A mixed-methods exploration of Christian working mothers' personal strivings.

Gallagher, Jennifer A. ; Hall, Elizabeth Lewis M. ; Anderson, Tamara L. 等

The current study explored the motherhood strivings of 200 Christian professional mothers in the workforce and the strivings' relationship to positive affect, negative affect, satisfaction with life, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms, in order to understand the influence of Christian subcultural factors on the experience of working Christian mothers. A mixed-methods study was conducted, including a content analysis informed by grounded theory methodology of the content of the motherhood strivings, and a quantitative analysis of how types of strivings are related to positive affect, negative affect, satisfaction with life, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms. Qualitative analysis of the content of the motherhood themes resulted in two predominant themes: motherhood as living up to societal ideals and motherhood as embodiment of personal values. With respect to the quantitative findings, spiritual self-transcendence strivings were negatively correlated with interrole conflict. High-level, abstract strivings were positively correlated with the presence of interrole conflict, and negatively correlated with satisfaction with life. Strivings reflective of the intensive mothering ideology, specifically, the strivings that were reflective of the "entirely child centered" and "assume full responsibility" tenets of intensive mothering, were positively correlated with interrole conflict.

Recent research on motherhood reveals that the practice of mothering is strongly influenced by contextual factors, as mothers draw on "the social, material and psychic resources available in their external settings, their relationships, their life histories and current experiences" (Elliott, Gunaratnain, Hollway & Phoenix, 2009, p. 19). Two important contextual variables are employment status and religious affiliation. According to a report released by the U.S. Department of Labor Bureau in 2009, 77.5 percent of women with children under the age of 18 are in the labor force. Religion also influences parenting, affecting aspects such as disciplinary attitudes and practices, child abuse, affection toward and monitoring of children, and parental coping in stressful contexts (Mahoney, 2010). Contextual variables also interact with each other. In the case of employment and religion, the intersection is found in the empirical connection between religious participation and an emphasis on marriage, child rearing, and homemaking for women (Hall, Oates, Anderson, & Willingham, in press), resulting in potential tension between religiously-influenced attitudes and employment. In this study, mothering is examined in a sample of Christian professional women, through the study of their mothering goals. These goals provide insight into what these women value, as well as shed light on how their goals may relate to their well-being (Emmons, 1991; Greenfield, Valliant, & Marks, 1989), contributing to our understanding of the influence of Christian subcultural factors on the experience of working Christian mothers. In the following paragraphs, existing research on personal strivings, motherhood ideology, and interrole conflict will be examined as the theoretical foundation for the present study.

Personal Strivings

Personal strivings are individualized goals representing the typical objectives that individuals strive to accomplish in their everyday behavior (Emmons, 1986; see Emmons, 2003 for a review). Strivings are more focused and changeable than implicit motives, yet broader and more stable than specific goals or plans (McClelland, Koestner, & Weinberger, 1989). Properties of personal strivings, such as the value and importance of the strivings, and ambivalence and conflict between strivings, possess considerable value in predicting both psychological and physical well-being (Emmons & King, 1988; Emmons 8c McAdams, 1991). For example, Emmons (1991) found that affiliation strivings (i.e., strivings in which the person desires to establish, maintain, or repair interpersonal relations and seeks approval and acceptance from others) are correlated with positive affect.

Emmons (1999) argued that a person's personal strivings can be thought of as representative of that individual's implicit motive system. For example, persons who have a strong intimacy motivation will possess a greater number of strivings concerning close and communicative relationships (McAdams, 1980). Emmons and McAdams (1991) found that personal strivings are indeed reflective of motivational tendencies, as they are significantly related to both what that person typically does and what that person wants to do.

While several properties of strivings are associated with well-being (i.e., power strivings, affiliation strivings, intimacy strivings), two are particularly relevant to the present study: the level of abstractness of the striving, and the spiritual content of the striving. These two properties of strivings seem to be particularly relevant, as this study is examining the influence of subcultural factors, which may have varying degrees of abstract or concrete expectations, on the experience of working Christian mothers. Emmons (1992) examined the relationship between the levels of generality and specificity in strivings and how that level related to well-being. High-level strivers were those that described their goals in primarily broad, abstract, and expansive ways (see Table 1 for examples). High-level strivings were also seen as more difficult and requiring more effort than low-level strivings. High-level striving was associated with more psychological distress than low-level striving, which consisted of goals that were typically more concrete and specific. However, low-level strivings were related to higher levels of physical illness. To explain these findings, Emmons (1992) and Pennebaker (1989) suggested that low-level strivers might share characteristics in common with the repressive personality type (Weinberger, 1990). Individuals who have a repressive personality type deny being distressed even in the face of objective evidence (such as physiological arousal) indicating that they are distressed (Weinberger, 1990). By means of a chronically aroused autonomic nervous system, individuals with a repressive personality type are believed to be more susceptible to developing various psychosomatic illnesses.

TABLE 1

Definitions and sample items of striving categories

Affiliation: (0 = no affiliation; 1 = affiliation)

These strivings are defined as those in which the person desires to establish, maintain or repair interpersonal relations and seeks approval and acceptance from others.

E.g., Establish normal relationship; Avoid being lonely; Spend more time with friends.

Intimacy: (0 = no intimacy; 1 = intimacy)

These strivings regard the interpersonal relations which involve positive affects like love, friendship, happiness, peace or tender behaviors. This type of goals were defined as seeking commitment and concern for another person, seeking a warm, close and communicative interrelationship with others, or desire to be loyal and responsible towards people and help significant others.

E.g., Harmonious family life; Learn to express feelings of love towards my family and friends; See my loved ones pleased.

Spiritual self-transcendence: (0 = no spiritual self-transcendence; 1 = spiritual self-transcendence)

This concerns religious practice or divine awareness, or seeking unity with cosmic orders and goal reflects a commitment to concerns that are superior to the individual. Self-transcendence means to extend one's self toward others and/or to an ultimate reality.

E.g., Deepen my relationship with God; Make tolerance; Preserve my faith, confidence and trust.

Level of abstractness: (0 = low-level of abstractness; 1 = high-level of abstractness) This category focuses on the level of specificity of the striving. High-level, abstract strivings are typically more intangible, lofty, and theoretical. Low-level, concrete strivings focus on that which can be tangibly attained.

E.g., Be a better person (high-level); Write a card to a loved one once a week (low-level)

Assume full responsibility for child care: (0 = not assuming full responsibility; 1 = assume full responsibility for childcare) These strivings refer to perceiving oneself as the only person responsible for care of the children.

E.g., Be available to my children at all times

Complete self-sacrifice: (0 = not complete self-sacrifice; 1 = complete self-sacrifice)

This category refers to absolute self-sacrifice on behalf of the children. While this may be a striving of most mothers, a striving that is complete self-sacrifice acknowledges a forgoing of one's own desires for the children.

E.g., Give up everything I have for my children

Entirely child-centered: (0 = not entirely child-centered; 1 = entirely child-centered)

These strivings reflect being solely concerned with that which concerns the child. E.g., Making my schedule so I can attend all of my child's events

Another property of personal strivings is spiritual self-transcendence (Emmons, 2005). People are likely to take measures to protect and preserve strivings that focus on the sacred, and devote time and effort to these strivings. Moreover, people admit that whether or not their spiritual strivings are socially accepted, they derive significant meaning and purpose from them.

In summary, the personal strivings approach represents a powerful methodology for exploring how one's disposition is translated into action. Certainly, the manner in which personal strivings are developed and expressed depends in part on one's schemata, values, and social roles (McClelland et al., 1989). It is to the discussion of the values and social roles in our culture to which we now turn.

Motherhood Ideology and Interrole Conflict

Contributing to the goals that mothers set for themselves are the motherhood ideologies held by women and society at large. Motherhood ideology is the way a group of people thinks about mothering and makes sense of the mothering experience (Glenn, 1994). The dominant motherhood ideology in North America is that of intensive mothering (Arendell, 2000). The primary tenets of intensive mothering are the following: mothers assume fid/responsibility for childcare; mothering requires complete self-sacrifice; and mothering practices are entirely child centered (Hays, 1996). Literature and media in today's culture further portray and reinforce these conventional ideas of motherhood (Gillis, 1997). This ideology, one that expects the mother to be able to fulfill all her child's needs at all times, is so prevalent that even when a woman articulates a more balanced view of motherhood, she may still experience feelings of guilt and conflict due to the ideology she has internalized (Gilbert, Holahan, & Manning, 1981). Arendell (2000) stated that this prevailing view of motherhood in our culture places a variety of mental, physical, and emotional demands on mothers in our western society.

This all-encompassing view of motherhood may be particularly difficult for employed women, who must also cope with the demands of their jobs. Interrole conflict is a specific type of conflict that arises when responsibilities from different domains of one's life produce pressures or demands that are in some sense incompatible (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985). In a study of multiple role demands, Polasky and Holahan (1998) administered questionnaires to professional, married mothers. The results indicated that the interrole conflict experienced by working mothers was due to a combination of internally and externally perceived demands of motherhood. Similarly, Elvin-Nowak (1999) found that the experience of guilt was often due to women's subjective evaluation of not meeting their perceived role demands. These findings demonstrate that interrole conflict often includes a degree of subjectivity, resulting from internally perceived demands from the women themselves (Hall et al., in press).

Interrole conflict has been explored in numerous studies, and furthermore, has been shown to have a deleterious effect on the subjective well-being of working mothers. Reifman, Biernat, and Lang (1991) found that interrole conflict in working mothers was associated with decreased psychological and physical health. In addition, Krause and Geyer-Pestello (1985) found that perceived conflict between work and home was highly predictive of depression among women. The relationship of interrole conflict and depression was also examined by Greenglass (1985), who observed that stress from interrole conflict was associated with higher rates of depression, irritation, and anxiety in women. In addition, Laster (2002) provided empirical evidence that interrole conflict and psychological distress (defined as depression, perceived stress, guilt, and anger) are associated.

The Christian Subculture and Motherhood Ideology

In order to more fully understand the interrole conflict between motherhood and career for Christian working mothers, it is necessary to examine common conservative Christian perspectives on combining motherhood with employment. One prominent view within the Christian subculture is that the ideal mother is one who stays at home with her children (Phanco, 2004). Thus, the experience of interrole conflict in Christian women may derive in part from church teachings that they have internalized. Wilcox (2004) documented the perspectives of conservative and mainline Christian churches. Based upon his research of church congregations and laypersons throughout the country, he stated that conservative Protestant churches have traditionally resisted modernization of the family, including resistance to mothers' participation in the workforce. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention (2011), which is the United States' largest conservative Protestant denomination, describes the husband's role as "a God-given responsibility to provide for ... his family" (n.p.). Furthermore, the denomination describes the wife's role in the family as the husband's "helper in managing the household and nurturing the next generation" (rip.). This teaching seems to counter any role possibility other than homemaking for mothers.

Additional research demonstrates that rather than seeing maternal employment as a potential calling, many Christians hold strongly to the traditional male-breadwinner/female-homemaker ideology while at the same time having a dual-earner family arrangement, likely due to economic necessity (Barticowski, 1999; Gallagher & Smith, 1999). Thus, it seems that for the Christian subculture, maternal employment may be considered more acceptable if it is pursued out of economic need: however, when motherhood employment is an issue of personal choice, this subculture is generally less accepting. Christian working mothers clearly experience a unique tension as the values of their faith and their participation in the work force seemingly conflict. Thus, further study is needed regarding how Christian cultural factors influence the experience of Christian working mothers' strivings.

The Present Study

It appears that spirituality and motherhood ideology are key influences in shaping the personal strivings of working mothers. Though research has been conducted regarding personal strivings (Emmons, 2003; Elliot, Gable, & Mapes, 2006; Elliot, Sheldon, & Church, 2008; McClelland, et al., 1989; Martin & Tesser, 1996), motherhood ideology (Arendell, 2000; Bull & Mittelmark, 2008; Hays, 1996; Polasky & Holahan, 1998; Seagram & Danijuk, 2002), and the interactions of spirituality with these constructs (Gillis, 1997; Hall et al., in press; Kotesky, Walker, & Johnson, 1990; Wilcox, 2004), there is no study to dare investigating the personal strivings of Christian working mothers. In this study, qualitative and quantitative methods were used to describe the personal strivings themes of Christian working women and explore the relationships of these themes to positive affect, negative affect, satisfaction with life, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms.

A qualitative analysis of the motherhood strivings, based in grounded theory methodology, was conducted to explore the themes of these strivings. In addition, based on a thorough review of the literature, it was hypothesized that:

(a) Affiliative, intimacy, and spiritual self-transcendence (see Table 1 for examples) will be positively related to positive affect and satisfaction with life, and negatively related to negative affect, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms.

(b) Level of abstractness (see Table 1 for examples) will be positively related to negative affect, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms, and negatively related to positive affect and satisfaction with life.

(c) Strivings coded as reflective of the intensive motherhood ideology (i.e., assuming full responsibility for child care, complete self-sacrifice, and entirely child-centered care) will be negatively related to positive affect and satisfaction with life, and positively related to negative affect, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms.

Method

Participants

The participants for this study were 200 women who had completed a master's, doctoral, or professional degree in any field and were currently employed with at least one child wider the age of 18 years residing in the home. Demographic information was collected on each participant. The majority of the participants (80.5%) were European American, but also included 12 (6.0%) Asian American participants, 10 (5.0%) African American participants, and 6 (3.0%) Hispanic/Latina participants. Ten participants (5.0%) identified their ethnicity as "Other," and 1 participant (0.5%) did not report her ethnicity. The mean age of the participants was 39.69 years, with a range from 26 to 58. Two participants (1.0%) did not report their ages. The women had anywhere from 1 to 6 children (mode = 2), with their youngest children ranging in age from 1 year to 17 years (some women also had adult children.). With respect to marital status, 187 (93.5%) indicated chat they were married, 7 (3.5%) separated or divorced, 4 (2.0%) single (never married), and 2 (1.0%) widowed.

The participants represented various professions, including but nor limited to: accountant, corporate administrator, counselor, dietician, information technologist, librarian, marriage and family therapist, musician, nurse, pastor, pediatrician, pharmacist, physical therapist, physician, property manager, psychologist, public relations director, researcher, social worker, teacher, and university professor. Ninety-eight women (49.0%) had doctorates (including law and medicine), 92 (46.0%) had master's degrees, and 9 (4.5%) had undergraduate degrees in professional fields (e.g., teaching, nursing). One participant (0.5%) did not report her highest degree earned. One hundred and forty-five (72.5%) of the women were employed full-time, while 54 (27.0%) were employed part-time. One participant (0.5%) did not report her employment status.

With respect to religious beliefs, 169 (84.5%) of the women identified themselves as Protestant, 14 (7.0%) as, Catholic, and 15 (7.5%) as "Other." Two participants (1.0%) did not report their religious affiliation. Women identifying themselves as Protestant represented various denominations, including Anglican, Assemblies of God, Baptist, Christian Missionary Alliance, Christian Reformed, Episcopal, Evangelical Free, Lutheran, Mennonite, Methodist, Nazarene, Non-Denominational, Presbyterian, and Southern Baptist. Although there was diversity of religious beliefs within the sample, it should be noted that all participants were recruited through university faculty listings from the Council of Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU). In order to be part of the CCCU, the participants had signed a statement of faith, which identified them as ascribing to a conservative Christian belief system. The 128 women (64.0%) who requested a summary of the study's findings were from 33 different

states, representing all major areas of the country.

Procedure

Volunteer participants were recruited via sending an email describing the research project to administrators at member schools of the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU), as well as Christian professional organizations and churches with public contacts listed online. Administrators were asked to forward the information to women in their organizations or alumni of their school who met criteria for participation. The snowball method was also utilized to recruit participants. The recruitment email included a request that individuals contacted as potential participants help the researchers identify additional qualified individuals by forwarding the email to other women (e.g., friends, family, coworkers). Participants completed all measures on a confidential website.

Measures

Affect. The Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) is a 20-item scale used to measure positive (PA) and negative affect (NA). Participants rate a series of words reflecting positive and negative affect on a five-point scale from 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely), with 3 equaling "moderately." Responses are summed to produce PA and NA scores. The scale has been found to have good validity and reliability. The intercorrelation between PA and NA measured in the current study was--.27 (N = 196, p < .000). The PANAS is internally consistent with reported alpha coefficients from .84 to .90 for the PA scale and .85 to .87 for the NA scale. Internal consistencies of the PA and NA scales were high in the current study as well ([alpha] = .87 and [alpha] = .84, respectively). The PANAS has good test-retest reliability as well ([gamma] = .68 for PA scale and [gamma] = .71 for NA scale). High scores on PA and NA indicate the presence of positive affect and negative aspect, respectively.

Satisfaction with life. The Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS; Diener, Emmons, Larson, & Griffin, 1985) is a measure of an individual's general or global life satisfaction. The measure consists of five items ranked on a 7-point scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), with 4 equaling "neither agree nor disagree." The authors assert that the SWLS has good construct validity, correlating with other measures of subjective well-being with an r of .5 or higher. This measure also has strong discriminant validity, correlating relatively weakly with instruments that measure the affective component of subjective well-being (between .26 and .47) and producing data signifi-candy different enough to distinguish between populations with different qualities of life. The SWLS has good internal consistency, with alpha coefficients often higher than .80 (Pavot & Diener, 1993). The current study found internal consistency on the SWLS to be quite high as well ([alpha] = .88). Authors of this instrument also report high test-retest reliability ([gamma] = .82) and that the measure is not contaminated by respondents' social desirability (Diener, Emmons, Larson, & Griffin, 1985). High scores on the SWLS indicate a high level of satisfaction with life.

Psychological functioning. Positive psychological functioning was measured with the Symptom Assessment-45 (SA-45; Strategic Advantage, Inc., 2000). This inventory is a 45-item measure on which participants report having (or not having) experienced a series of psychological symptoms in the past seven days using a 5-point rating scale, ranging from 0 (not at all) to 4 (extremely), with 2 being "moderately." While the instrument has nine subscales and two global indices of psychological distress, the authors report that the Global Severity Index (GSI) provides the best overview of current symptomology, and thus will be used in the current study as a global indicator of psychological functioning (SA-45; Strategic Advantage, Inc., 2000). The authors report both solid test-retest reliability and good internal consistency; the current study found internal consistency on the GSI to be quite high as well (et = .91). High scores on the GSI indicate the presence of current psychological symptomology.

Internale Conflict. Interrole conflict was measured with the Strivings Instrumentality Matrix (SIM; Emmons, 1986, 2003b). With this measure, individuals are first instructed to make a list of strivings, which are described as personal goals, or, "things that you typically or characteristically are trying to do." Each striving begins with the phrase, "I typically try to ..." The strivings can be broad or specific, positive or negative (i.e., to obtain something or to avoid something). For general use, individuals completing the strivings lists are instructed to think about many different domains of their lives. In the present study, participants were instructed to think about strivings in their career and mothering roles, then to come up with a list of five strivings in each domain. After completing the list of strivings, participants were instructed to write their strivings on the Strivings Instrumentality Matrix (a 10 x 10 matrix in this study) and to vertically compare each striving with the rest of the strivings based on the question, "Does being successful in this striving have a helpful or harmful effect (or no effect at all) on each of my other strivings?" A total conflict score was obtained for each individual by summing all cross-domain conflict scores. The SIM is configured for high scores to represent instrumentality between strivings and low scores to represent high conflict between strivings. To make findings from this measure more easily understood and comparable to other measures used in the study, the items were reverse-scored such that high scores on the SIM in this study indicate high conflict. If all items are answered, the SIM has a minimum possible score for overall conflict of 81 (indicating very low interrole conflict or high instrumentality between strivings) and a maximum possible score for overall conflict of 405 (indicating very high interrole conflict).

With respect to construct validity, conflict assessed by this matrix shows the same relationships to other constructs as conflict measured through other means. For example, conflict measured with the SIM has been shown to be significantly positively correlated with negative affect (r = .33,p < .01) and significantly negatively correlated with satisfaction with life (r =--.34, p < .01; Emmons, 1986). Emmons (1986) demonstrated that the strivings lists of individuals who have completed the SIM are relatively stable: 82% of the strivings originally listed were listed six months later, and 60% were listed one year later. Conflict ratings were shown to have moderately good one-year test-retest reliability (y = .58; Emmons & King, 1988). In addition, split-half reliability coefficients were .89 and .91 in the two studies analyzed for assessing conflict. In the current study, split-half reliability coefficients on the SIM were .92 and .94.

Personal strivings. The five strivings, described in the previous section, that the mothers listed as specific to the motherhood domain were coded into categories based on Emmons' personal strivings coding manual (2003). Emmons' coding system classifies personal strivings into thematic categories, four of which were used for this study: (a) level of abstractness (high-level indicates more abstract; low-level indicates less abstract), (b) affiliation, (c) intimacy, (d) spiritual self-transcendence.

Three other categories were also coded in accordance with Hayes' (1996) primary tenets of intensive mothering: (e) mothers assume full responsibility for child care; (1) mothering requires complete self-sacrifice; and (g) mothering practices are entirely child centered. According to the striving coding manual (Emmons, 2003), categories are not exclusive: one striving can be classified into multiple categories. Each of the thematic categories consisted of two levels. Each of the strivings was coded using this system, resulting in a 0 or 1 for each category (e.g., no intimacy = 0, intimacy = 1). The scores of the participants' five strivings were then averaged, resulting in a continuous variable for each coding category with resulting scores ranging from 0 to 1. Thematic categories, their short description, and sample items are presented in Table 1.

Two raters were trained in coding methods by the primary researcher, and reported to the leader weekly to discuss coding questions and to ensure coding accuracy. Agreement between raters was determined by computing Cohen's kappa, a commonly used statistical measure of inter-rater agreement for qualitative items (Lombard, Snyder-Duch, & Bracken, 2002). This statistic represents the proportion of agreement between the raters while correcting for chance agreement. Co-hen's kappa ranged from .50 to 1.0, indicating an acceptable level of agreement for exploratory studies (Lombard, Snyder-Duch, & Bracken, 2002).

Qaalitative Analysis

In addition to the quantitative codings of the strivings into Emmons' personal striving categories, the content of the strivings was analyzed by a post-hoc thematic analysis informed by Strauss and Corbin's (1998) grounded theory data analytic strategies. Grounded theory research is a qualitative research method that is appropriate for investigating a particular phenomenon that is a shared experience by many people (Creswell, 1998). The use of the grounded theory model provides a back-and-forth flow between the data and theory development to ensure that the resulting theory is an accurate reflection of the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). This type of analysis also seeks to discover and explore significant categories and the relationships that occur among them (Strauss 8c Corbin, 1998). The methodology of grounded theory analysis proceeds through open, axial, and selective coding strategies.

Using constant comparison, the strivings were first grouped into categories (e.g., strivings related to spending time with the child). In the next stage, axial coding, the general categories were integrated with their particular qualities (e.g., noting how they spent time with their child: the content of their time together, the quantity of time spent together--both properties of the "time" category). This resulted in theoretical saturation, in which the creation of new categories was no longer necessitated by the data. Typically, the coding of the data occurs concurrently with the data gathering process, such that the data analysis informs the sample size itself. However, given the method of data analysis (mass surveys analyzed post-hoc) and the large sample size, saturation occurred when 700 of the strivings had been coded for content. Finally, the selective coding stage entails the development of the grounded theory, which occurs by selecting a central category and noting how it connects to other categories. A central (or core) category is the main conceptual element by which the other categories and codes are connected (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The final stage of the selective coding led to the selection of two related central categories, Motherhood as Living Up to Societal Ideals and Motherhood as Embodiment of Personal Values.

While qualitative methodology acknowledges the inevitability of researchers' biases, there are procedures which must be followed to balance embracing the researchers' biases while allowing the participants' experiences to fully surface (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). In this study, data and researcher triangulation strategies were used, as recommended by Searle (1999), to maintain the highest quality of qualitative research. Qsali-tarive data and researcher triangulation supports the appreciation of the data's complexity and variety, and may help to reveal different facets of the data (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). Working mothers from different geographical areas, professions, and denominations participated in this study, achieving within-method data triangulation (Denzin, 1978). The lead researcher used an analytic journal regularly, including both theoretical and analytic memos. In addition, the analysis of themes and the relationship between the themes was collaborative. The lead researcher also attended a biweekly research group whose focus was on women's issues to discuss the findings of the research. The researcher also took into consideration and discussed her own religious affiliation as a personal characteristic that would impact her approach to data analysis. By processing the research method and results in this manner, the likelihood of overlooking pertinent themes was minimized.

Results

Qualitative Results

The data were organized around two themes: Motherhood as Living Up to Societal Ideals, and Motherhood as Embodiment of Personal Values. There was often overlap between these two themes, but they will be separated for the purpose of clarity and flow. A summary of the themes can be found in Table 3. TABLE 3 Overview of Themes Motherhood as Living Up to Societal Ideals: Time: Concrete Expectations Aspirations Emotional availability: Being present for the child both physically and emotionally Assuring child of love and security Motherhood as Embodiment of Personal Values: Character development of the child: Instilling character traits or behaviors Explicitly teaching them her values Centrality of the mother's faith in her mothering: Living out her faith with her children Participation in religious activities

Motherhood as Living Up to Societal Ideals. The focus of this theme is on the factors identified by mothers that seemed to represent their ideals of motherhood. Many women identified ideals having to do with spending time with their children as well as providing emotional availability for their children. Both of these areas will be discussed in the following paragraphs.

Time. Time (98 strivings) refers to strivings that explicitly expressed the mother investing time on behalf of her child. This was evidenced through mothers' strivings regarding spending time talking with and nurturing their child, participating in and supporting the child's activities, and spending time playing with their child. Two types of time-related strivings emerged in relation to time: concrete expectations regarding time spent, and aspirational goals for time with their children. In other words, the time these mothers were striving to spend with their children was sometimes organized around specific activities (e.g., attending their sports games, special events, reading to their child). Yet aside from these organized events or activities, many women also expressed their desire to spend one-on-one time to build a relationship with their child. Thus, while the ideal of spending quantities of time with their children was common, there was great variety regarding how this ideal was to be achieved.

Some mothers listed concrete expectations for how their time should be spent with their child. For example, one mother wrote: "Spend time each day playing games with my children, talking with them, and/or reading to them." Another mother's concrete expectation was to "read each day to my child." Many mothers used the words "each day," or "every day" to describe their daily commitment to their motherhood striving. One mother, for example, wrote: "Remember that they need focused, intensive mommy-time each day, regardless of age or general contentedness." This striving exemplifies how the concrete expectation of spending rime "each day" with the children is often intermingled with aspirational goals, such as providing "focused," and "intensive" time for her children each day.

Many mothers also had the concrete expectation of attending, participating in, and/or supporting their children in their games, activities, or events. For example, one mother wrote: "Be at school events and sports games to support my son." Another wrote: "Attend all of my children's performances/activities." The responses indicated a wide variety of these types of activities, illustrating the broad range and large quantities of child-centered activities available to mothers.

While some mothers listed concrete expectations of themselves and the time spent with their children, others seemed to have time strivings that were more aspirational in nature. For example, one mother wrote: "Spend as much quality time with my daughter as possible." Another mother wrote: "Take my children to a lot of fun activities."

Emotional availability. Another theme that emerged from the data was centered upon mothers being emotionally available to their children. Emotional availability (54 responses) refers to the mothers' efforts to be attentive and attuned to their children. The mothers often did not denote a concrete means to be emotionally available, but this rather seemed to be an ideal or principle that the mothers hoped to demonstrate in their mothering. For example, one mother wrote: "Be emotionally aware of what my child's experience of the world may be." Another wrote: "Be emotionally available, as well as physically present." Mothers often used the words "attentive," "listening," "available," and "present" to describe their desired posture with their children.

Related to this theme was the mothers' expressed desire for their children to feel secure and loved. This was communicated in a variety of words in the strivings, such as being "sensitive," "accepting," and demonstrating "unconditional love." For example, one mother wrote: "Provide a safe, consistent and secure environment for my daughter." Another wrote: "Create a home of safety, security, belonging, joy, and love." The ideal of security and love was also communicated through strivings that reflected the mother's desire to provide for the child's basic physical needs, such as food and clothing. For example, one mother wrote: "Provide healthy food, a safe welcoming home for them and their friends, a pleasant place to live and grow up in.

Motherhood as embodiment of personal values. Although the women's motherhood may be influenced by societal ideas about motherhood, it seems that each woman also has her own unique values which interact with the ideology to shape the way she mothers. Thus, the focus in this theme is the means by which the mothers seemed to embody their own values. So, while there was great diversity among these women's motherhood strivings, there were also some similar themes in regards to their embodiment of values. Many women identified factors having to do with the character development of the child as well as the centrality of faith in their mothering.

Character development of the child. Though many different values were communicated both implicitly and explicitly in the strivings, it seems that the primary value centered on the importance of character development within their children (178 strivings). For example, one mother wrote: "Develop my children emotionally, spiritually, intellectually and socially." Also within this category, many mothers endorsed their striving to "role model" (52 strivings) for their children in the physical, emotional, and spiritual domains of their lives. In the character development of the children, mothers seemed to use their own modeling in hopes of instilling certain traits that they considered valuable in their children. For example, one mother wrote: "Be a good role model by eating right, exercising, working hard, and having fun." Another mother wrote: "Be a good role model of a spouse, of a parent and of someone who cares deeply about being involved in God's new creation in this world." Both of these mothers are striving to be good role models, yet they differ as to how each mother defines a good role model. Obviously, the mother's own values impact the different choices she makes about how to mother her children, and these values are reflected in her strivings. For example, a mother who wrote, "teach my children how to behave and socialize for success" seems to value social appropriateness.

Beyond role modeling, the explicit teaching of values was a dimension that emerged as significant to the theme of character development. For example, one mother wrote: "Teach my children to be respectful of and courteous to others." The role of teaching in motherhood also seemed apparent, as 74 strivings used the word "teach." Also, the need for setting appropriate boundaries for children and disciplining them accordingly (20 strivings) seems to fit into this theme. An example of this is one mother's striving: "Provide a balance of discipline, love, respect, and freedom to my daughter."

Centrality of the mother's frith in her mothering. As may be expected in a Christian sample, another major theme was the centrality of faith in their mothering. For these mothers, the nurturance of their children's faith was an essential component of their child's character development. Faith-based mothering (Ill strivings) refers to the importance mothers placed on an ongoing relationship with God, evidenced through their living out their faith with their children. For example, one mother wrote: "Help them see a mom who loves Jesus and experiences joy in serving Him [God] so that they desire to do the same with their life." It seemed as though these mothers hoped that by modeling their faith their children would learn to adhere to similar faith values.

Furthermore, being a role model of faith for their children was often expressed through striving for specific spiritual acts. For example, one mother wrote: "Pray with my daughters every night before they go to bed, and every day before we all leave for the day." Another wrote: "Attend church and church related activities with my family." It seems that several mothers had similar hopes of role modeling faith for their children in tangible ways.

Qaantitative Results

In order to test the hypotheses, Pearson correlation coefficients were computed between the mean scores for each striving category and the outcome measures of positive and negative affect, psychological symptoms, interrole conflict, and satisfaction with life. These correlations are depicted in Table 2. First, it was hypothesized that affiliative, intimacy, and spiritual self-transcendence strivings would be positively related to positive affect and satisfaction with life, and negatively related to negative affect, interrok conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms. This hypothesis was partially supported, with 3 of 15 correlations indicating significant relationships. As can be seen in Table 2, affiliation strivings and intimacy strivings were positively correlated with positive affect (r = .11, p < .05; r = .15, p < .05). In addition, spiritual self-transcendence strivings were negatively correlated with interrole conflict (r =-.31, p <.01). TABLE 2 Correlation Matrix Outcome Measures Variables GSI PA NA SWL IC Affiliation .02 .11 * .03 .00 .04 Intimacy -.11 .15 * -.08 .04 .01 Spiritual -.09 .07 -.09 .09 -.31 * self-transcendence Level of Abstractness .12 -.01 .03 -.14 * .29 ** Assume Full .01 -.10 .04 .06 .25 ** Responsibility Complete .10 -.01 .08 .05 -.01 Self-Sacrifice Entirely .11 .06 .10 .06 .11 * Child-Centered GSI 1.0 -.38 .70 -.41 .14 * ** ** ** PA -.38 1.0 -.26 .47 -.15 * ** ** ** NA .70 -.26 1.0 -.32 .16 * ** ** ** SWL -.41 .47 -.32 1.0 -.12 ** ** ** IC .14 -.15 .16 * -.12 1.0 * * Note. GSI = Global Severity Index; PA = Positive Affect Scale of the Positive Affect and Negative Affect Scale; NA = Negative Affect Scale of the Positive Affect and Negative Affect Scale; SWL Satisfaction with Life Scalc; IC = Interrole Conflict. *P < .05, **P < .01.

Secondly, it was hypothesized that the level of abstractness of the strivings would be positively related to negative affect, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms, and negatively related to positive affect and satisfaction with life. This hypothesis was partially supported, with 2 of 5 correlations indicating significant relationships. As can be seen in Table 2, the level of abstractness of the strivings (high-level indicating high level of abstractness) were positively correlated with interrole conflict (r = .29, p < .01), and negatively correlated with satisfaction with life (r =-.14, p <.05).

It was also hypothesized that strivings coded as reflective of the intensive motherhood ideology (i.e., assume full responsibility for child care, complete self-sacrifice, and entirely child-centered) would be negatively related to positive affect, satisfaction with life, and positively related to negative affect, interrole conflict, and the presence of psychological symptoms. This hypothesis was partially supported, with 5 of 15 correlations indicating significant relationships. Strivings reflective of the intensive mothering ideology were significantly and positively related to interrole conflict, specifically those coded as "assume full responsibility for child care" (r = .25, p < .01) and "entirely child-centered" (r = .11, p < .05). In addition, the "entirely child-centered" strivings were positively related to negative affect (r = .70, p < .01) and negatively related to positive affect (r =-.38, p < .01) and satisfaction with life (r =-.41, p <.01).

Discussion

This study revealed several interesting findings with respect to the content and properties of women's motherhood strivings. The qualitative aspect of this study highlighted both the similarities and differences among the mothers in their motherhood striving themes, while the quantitative portion drew attention to the significant relationships between motherhood strivings and several indicators of well-being.

One finding of particular note is that the spiritual self-transcendence strivings were significantly and negatively correlated with interrole conflict. This finding was one of the strongest correlations, and is in accordance with sanctification theory, which proposes that attributing sacredness or a spiritual quality to a domain of one's life is related to greater satisfaction in that role (Mahoney et al., 1999). That is, sanctifying the domain of motherhood in one's life may attenuate the experience of interrole conflict. This result also confirms previous findings by Emmons (2003b) who proposed that the sanctification of everyday activities, such that goals become spiritual strivings, can lead to increased subjective well-being and decreased goal conflict.

Another notable finding is that the level of abstractness of the strivings were positively correlated with the presence of interrole conflict, and negatively correlated with satisfaction with life. Such findings also support those of Emmons (1992) who found that participants with high-level, abstract strivings experienced more psychological distress than those with low-level strivings, which were more concrete in nature. It seems evident from the qualitative data that there are many ways in which a mother can invest in her child. Perhaps this is the cause of tension for many mothers; because there are so many activities and opportunities in which children can participate, a mother may set lofty and abstract strivings for herself. The aspirational quality of these strivings is certainly commendable, but one must wonder if such aspirations could also be self-defeating, as there does not seem to be a concrete standard of what will be "good enough" in regards to her mothering. The present findings seem compatible with those of Elvin-Nowak (1999) who found that working mothers often experienced feelings of guilt as though they were not meeting the demands of motherhood, despite lack of any evidence that they were not fulfilling their roles as mothers. Furthermore, the expansive nature of the abstract strivings seems to support Arendell (2000), who asserts that the prevailing theme of the intensive mothering ideology places an array of high demands on mothers in Western culture. It seems that the all-encompassing and absolute nature of the intensive motherhood ideology leads to expansive strivings that can never be fulfilled.

Another important finding is that interrole conflict was significantly and positively related to strivings reflective of the intensive mothering ideology. Yet while it seems that working mothers experience inner conflict when ascribing to an intensive mothering ideology, this conflict does not appear to significantly affect their overall satisfaction with life. This finding is contrary to expectations and findings from numerous past studies. For example, Bull and Mittelmark (2008) found that working mothers with higher levels of conflict between work and home roles reported lower levels of subjective well-being. Suffering from interrole conflict has also been shown to be associated with decreased psychological and physical health in working mothers (Redman, Biernat, 8c Lang, 1991). The independence of satisfaction with life and interrole conflict in the current study is worth noting. Perhaps these women view their experience of interrole conflict as a normal and necessary aspect of being a working mother and, because that conflict is viewed as inherent to their dual roles, they do not consider it as a factor to consider in their overall sense of satisfaction with life. Or, perhaps these women feel pressure from cultural influences to express satisfaction with their lives even in times when they may not feel satisfied. Further qualitative research should be conducted in this area to clarify the factors that contribute to mothers' interrole conflict as well as their satisfaction with life (e.g., cultural pressures, conservative gender role beliefs, family of origin).

The prevalence of faith-related strivings in the data was also noteworthy. Because faith seems to be such a central theme for these women, further research should be conducted regarding the intersection of religiosity, work, and well-being. In addition, many of these women clearly value their faith and their mothering. Kotesky. Walker, and Johnson (1990) identified family, religion, community, and culture as four factors that contribute to one's sense of identity. Furthermore, they found that identity is formed in relationship with others. Thus, because many of these women value family as well as religion, it seems that further discussion within the Christian community regarding these mothers' experiences of their faith and working would likely be a benefit to these women and the Christian subculture at large. Specifically, because Evangelicals seem to derive satisfaction from engaging in open and critical dialogue with others (Bielo, 2009), it seems that further discussion regarding these mothers' experiences may help them gain a sense of belongingness and acceptance within their Christian community.

In addition to the prevalence of faith-related strivings, many mothers were striving to communicate security and love to their children. These results align with several previous studies on motherhood ideology, such as interview data in Seagram and Daniluk's (2002) and Davies and Welch's (1986) studies, which communicated the mothers' strong desire to have a positive impact on their children's lives and development, and a need to protect their children. Consequently, it would appear that this is a normative aspect of motherhood ideology across diverse samples of mothers.

There were several limitations to the present study. Future research would likely benefit from a more diverse sample. A large majority of the women in this study were married, and all had completed postsecondary degrees. Furthermore, these women were likely to have had some choice as to whether or not to be in the labor force. This population is distinctive from other women whose work is done out of necessity. In addition, the sample was also largely composed of European Americans.

The results of this study have significant implications for Christian working mothers and those who care for them, such as churches, community centers, and mental health centers. First, through recognizing that there are significant relationships between motherhood strivings and well-being, organizations can use the framework of personal strivings to help women examine their own strivings, and modify these in ways leading to greater well-being. For example, an aspirational striving can be modified in such a way that the intent and motivation for the striving remains, vet the striving itself is made to be more realistic and attainable.

Second, the results of this study indicate that spirituality is a central motherhood theme for many of these women, and thus should be thoughtfully considered in both professional and personal interactions with them. Along this line, Emmons (2005) has argued that spiritual strivings may have an empowering function as people derive remarkable meaning and purpose from them. Because of the significance of these spiritual strivings, it is possible that interventions can focus on helping women develop and understand a sense of their spiritual calling by sanctifying various aspects of their work and mothering. A deepened understanding of spiritual calling may help women have a more unifying purpose (Emmons, 2003a) for their roles as professionals and as mothers, which may lead to decreased in-terrole conflict. In addition, this kind of intervention appears warranted by biblical teaching encouraging Christians to bring all domains of their life under the lordship of Christ (e.g., Colossians 3:23). Further research is needed to examine whether this type of intervention is effective. It is the hope of these researchers that additional research is pursued to better understand, and therefore better care for, the Christian working mothers in our society.

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Jennifer A. Gallagher, M. Elizabeth Lewis Hall, Tamara L. Anderson, and Kerris L.M. Del Rosario

Biola University

Author Information

GALLAGHER, JENNIFER A. Address: Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University, 13800 Biola Avenue, La Mirada, CA 90639. Title: Graduate Student. Degrees: M.A. (Clinical Psychology) Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University; B.A. Taylor University.

HALL, M. ELIZABETH LEWIS. Ph.D. Address: Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University. 13800 Biola Avenue, La Mirada, CA, 90639. Title: Professor of Psychology. Degrees: Ph.D. (Clinical Psychology), M.A. (Clinical Psychology), B.A. (Psychology) Biola University. Specializations: Psychodynamic psychotherapy, missions and mental health, women and work.

ANDERSON, TAMARA L. Ph.D. Address: Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University, 13800 Biola Avenue, La Mirada, CA, 90639. Title: Professor of Psychology. Degrees: Ph.D. (Clinical Psychology) California School of Professional Psychology; M.A. (Psychology) Pepperdine University: B.A. (Psychology) Biola University. Specializations: Individual psychotherapy, work family issues, ethics, and group psychotherapy.

DEL ROSARIO, KERRIS L.M. Ph.D. Address: Rosemead School of Psychology, Biala University. 13800 Biola Avenue, La Mirada, CA 90639. Title: Clinical Psychologist. Degrees: Ph.D. (Clinical Psychology), M.A. (Clinical Psychology) Rosemead School of Psychology. Biola University: B.S., McMaster University.