摘要：Objectives. We sought to (1) describe observed cooking and eating facilities in migrant farmworker camps, (2) compare observed conditions with existing farmworker housing regulations, and (3) examine associations of violations with camp characteristics. Methods. We collected data in 182 farmworker camps in eastern North Carolina during the 2010 agricultural season. We compared our observations with 15 kitchen-related housing regulations specified by federal and state housing standards. Results. We observed violations of 8 regulations in at least 10% of camps: improper refrigerator temperature (65.5%), cockroach infestation (45.9%), contaminated water (34.4%), rodent infestation (28.9%), improper flooring (25.8%), unsanitary conditions (21.2%), improper fire extinguisher (19.9%), and holes or leaks in walls (12.1%). Logistic regression showed that violations were related to the time of the agricultural season, housing type, number of dwellings and residents, and presence of workers with H-2A visas. Conclusions. Cooking and eating facilities for migrant farmworkers fail to comply with regulations in a substantial number of camps. Greater enforcement of regulations, particularly during occupancy during the agricultural season, is needed to protect farmworkers. Preparing and consuming food is a basic activity of daily living. The ability to consume nutritionally adequate and safe food affects health and the capacity to work. Poor nutrition and reduced work capacity perpetuate the cycle of poverty in economically disadvantaged populations. 1 Individuals and households develop nutritional self-management strategies, behavioral patterns involving food preparation, food consumption, and maintaining food security. 2 To be adequately nourished, they must be able to execute positive behaviors in all these domains. The ability of migrant farmworkers to maintain a successful nutritional self-management strategy is constrained by the facilities available to them. They either rent short-term housing on the private market or live in group quarters provided and regulated by their employer. This employer may be a grower or food processor who owns and maintains the housing facilities or a crew leader who rents housing for workers. 3,4 Farmworkers may pay to rent housing or receive free housing as part of their employment arrangements. Provision of housing varies regionally. In California, for example, most migrant farmworkers find their own housing, 5 whereas in the Atlantic coast states, growers generally provide housing for migrant workers they employ. 6 Migrant housing facilities vary in their size and configuration. Houses, apartments, and trailers originally constructed as family housing, or barracks specially built for group quarters are commonly used. 7,8 Sanitary conditions of housing vary, and crowding is known to be a common problem. Overall, the few studies of migrant farmworker housing have found the conditions to be poor. 4,7,9–15 These aspects of farmworker housing—housing type, sanitation, and crowding—affect the presence, quality, and sufficiency of facilities for preparing, storing, and eating food. Unlike some aspects of housing that may affect comfort or have indirect health effects, those related to cooking and eating carry immediate and significant effects on health, safety, and work capacity. 16 An estimated 48 million Americans suffer from foodborne illnesses every year. 17 The costs for serious illness and loss of work time add up to $77.7 billion annually in the United States alone. Food contamination during storage or preparation, lack of appropriate kitchen facilities, and undercooking can increase the risk of foodborne illnesses. 18,19 In the long term, absence of safe food storage or cooking facilities can constrain the type of foods consumed and lead to elevated chronic disease risk. For example, the inability to safely store fresh fruits and vegetables can lead to low consumption, a known risk factor for diabetes and cancer. 20 The number of hired farmworkers in the United States is unknown, but estimates range from 700 000 to 1.4 million. 21 These workers are critical to US agricultural production, carrying out much of the cultivation and harvest of fruits and vegetables. The migrant farmworker population includes workers who establish a temporary home to do farm work. Some travel in traditional migrant streams, following the crops, whereas others migrate from point to point, including international migration. 22 Nationally, three quarters of migrant workers report being born in Mexico, with most of the remainder being born in the United States. 22 Migrant farmworkers include guest workers on special nonimmigrant visas (H-2A), as well as workers who may or may not have immigration documents and work directly for a grower or through a crew leader. Previous analyses have shown differences in housing and other health- and safety-related behaviors between H-2A and non–H-2A workers. 8,23–25 Housing in general is recognized as a source of exposures influencing health. 26 For migrant farmworkers, housing represents a source of both occupational and environmental exposures. 5,8 However, no assessments have specifically focused on the food-related facilities in farmworker housing. The importance of food preparation and food storage is recognized in housing regulations. At the federal level, the Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act specifies standards for cooking, kitchens, and mess halls. 27 State regulations must be equal to or exceed these regulations. The analyses presented here use data obtained in a survey of farmworker camps in the context of a community-based participatory research program. 3 Our aims were (1) to describe the observed kitchen facilities and their use in migrant farmworker camps in eastern North Carolina, (2) to compare the observed conditions with existing farmworker housing regulations, and (3) to examine associations of violations with camp characteristics.
