This paper investigates the properties of Irish embedded topicalization, and argues (i) that lowering of COMP to INFL does not take place in Irish, (ii) that the Highest Subject Restriction does not apply to resumptive pronouns involved in Irish embedded topicalization, (iii) that the head positions in charge of embedded topicalization are parameterized among languages, (iv) that the difference in the head positions in charge of embedded topicalization lies in the relationship between the COMP and the INFL, and (v) that the ban against adjunction to adjuncts only disallows adjunction to adjuncts by way of internal merge.