摘要：Objectives. We investigated whether self-reported ethnic discrimination in the workplace was associated with well-being among Japanese Brazilians who had returned to Japan. Further, we examined interactions between discrimination and education on well-being. Methods. We obtained data from a cross-sectional survey of Japanese Brazilian workers (n = 313) conducted in 2000 and 2001. Outcomes were self-rated health, psychological symptoms as measured by the 12-item General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12) score, and a checklist of somatic symptoms. Results. Reports of ethnic discrimination were associated with increased risk of poor self-rated health and psychological symptoms (GHQ-12 score), after we controlled for self-assessed workload, supportive relations at work, physically dangerous working conditions, workplace environmental hazards, shift work, number of working hours, age, gender, marital status, income, education, Japanese lineage, length of residence, and Japanese language proficiency. Further, the relationship between discrimination and self-rated health and somatic symptoms was most robust for those with the least education. Conclusions. Ethnic discrimination appears to be a correlate of morbidity among Japanese Brazilian migrants. Future research should investigate how educational and workplace interventions may reduce discrimination and possibly improve health. Many emigrants dream of returning to the homeland of their ancestors. Romantic as this notion is, returnees are not always welcome. They may encounter stigma and discrimination, which in turn may contribute to illness. Since the 1907 authorization by the Brazilian state of São Paulo that permitted the exchange of contract workers, Japan has been sending emigrants to Brazil, most of whom have been employed on contract with coffee and sugar plantations. 1 Upon fulfilling their contracts, many have remained to raise their families in Brazil. Today, with an estimated 1.3 million people of Japanese descent, Brazil has the highest concentration of ethnic Japanese outside of Japan. A shortage of workers in the 1980s prompted the Japanese government to amend its immigration policy. Although still not enjoying the same rights as citizens, Japanese Brazilian immigrants were granted residence status that privileged them over other immigrants. Whereas most immigrants were restricted in their employment opportunities, Japanese Brazilians, because of their Japanese heritage, were allowed to work in any sector. Indeed, many employers preferred Japanese Brazilian workers because of their cultural lineage. Many Japanese Brazilians emigrated to Japan, and by 2000, there were approximately 250 000 Japanese Brazilians in Japan. In this context, Japanese Brazilians occupy a structurally and socially superior niche compared with most other immigrants in Japan. 2 This relatively high status, however, is qualified: although Japanese by heritage, Japanese Brazilians are generally viewed as outsiders. 3 – 5 Despite being favored over other immigrants, Japanese Brazilians continue to occupy a low social position, taking jobs that most Japanese find undesirable. 5 – 7 They are often stereotyped as ignorant, dirty, and culturally inferior and seen as failures for emigrating from Japan. Many are even seen as double failures (regardless of whether they were first- or later-generation emigrants) for migrating back to Japan as laborers. 3 , 4 These stereotypes can lead to ethnic discrimination. Prior studies have found that self-reported discrimination, the recounting of events that one perceives as being unfair and related to one’s social group membership, may be an important stressor and marker of structural disadvantage. 8 – 11 Stressors may contribute to allostatic load—the “wear and tear” on organ systems. 12 , 13 Discrimination may also harm mental health by injuring one’s self-concept, sense of safety, and sense of belonging. 14 , 15 Because stressors may influence a variety of body systems, researchers have long argued that the study of stressors should include a range of health outcomes. 16 , 17 Consistent with this perspective, self-reported discrimination has been associated with problems ranging from coronary calcification 18 to low birthweight 19 to mood disorders. 20 Reports of discrimination are associated with job stressors. 21 Workplace discrimination and other occupational stressors are associated with hypertension, distress, and other problems. 22 – 24 Given this diversity of outcomes, it is not surprising that self-reported discrimination is also associated with global markers of illness, including self-rated health, psychological well-being, and total number of health problems. 25 Associations between discrimination and morbidity have been found in a variety of groups, including African Americans, Latinos, and American Indians. 10 , 26 – 28 Studies have also examined discrimination among Asians in the United States, 29 , 30 Canada, 31 , 32 and the United Kingdom. 33 , 34 However, these studies have focused on Asians who are phenotypically (visually) dissimilar to the “majority” population. For our study, we focused on Japanese Brazilians, which allowed us to investigate an ethnic group whose phenotype is arguably similar to that of the majority group but whose immigration history makes them socially distinct. 5 , 7 These considerations lead to the hypothesis that self-reported ethnic discrimination in the workplace will be associated with increased morbidity, as indicated by psychological symptoms, self-rated health status, and somatic symptoms. Because our study focused on workplace discrimination, we also included several other psychosocial and physical hazards in the workplace as potential confounders. This permitted us to evaluate whether ethnic discrimination is a risk factor distinct from other important factors. Additionally, we investigated whether the association between discrimination and morbidity is stronger among those with less education. This interaction between multiple forms of disadvantage has been called the “double jeopardy” hypothesis. 35 , 36 One of the major stereotypes of Japanese Brazilians is that they are ignorant. 3 , 4 For well-educated Japanese Brazilians, academic achievements can temper the effects of discrimination. Those with less formal education, however, may not have such resources at their disposal. We therefore examined interactions between discrimination and education.
