a style in which the colloquial language bends to fit a primarily literary structure. The first lyric serves well to illustrate (5.24b, p. 226):(3)

I. Verdant hills and waters are here, That love of mine is not. The wind and rain often come, That letter for me comes not. Spring goes, my heartbreak not, Flowers bloom, my depression not. Pearl tears drop, A pool engulfs this lonely lover, Tears overflow the Eastern Sea.

The first lines of the second lyric have an even stronger colloquial flavor (5.24b-25a, pp. 226-27):

Tsuei Ing-ing visits Crimson. "I wish to know the details. In the neighborhood, many people Are gossiping about me. Who is it that has produced This play West Wing about me.'?"

In contrast, the stories in chapter 6 are composed entirely in Classical Chinese and contain virtually no colloquial elements. The opening lines of the second story exemplify this situation (6.1a, p. 265):

III. Lii Rongder was from Yanjou. He was the legitimate scion of a wealthy family and respected by everyone. In the past he had heard of the superiority of the scenery of our Nagasaki and thought of touring here.

On the other hand, the phrases presented in chapters 1 to 4 are more colloquial in character - they are examples that were clearly intended to reflect spoken language, though they often contain elements or whole phrases borrowed from the literary language. For instance, in the following passage from chapter 4 the first, more literary, line is intended as advice, which receives the rather colloquial reply represented in the second line (4.1b-2a, pp. 140-41):

IV. In the world today, learning is greatly in fashion and without doubt the occupation of sages. One's later prosperity can be foretold therein.(4)

B) I also am aware of that. These days everyone wishes to study, whether young or old. For those [I] often see walking about on the street clutching books to their breasts are all teachers who have been hired to tutor in homes. There are also the sons of rich families who invite live-in teachers to tutor them at home.

Included in the lists of the first four chapters - and especially in chapter 4, we find expressions that Okajima may have taken from Ming vernacular literature, a genre with which he was very familiar? The word biann [Chinese Text Omitted], seen for example in the above passage, frequently appears. Another such literary vernacular word - jiang [Chinese Text Omitted] - appears in the following two passages, which are set up to illustrate the Towa sanyo sound and meaning glosses (2.4b, p. 64): [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted] V. sound gloss: [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted] meaning gloss: [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted] laugh come here



The suffix jiang, which marks an inclinational verbal aspect that is described as "a tendency of the moment" (Chern 1987: 283), is frequently seen in such vernacular novels as Jin Pyng Mei [Chinese Text Omitted] and Shoei huu juann [Chinese Text Omitted](6) But this jiang has roots in the spoken vernacular that date back to the Tarng or earlier and is still used in some Jianghwai and other Mandarin dialects (Chern 1987: 287, nn. 7 and 14).(7) There is also evidence that it was used in Harngjou as late as the early twentieth century (Li 1932).

Other words also found in the literary vernacular that I have come across in Okajima's text, include tzeensheng [Chinese Text Omitted] and shiu shuo [Chinese Text Omitted] Below are two examples (4.7b, p. 152 and 4.13a, p. 160): VI. [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted] . . . Why again didn't you come? Don't treat me . . .



Several of these examples hover on the border between the strictly literary language and something more reminiscent of a colloquial Mandarin. Indeed, where the language of the Towa sanyo is not clearly literary, it is strongly Mandarin in character. That is to say, it reflects features commonly found in the spoken Mandarin dialects. This is seen, for example, in the pronouns, which are a typically Mandarin set: The singular woo, nii, and ta [Chinese Text Omitted], are used throughout (except in chapter 6, which uses classical forms and will be excluded from the remainder of this discussion). The plural forms show some variation, mixing the common Mandarin plural suffix men with the suffix meei that is often seen in Ming vernacular literature: I have found woomen, tamen or tamei, and niimen or niimei [Chinese Text Omitted] in the text.(8)

Mandarin negatives also predominate. Examples where buh is used are easily found, and include these few (with sound and meaning glosses again provided, the first from 1.13a, p. 35, the latter three from 1.14b, p. 38):

VII. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

The existential negative is also the Mandarin form mei [Chinese Text Omitted] (these from 1.15a, p. 39; 1.16b, p. 42; and 2. lb, p. 58):

VIII. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

However, the negative perfective uses a form more closely comparable to Wu dialect types (first two from 1.17a, p. 43; one from 1.14a, p. 37; and last two from 4.7b, p. 152):

IX. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

While weytserng [Chinese Text Omitted] and buhtserng [Chinese Text Omitted] are frequent in Ming literary vernacular texts, as used in these passages they are also similar, for example, to Shanqhae ?? [Chinese Text Omitted] This may reveal an additional influence in the mix of language types contained in the Towa sanyo - classical Chinese, literary vernacular Chinese, colloquial Mandarin, and now Wu.(9)

In all instances where I have seen it in the text, the attributive is indicated by the Mandarin .de [Chinese Text Omitted] Two examples are (4.13b, p. 164 and 4.11b, p. 160):

X. prosperity of the people of the world a matter you are skilled in(10)

In my previous paper on the Towa sanyo I noted that the text contains a large number of words with the -erl [Chinese Text Omitted] suffix, which the text's sound glosses reveal to be clearly r-colored (and non-nasal). This is another colloquial Mandarin feature of the language of the text. Some further examples that are not listed in the earlier paper include (to save space, I list hereafter only the reprint page numbers under the glosses):

XI. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

These words are representative of the hundreds of terms listed in the book drawn from the colloquial vocabulary of daily conversational usage. At least a third to one half of the vocabulary presented in the text is of this type. Much of it would be difficult, if not impossible, to cull from literary sources such as vernacular novels. This reveals that the Towa sanyo presents a language that is essentially colloquial in nature. Hence, while it is obvious from the various forms of literary Chinese in the text that Okajima was building on an established tradition of Nagasaki Sinology - what in his day was referred to as kiyo [Chinese Text Omitted] and towa [Chinese Text Omitted] studies - he was also learning a great deal of Chinese from native informants.(11)

Further evidence that Okajima was learning from informants is seen in his frequent inclusion of alternate terms and/or words with a strong dialect coloring. Compare the various terms listed below:

XII. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED](12)

In the above selection, we see several words common to many Wu and Jiangnan dialects: luoh (yeu) 'rain', man 'rather', teh 'overly', geh.li 'here', shyhtii 'affair', and shoa.tzy 'play' [Chinese Text Omitted] , and the kinship terms. Also notable are shiang and dan [Chinese Text Omitted], provided as alternates for Iii and na. The former is comparable to the Shanqhae locative [cia5] (Sheu Baohwa et al. 1988: 415); the latter is the common Harngjou word [tael] 'to take, to pick up' (Simmons 1992: 514). In fact, just as the phonology of the language in Towa sanyo is comparable to that of Harngjou, as noted in my earlier paper, much of the vocabulary has a distinct Harngjou cast to it as well. In addition to dan, as well as luoh, man, teh, geh. li, shyhtii, shoa.tzy (in Harngjou respectively ?? - see Simmons 1992), and many words with the erl suffix, the following examples from the text correspond closely to distinctive Harngjou usage:

XIII. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

Harngjou ?? and ??, respectively (Simmons 1992), compare neatly to these terms from the Towa sanyo as Okajima has glossed them.

Finally, Okajima's extensive lists of specialized terminology provide conclusive evidence that he was learning from informants and not merely copying from literary works. The following words culled from his list of nautical terms are a small sampling:

XIV. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

GUANHUAH AND THE DIALECT BASIS OF THE TEXT

Okajima does not specifically refer in any of his texts to the precise Chinese geographic origins of the language they represent. His own references call the language guanhuah [Chinese Text Omitted] and its pronunciation guan'in [Chinese Text Omitted] This passage from Towa sanyo illustrates:(13)

XV. [One] must speak the language of the capital (i.e., guanhuah)

(5.10b, p. 116)

This designation neatly corresponds with the fact that Mandarin characteristics dominate the language of the Towa sanyo. It is also confirming evidence that in the late Ming and early Ching (1644-1911) what was known as guanhuah was clearly a Mandarin-based entity.

Several other Edo scholars, however, do specifically indicate that kan'on (guan'in), or to'on [Chinese Text Omitted]: (Tarng-in) as the Japanese also called it, is based on the language of Harngjou or Nanjing. Motoori Norinaga [Chinese Text Omitted] (1730-1801), a student of Chinese phonology, noted in his Kanji san'on ko [Chinese Text Omitted] (published in 1785) that "with regard to contemporary pronunciation, among the greater and lesser differences found in the various provinces [in China], the pronunciations of Nanjing and Harngjou are considered standard" (p. 75).(14) The Edo scholar-monk Mono [Chinese Text Omitted] (1700-1763), identifies Harngjou as the origin for to'on glosses in his Mako inkyo [Chinese Text Omitted], an edition of the Yunnjinq [Chinese Text Omitted] rhyme table with kan'on, go'on, and to'on glosses listed for each entry (Inkyo shiyoroku, 28b-30a, pp. 66-69). His to'on glosses in Mako inkyo indeed are phonologically very similar to those of the Towa sanyo. Among modern scholars, Todo Akiyasu noted the close relationship between towa phonology and the Harngjou dialect, and harbored no doubt about the connection (1969: 296-98). There can be no question, then, that Harngjou was the standard for this text of Okajima's as well.

Yet, while both Harngjou and Nanjing were considered models for guanhuah, there was also some understanding that the two standards were different. Mono elaborated that although Harngjou pronunciation is useful in understanding the rhyme table - because it reflects the difference between ching [Chinese Text Omitted] and jwo [Chinese Text Omitted] (roughly, "voiced" and "voiceless") initial categories, it is nevertheless considered inferior, by "people of the Ming," to "chugen no ga'on" [Chinese Text Omitted] (jungyuan yea'in), "the elegant pronunciation of the central plains," and was referred to as go'on [Chinese Text Omitted] (Inkyo shiyoroku, 28b-30a, pp. 66-69).(15) This reveals that by the time Mono's edition of the rhyme tale had come out, the Harngjou standard had come to be known somewhat less prestigiously as go'on 'the Wu pronunciation' or Sekko'on [Chinese Text Omitted] 'the Jehjiang pronunciation'.(16) Now, as I have shown previously, the phonology underlying the Towa sanyo is actually Mandarin in character (Simmons 1995), despite the presence of voiced initials in its sound glosses. So this designation should be seen merely as a geographic tag that identifies the form of guanhuah - or towa - that is characterized by the presence of voicing in certain initials. The other, eventually more prestigious, Nanjing standard - sometimes explicitly referred to as Nankin'on [Chinese Text Omitted] - then would have been identified by the absence of voicing in all initials.(17)

Okajima witnessed and fully accepted the change in the reputation of his original standard. All the Chinese language textbooks he published after the Towa sanyo follow a Nanjing model in their pronunciation glosses.(18) We can speculate that this may have been because some of his informants eventually convinced him of the superiority of the Nanjing standard. His adoption of the Nanjing standard is seen in the sound glosses of the later texts, which no longer mark voicing in initials, provide a more obvious indication of the ruh tone with the kana "tsu" [Chinese Text Omitted], and consistently mark all syllables for tone using the traditional method of placing a dot at one of the four corners beside a graph.(19) All of these changes are represented in the following two samples from Toyaku binran (1.8a, p. 21): XVI. [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted]. matter, business bored to death



(We saw shyhtii glossed with a voiced initial - voicing being marked by daku-ten in the kana - in the example in number XII above; sha is a ruh tone word.) The above two examples also reveal that the influence of Jiangnan vocabulary was still to be found in Okajima's later texts. The word shyhtii and the resultative suffix -sha are still common in Sujou, Harngjou, and Shanghai, for example.(20) So Okajima's main task in adopting the Nanjing standard was one of slight adjustments to pronunciation. Yet, whether in terms of vocabulary, usage, or phonology, the common Mandarin affiliation of the Nanjing and Harngjou standards must have made the transition an easy one to undertake.

After Okajima abandoned it, the Harngjou model did not completely disappear. It reappears in Shimazu Shigehide's [Chinese Text Omitted] (1745-1833) colloquial Chinese textbook Nanzan kokoki [Chinese Text Omitted], which reflects a Harngjou-like phonology similar to Towa sanyo throughout.(21) This book is composed mostly of vocabulary lists, but also has a conversational text in the last chapter. While Shimazu may have simply borrowed much from the earlier tradition and texts, there is much in this book that he likely got from one or more informants who were partial to, or representative of, a Harngjou type pronunciation. Three examples serve to illustrate; the first two show both the erl suffix and the indication of voicing in certain initials and the third is an interjection - still common today in dialects in the Jiangnan region - that could only have been learned from a native speaker (from 5.278, 7.389, and 8.459; examples are provided with Shimazu's sound glosses):

XVII. [TABULAR DATA OMITTED]

Even in the face of a more prestigious competitor, the Harngjou towa/guanhuah standard persisted in Japan well into the late eighteenth century.

CONCLUSION

This review of the vocabulary and usage of the Towa sanyo reveals a mix of language types or levels in the text: primarily colloquial Mandarin forms are blended with the occasional Wu dialect representative, thinly layered with the literary vernacular of Ming-period texts (itself formed on a Mandarin base), and sprinkled with a smattering of Classical Chinese. The clearly colloquial underpinning of the language in the text is verified by the abundance of words it lists that were obviously culled from the spoken language. Okajima must have obtained much of his material from native Chinese informants. Furthermore, there is a distinct Harngjou dialect coloring seen in most of the colloquial forms represented in Towa sanyo. Hence, this language that the text itself refers to as guanhuah was originally constructed on a framework that strongly resembles the Harngjou dialect, a circumstance that served to fortify its essentially Mandarin nature. But the one seemingly non-Mandarin characteristic of the Harngjou standard - voicing in certain initials - eventually led Okajima to switch to a Nanjing dialect standard that had come to hold greater prestige. He accomplished this by simply dropping voicing in all initials.

The Towa sanyo then, represents the earlier of two guanhuah standards or traditions that are found in the towa texts. A Harngjou-type phonology was the dominant model in the earlier tradition. This eventually gave way to a more prestigious Nanjing model urged on by what Okajima's keen ear heard in his informants' pronunciation. But, as both the Harngjou and Nanjing traditions are Mandarin in their essential characteristics, the former laid a compatible foundation for the latter.

This allows us to surmise that in China proper the linguistic entity called guanhuah must have also varied over time and place as the prestige of the dialects of various regions waxed and waned. At one time - probably earlier than later - the star of the Harngjou exemplar reigned supreme. But it eventually fell before the eminence of the Nanjing model, which the Japanese towa texts reveal to have held sway until well into the eighteenth century.(22) As for the specific composition and shape of guanhuah vocabulary and usage, it must have always included a mix from various language types: colloquial Mandarin, regional dialects, the literary vernacular, and even Classical Chinese. As for how it sounded, we can be sure that at sometime, most likely prior to the eighteenth century, it sounded very much like the Harngjou dialect - at least in the Jiangnan region. But later on it came to sound more like the Nanjing dialect.

2 See Simmons 1995.

3 In all cases I cite the facsimile reprint edition of the Towa sanyo that is contained in volume five of the Towa jisho ruiju. I give the original maki with page number, followed by the page number in the reprint.

4 This English translation is based on Okajima's Japanese translation for the passage, in which he uses the following Japanese equivalents for the Chinese kanji: Chinese Text Omitted]

5 Both the preface and the postface to the Towa sanyo remark on Okajima's strong familiarity with, and deep appreciation for, Chinese vernacular literature.

6 For examples see Jin Pyng Mei tsyrhuah, pp. 11.5a and 12.5b.

7 On the history of the verb suffix jiang. also see Jou 1957.

8 A helpful discussion of the use of the plural suffix meei in Ming texts is found in Leu Shushiang 1985:57-59

9 On the Shanqhae form, see Sheu Baohwa et al. 1988: 452. Dialect forms are cited in phonetic letters as described in the original sources; but dialect tones are represented by numbers, which identify tone categories as follows: I inpyng, 2 yangpyng, 3 inshanq (or inshaang), 4 yangshanq (or yangshaang), 5 inchiuh, 6 yangchiuh, 7 inruh, 8 yangruh and [null set] for unidentified tones. The Ming novel Jin Pyng Mei tsyrhuah provides many examples of the negative weytserng, or the related buhtserng, as it is used in Ming vernacular texts; see, for instance, pp. 7.12a and 9.7b.

10 What I have written in the Japanese translation as [[Chinese Text Omitted]] replaces an abbreviated character that Okajima writes like this: [Chinese Text Omitted] It is probably a shorthand way to write koto 'matter, affair', as that is what it always seems to mean in Okajima's frequent use of the graph.

11 The term kiyo is used, for example, in the preface to the Towa sanyo (preface, 4a, p. 7) in reference to those devoted to the study of China and Chinese language and culture. Both the preface and the postface to the Towa sanyo remark on Okajima's frequent contact with native Chinese in Nagasaki and speak very highly regarding his mastery of the Chinese spoken language.

12 The word nenndih [Chinese Text Omitted] is also frequent in Ming vernacular literature. But I include it here because I found it variously glossed with three different pronunciations in the text - sin [Chinese Text Omitted] zin [Chinese Text Omitted], and nin [Chinese Text Omitted] (for zin see 4.12b, p. 162) - which leads me to believe that Okajima had learned the term from informants with differing pronunciation.

13 For an example of Okajima's mention of kan'on (guan'in), see page 1.a of the first maki of Toyaku binran [Chinese Text Omitted], published in 1726: "Meei tzyh juh guan'in binq dean syh-sheng" [Chinese Text Omitted] (in vol. 7 of Towa jisho ruiju).

14 Also see Takamatsu 1986: 303, n. 2, who cites this and several other eighteenth-century Japanese sources linking guan'in and to'on with Harngjou and Nanjing.

15 Regarding the nature and significance of the ching and jwo initial categories as reflected in towa texts and the phonology of Harngjou, see Simmons 1992: 285-93, and Simmons 1995.

16 See Takamatsu 1986:169-72 and 303, n. 2. Note that all of the references that Takamatsu cites that refer to Harngjou as go'on or Sekko'on appeared subsequent to the publication of Okajima's Towa sanyo.

17 Again, see Takamatsu 1986 for examples of the explicit reference to Nanjing pronunciation.

18 These texts would include To'in gazoku gorui [Chinese Text Omitted], published in 1726; Toyaku binran [Chinese Text Omitted], also published in 1726; and Towa binyo [Chinese Text Omitted], published in 1731 (all reprinted in volumes 6 and 7 of Towa jisho ruiji).

19 Using the traditional method, pyng is marked at the lower left then, moving clockwise, shanq, chyuh, and ruh are marked at the other three corners.

20 See Jiangsu sheeng her Shanqhae shyhfangyan gaykuanq, 812, and Sheu Baohwa et al. 1988: 356, for examples.

21 Nanzan kokoki is in volume 5 of Towa jisho ruiju. The citations of Shimazu's text that follow below are to this edition. I am indebted to Furuya Akihiro of Waseda University for first bringing this text to my attention.

22 For the first critical investigation of the dialect basis of guanhuah in Ming times, see Lii 1980. While other, more direct evidence for Harngjou-modeled guanhuah is hard to find within China - most likely obscured by the earliness of its predominance, early missionary sources provide strong evidence that Nanjing served as a popular exemplar for guanhuah from the late sixteenth-century Ming on into Ching times; see Luu 1985, Yang 1989. In a penetrating recent study W. South Coblin (1995) has shown that Nanjing served as a standard well into the nineteenth century.

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