其他摘要：As is the case with most western, liberal-democratic nations, Canada’s metanarratives are far from simple. Indeed, the overarching stories Canadians tell themselves are frequently qualified by the insistence (often from historians and political commentators) that there is no single narrative from which to proceed. For example, there is no straightforward story regarding the history of confederation leading up to the ratification of the British North America Act in 1867—the Act at the core of what is now the Canada Act (1982). Instead, there is a range of political viewpoints as to whether this or that policy and activity was ultimately beneficial to what was to become Canada. These viewpoints often result in opposed positions on this or that political legislation and/or practice. This goes for present day legislation and practices as much as it does for the past. For example, there is a range of viewpoints on the question of the role of the government in suppressing indigenous protest and rebellion in the new nation. This is very often associated with present treatment of indigenous populations. Indeed, one can be a proud Canadian and condone neither the historical treatment nor the present-day treatment of indigenous populations. The recent publication of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s findings (2015), particularly regarding indigenous children in residential schools, has brought together those that envision a strong Canada, distinct from other western liberal-democratic nations, and committed to democracy, pluralism, and multiculturalism. One can identify as a Canadian nationalist and profoundly regret the choices made in the enactment of constitutional laws and provisions in the BNA Act every bit as much as one can be a nationalist and support them. One can be a pluralist about immigrants and refugees in contemporary debates about the role of the government in limiting entry to certain individuals and groups over others while advising caution and reflection in the particular choices made.
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