Economic activity is an important constituent of the community life and plays a deciding role in the formation of cultural and social structure of a society. The economic life of tribal people also helps us to understand their culture. Every community has its own way to meet its basic needs for the existence of its members failing which they are threatened with extinction. Nature here comes forward and joins hands with them to fulfill their needs fashioned of course, in their way depending on their customs, traditions, demographic structure, etc. Owing to this, people with same natural surroundings have developed different economic processes to meet their basic needs of individual and collective living.

"Economic activities do occupy a large part of the life of nearly everyone and economics endeavours to study these activities" (Hicks, 1960). He further says that the study of economics can therefore take us a considerable way towards a general understanding of human society, that is, of men's behaviour to one another. Majumdar and Madan says, "Economic activity is concerned with all such activities of man as are designed to serve his physical survival" (Majumdar and Madan, 1970). The forced entrepreneurship of nomadic tribals is the cause of their economic activities as they do not have the alternative choice due to poor education and absence of social networking to get gainful employability.

According to Bates, real income of pastoralists including Raikas depends on their performance in three markets-animal sale, wool sale and sale of manure (Bates, 1981). Their revenues result from sales in market of such products as animals, wool and animal droppings. Their gross profit can be concluded from the revenues but the prices in the market for inputs have also to be considered. Such inputs include the cost of feed and grazing, shearing rates, illegal gratifications, veterinary medicines and so on. But, their net income can be calculated only by taking into account the costs they incur on third major item namely, consumption goods.

Ownership of Assets

For studying the economy of Raikas during their sedentary as well as migratory part of life, 10 migratory flocks and 45 sedentary families have been studied during 2013-14 through ethnographic research approach. The major issues discussed in the following sections reflect the ingredients of entrepreneurial endeavours of nomadic community Raikas of Rajasthan. Assets refer to the material things possessed by an individual, which gives an idea of their economic status. For Raikas things for their housing system are: T.V., radio, fridge, cooler and so on. Most of the houses are kaccha. Out of the 45 households studied, 40 houses were made up of mud walls and thatched roofs. Two houses were semi pucca having cemented floor and rest of the others were kuccha. The economic conditions of the households having pucca house is comparatively better than that of households, having kuccha construction. Same is the case with the number of animals and landholdings possessed. Only two televisions were observed among the studied Raikas households. No household had fridge and only one family was observed having cooler.

Source of Revenue

Major source of revenue for Raikas depends on various economic activities as discussed below:

Animal Sale

Of the animals Raika's sell, sheep provides the largest portion of income. There are two types of animal sale: (i) sale of mature stock is a regular sale, that generally takes place every year between January and April and (ii) most of the time Raikas are in need of cash flow, animals are their ready cash and they sell physically individual animals to meet short-term cash needs. It is called distress sale. During migration Raika's do not get enough time to go to urban market and thus for them only informal market works effectively. Thus, animals are sold to the traders and agents who visit the camps now and then. Raikas, usually sell physically unfit animals to meet short term cash needs. During migration, it is necessary that animal should be fit, capable of movement and should be able to survive on low quality fodder for a long period. It is also necessary for them to discard unfit animals. Such animals are sold in early stage of migration.

First distress sale occurs in the month of November/December, which is the starting of migration. At this time, Raikas need ready cash to meet flock needs. Second distress sale occurs in the month of March. At this time, money is needed for shearing. Third distress sale takes place by the end of May-June, just before the return of migration cycle. In regular sales, the number of animals a flock leader or Mukhiya will sell depends on certain factors, namely, rate of lambing or births, desired size of the flock, labour available, and male to female proportion of animals in the flock.

Raikas do not sell female animals. Selling female animals to be considered as taboo and they also want to keep them for further increase in their flock. Reproductive rate, in turn depends on the availability of rainfall and fodder. Generally, 400-500 animals, of which the majority is sheep, are considered as an ideal size of the rewar during migration. Thus, to reach the ideal size of the rewar, Raikas join in groups and bring their flocks together during migration, and an experienced Raika who is called Nambardar heads such joint ventures.

Certain studies have been done in order to examine the question of appropriate size of rewar. Spooner suggests that there is an optimum size of rewars (Spooner, 1973). Other writings indicate that pastoralists are more concerned with maintaining a particular ratio of herders to animals rather than a fixed optimal size related to ecological variables. According, to Koster, "A Peloponnesian herder can effectively manage not more than 250 goats" (Koster, 1977). Swidler who studied Brahui shepherds in Baluchistan, suggests that concerns of expediency and convenience set upper and lower limits to grazing units (Swidler, 1972). In context of Raikas, generally the size varies from 250-500 animals. More than 500 animals could not be effectively herded by rewar and a size below 250 does not fare as well. Smaller flocks generate lower surplus and thus, they have to move collectively to make their migration economically viable. Raikas also manipulate the ratio of male to female animals in their rewar according to their needs, like by selling rams, gifting ewes and so on.

Sale of Wool

In the context of wool the major income of Rakia comes from the sale of wool of sheep. Generally they are sheared twice a year. But, nowadays, they have started shearing thrice also. First shearing takes place before migration, in the village around September/October and second shearing takes place on the migration cycle around the return point of the journey in March/April, before the festival of Holi. In village, generally Raikas shear animals themselves with the help of kins and neighbours. But during migration, animals are sheared by professional migrant shearers called lavas. Raikas always try to coordinate the work of shearing with the sale of wool during migration, because carrying it on the route is very burdensome.

In view of the quality the wool is of two types namely (i) Unwashed Wool: In their local dialect they call this wool as bina dhuli uun. Generally, this is the kind of wool, which Raikas sell. It is raw, unwashed wool. Animals during the migration route pass through areas, where thorny plants grow in abundance and thorny stems cling to wool thus lowering its value. (ii) Washed Wool: In their local dialect, this is called as dhuli uun. Wool after shearing is washed before it is sold. It is of high economic value.

Generally, many rewars get the wool sheared collectively. Approximately, shearing of 3000-4000 animals takes place together. Taking decisions about shearing is entirely the responsibility of Nambardar. First of all he has to decide the time and place of shearing. Time is chosen according to suitable climatic conditions.

Choosing the location of shearing is also important. Before shearing it is always taken into consideration that the site for shearing should have abundant grazing facilities and water sources, so that the rewar can easily stay there for a week. The site chosen for shearing is generally a field near a large village, where families and herds can stay together safely. Raikas do not have to pay any cash for stay because in turn huge amount of manure is deposited in fields. Another task of Nambardar is to arrange the buyer of wool. They establish contacts with shearers and wool traders.

Two types of sale contracts can be executed: (i) In one type of sale contract, wool is sold on the hoof and the buyer or trader gives some cash to the Raikas. In such contracts, the trader even arranges the shearing. (ii) In the other type of contract the Nambardar arranges shearing and the trader gives payment after shearing. Raikas prefer the second type of sale contract because in this case Raikas generally negotiate better prices. According to FAIR, "The first type of contract, makes the shearers less careful, although it improves the household cash flow. In an effort to shear very close they can nick or cut the sheep" (FAIR, 1980).

During the shearing season, many traders of wool may be seen and found around the route of migration. Generally contract for sale of wool is made to a known trader, whom they have been dealing for the past some years. Before finalising the deal, traders or their agents visit the flocks and the place for shearing and sometimes stay for some period in the camp say for a week or so. Wool is also sold to Mahajans or Baniyas from whom they usually borrow money. Khatiks act as agents of Mahajans and Baniyas for this purpose. Regular wool markets operate in Beawar and Bikaner but it is very rare that Raikas visit these markets to sell wool at appropriate price. They cannot do so even if they wish, because of their nomadic life style.

Raikas do not sell their wool to any cooperative or government agency or department, although Mahajans and Baniyas are also exploiting them. Most of them are aware of this fact. According to them, they do not prefer selling wool to government departments because they do not buy the wool regularly every year. Secondly, they do not want to annoy Mahajans or Baniyas by selling wool to government department, because it is only they who lend money to Raikas at the time of need on socio-cultural occasions.

Sale of Manure

Income from manure of animals is an important part, but it is generally an unrecognised portion of the total income during migration. During the sedentary part, when they are in the villages, they collect manure and sell them to village farmers for their fields. During migration, they can not sell the manure like this and it is considered as wastage. The income from sale of manure is allocated to a common fund and Raikas use it for covering joint expenses.

Like other pastoral products, in respect of manures also, sheep manure gives the highest return. It is considered to be superior in quality even to synthetic fertilisers. It is a common belief that if sheep droppings are given as input to field, it will remain fertile for at least a period of three years with no adverse after effects, as are sometimes caused by synthetic fertiliser. But the farmers are also aware of its disadvantages. For example, they believe that sheep dung carries the seeds of Kikar tree, which germinates in the form of weeds in the field and its clearance involves lot of labour and time, which creates problems to farmers. Sheep manure is also light weight and small and thus it gets washed away with the first rain. But its advantages weigh upon its disadvantages and farmers prefer sheep foldings. As stated earlier the proceeds of animal foldings and manure go to the common fund for meeting general expenses. At the end of the migration cycle, the balance in this fund may be negative or positive, and different flock leader or Mukhiyas shares it equally.

On an average, Nambardar is able to negotiate price between 15-25 per cent for animal foldings or manure during migration. Payment from animal manure also depends on certain factors of which the most important is the number of dangs in the area and the need of farmers. If the number of dangs in the area is small, they will get greater payment because their value increases. Similarly, if the sowing season is close, fields are irrigated and more farmers need manure, again value of folding increases and thus Raikas can receive high price. Moreover, if the number of sheep in the dang is high it again increases the value of manure because farmers prefer more sheep folding for their fields.

A study of the revenue generated by each of the 10 flocks covered under this research exhibited that only the sale proceeds of wool had a direct correlation with the size of the flock. In the matter of manure and animal sale the number of animals in a flock has no fixed ratio to the proceeds, although the general trend is that the larger the flock, the higher is the sale proceed from manure and animal sale.

The study shows that when the size of flock was approximately doubled the total income from all these sources was almost double. Similarly when the flock size became four times the total income from all sources rose to about seven times. Thus, we found that by and large larger the flock size, the more profitable it is. It is however, evident from the statement that the tendency of increasing returns with increased number of animals with flock does not apply constantly. At certain points when the size of flock has increased, the returns have not increased in the same proportion. It must here be realised that the method of calculating returns in the social structure of Raikas who are generally illiterate, can not be as scientific and accurate as we need for determining statistical averages for scientific predictions. Moreover, there are several factors, which influence the economy of the dang both in their migration and in sedentary life. The character and managerial capabilities of Nambardar, or the availability of appropriate medicines for moving cattle, or the number of thefts or casualties among animals might also influence the economy to a great extent. It is for this reason that in some cases where the size of flock is larger the returns are not proportionatly high.

Expenditure Items

Input expenses on animal herds include feed and grazing, medicines, shearing and labour herds and herdsmen move from place to place on foot, but Kavoori emphasises, "In rare instances, Raikas are forced to transport their animals by trucks to the areas, where fodder can be found" (Kavoori, 1990). Major items of expenditure includes the following:

Feed and Grazing

In the sedentary part, during rains the animals can graze early in fallow fields or oroans, whatever available. Fodder is bought only for lambs. In the migration cycle, fodder is not uniformly available and thus, they have to give supplementary feed to their animals. Supplementary feed is also bought for pregnant animals. This situation arises mainly in winter. Major supplement, which they give to their animals are: (i) Flour kneaded into dough (while in winters this dough is made of Bajra flour, in summers it is of Jau). (ii) Jaggery, rapeseed oil, turmeric and salt, all of which are fed to the flock as a mixture. (iii) In rare cases some Raikas give factory made feed to flocks. (iv) Flour is regarded as fodder substitute, while jaggery, oil of turmeric are said to be tonics to enhance growth.

Some Raikas remain on migration the whole year round and do not return to their villages. When all other migrating group return around July/August i.e. on the onset of rains they are still on the move. Thus, they have to pay grazing fees to the forest department during monsoon months. At that time, no land is fallow for grazing and the common grazing lands or oroans are insufficient even for village animals. Thus, they can not graze their animals on oroans, because in doing so they have to face tension against local villagers. Now the grazing fees is also different in various states. In Rajasthan, forests are diminishing day by day and Raikas have to take their animals to Madhya Pradesh which still have some dense forests. But grazing fees in the state have risen during past some years. In winters, Raikas go to the states of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The policy of the government to promote irrigated agriculture has had an adverse impact on Raikas. Prior to the arrival of irrigation, fertilisers and pesticides, more fallow lands were available for grazing and villagers used to welcome Raikas. They were paid in advance for manure. But, now the case is different - it is the Raikas who have to pay for crop stubble in the field.

Medicines

Raikas rely on both indigenous and western treatment when their animals fall ill. But they first give indigenous treatment and in case it fails they go for western treatment. Government veterinary hospitals are believed to be unreliable. Raikas also say that on check posts where government is said to have made veterinary medicines available, they are not provided with free medicines and doctors are also inattentive to animals. Thus, most of the time they have to buy western medicines from private shops.

Labour

Raika groups usually comprise of extended families or joint families. Even if the household divides, flock continues to be jointly owned and are the last assets to be divided. Thus in ideal circumstances, kins only act as labour to manage the flock. But, sometimes they have to arrange outside labour for grazing their animals either because their herd is large or they do not have enough young men in the family to take up the work. Thus labour is engaged in two forms namely: (i) One which is arranged from extensive kinship network of both maternal and paternal side; and (ii) The other arranged from outside who are called gwalas. Out of the 10 flocks studied, six had employed outside labour during migration cycle.

Gwalas are paid either in cash or kind. Their payment depends on many factors like, age, skill, closeness of relationship with Mukhiya, number of animals he brings in the flock and so on. On an average, if they do not bring any animal in the flock, they are given per animal along with food and clothing for the whole migration cycle. But, if the number of animals brought by gwalas to flock is more than 100, then gwalas are not paid at all, but are given food and clothing. One more type of payment has been noticed. Mukhiya makes a contract with a particular gwala for specific number of years and after that period he is given the ownership of a particular number of sheep or goat, camels being too expensive. Another arrangement is kinship arrangement, which is generally for those providing labour from kinship network. It is called ardhali arrangement. Here, the kinsman providing labours are given half the pastoral products like wool. The gwalas are also given some rights on animals. For example, they have complete right over milk and droppings of animals. However, wool and hair belong to the owner. Progeny of animal also belong to the owner. Owners have to pay money to gwala for taking herds to cattle fair. They have also to pay the fine to village council if, the animal destroys somebody's crop. Each animal has two brand marks called kheng, one of the owner and other one of the herdsman. Thus, different brand marks on the body of the animal give an indication of its past owner and herdsman.

An increase in the number of animals in the flock favourably effects the average expenses of the flock owner. The average expenses per animal are reduced with the increased size of the flock once the flock has assumed a certain size. So far as employment of outside labour is concerned there is no uniform pattern. While a small flock of 138 had to employ outside labour, a larger flock of 197 could do without such assistance. This is because of the availability of labour within family circles. Even the largest flock of 350 could do with small outside assistance for the same reason.

Collective Expenses

During migration, certain expenses are incurred collectively by dang and some other expenses are shared collectively by flock leaders. Collective expenses incurred by dang are on guests, information collection, community feasts, fines and bribes. Flock related expenses are on feed and transport. Collective expenses constitute only a minor part of total expenses but this practice creates a feeling of unity among dang members. The main source for creating funds for collective expenses is animal droppings. Camp leader or Nambardar spends some money from common funds. He has to undertake reconnaissance missions every morning on horse or camel's back. These journeys may take three to four hours and aim at extracting details of fodder sources, water resources and attitudes of villagers. These informations are the basic format on which the daily movement of Raikas is based. According to E. Marx, the interest in advance information about rainfall and about the state of pastures along migration route is a common feature of other trans-human groups as well (Marx, 1978). Sometimes, Nambardars have to travel long distances, which last for several days. They have to travel even by bus or train. At other times, Nambardars have to go for periodic journeys to buy medicines for animals. Expenses on these periodic journeys are met collectively.

Festivals are also celebrated collectively during migration. Like on festivals of Holi, Diwali, etc., food is cooked for the whole dang. When guests come they are entertained collectively. Fines and bribes are also paid jointly, although this is done only occasionally. Fine does not involve great expenditure, but bribes have to be paid now and then which involves a large part of expenditure. Only a few Raikas can afford to pay the fees fixed by the state for the movement, entry and grazing of animals. Nambardars negotiate the amount and in certain cases the advice of council of elders is taken to pay off for reducing the fees unofficially.

Household Consumption Pattern

The flock owners spend on food and transportation. Most of them eat the same food as bread or roti made of coarse grain of millet or Bazra but nowadays even wheat is used along with onions, green chilies and sometimes vegetables. Sheep milk, fresh camel milk, butter and buttermilk is also commonly used. But, the consumption of opium involves much expenditure. It is an important part of their daily life and is ritually consumed on most of the days. Main involvement of transport expenses results from movement from camp area to their native home village. They travel by bus or train if any necessary work arises. They travel home approximately once in three to four months. Sometimes fodder, if not available in local market, is also bought from a distant place and is transported by some conveyance. Occasionally animals are also loaded in trucks and are taken to better grazing area. But, these two situations are quite rare.

Daily expenses of Raikas during the settled part are on flour, oil or ghee, fuel, spices, pulses, and so on. They do not buy commodities for the whole month at a time. They buy items for seven to ten days. Pulses and vegetables are never bought. They eat whatever they grow in their field. They generally eat green chilies and onions if they can not afford vegetables. An average family has five members.

Point of Economic Equilibrium

There exists a somewhat direct relationship between the size of the flock and the total consumption expenses. This is naturally so because the number of animals determines expenses on items like persons on guard, their food, transport entertainment of guests and so on. But the average expenditure determined per animal in herd will go down because the same number of persons could guard a larger flock of animals. In order to arrive at the gain or loss accruing to flock owners as a result of the difference between total inputs and total receipts, a comparative study has been made. It is evident from this statement that small size of flock is uneconomical and runs the family into deficit. The study shows that the minimum size of flock should be around 200 animals in order to yield surplus to the owners.

Exchange can take place between specialised traders, or inexperienced novices. They may take place electronically on the floors of stock exchanges or via a computer connected to the internet, in face-to-face encounters among those who have known each other long as well as between strangers. They may involve mundane, mass-produced and mass consumed items such as food grains and clothes, or paintings by old masters at auctions. The manner in which exchanges will be organised in different markets will clearly vary according to an enormous range of local, context-specific factors. But all markets have one critical element in common to which the above definition directs - exchange of goods and services (Agarwal, 1999).

Malinowski suggested that the mode of transaction among the tribals is based on reciprocity, i.e. material gift and counter-gifts based on social obligation derived typically from kinship relations (Malinowski, 1922). The degree of reciprocity is of three kinds, namely: general reciprocity, balanced reciprocity, and negative reciprocity. General reciprocity includes in itself the assistance given and taken back or returns, sharing hospitality, gifts taken, mutual aid and generosity. Values of return depend on the donor and the recipient. Balanced reciprocity is a direct exchange. The return and the goods received should be equal in value. This can be observed at the time of marital transaction between the brides and groom's kinship. Barter system of buying or selling is the best example of this degree of reciprocity. This is rather less personal than generalised reciprocity. This does not mean that value of the 'give and take' is considered only in money. Social value is also an implied unit. Negative reciprocity is the attempt to get something for nothing for example in bargaining and higgling.

Market has a great importance in their migration to an extent that it can also be said that migration would be impossible without market. Exchanges facilitate them to obtain food grains and other articles of daily use such as medicines and feed for animals. Selling of wool, manure and animals facilitates them to sell off surplus from their risky migratory life style. It provides them income, which forms an important part of household budget.

Banking Habits

Quite often Raikas are in need of money for different reasons. Most of them are aware of bank and its activities, but they do not prefer to deal with it, for many reasons. They generally go to the traditional moneylender (Mahajans/Baniya) at the time of need. The system of operation of traditional moneylender is very simple and convenient to the Raikas. They are the people, who are always present at the time of need. Whenever a Raika is in need of money, he has to walk a few kilometers to reach the moneylender's house, where he is always welcomed. Moreover, moneylenders also provide him money without any conditions, sureties, and guarantees. Otherwise also a Raika has little to offer by way of movable or immovable property. Moneylender easily gives him money on this small property, because he is in constant touch with them. Raikas do not have to undergo many formalities of banking system. A Raika, for borrowing money from Mahajan, has only to affix his thumb impression on a blank piece of paper or under a draft, which he cannot read.

In contrast to these moneylenders, other sources of credit are like cooperative credit societies established by various state governments. Most of these are found to be situated at far off places from the Raika habitat and a Raika has to encounter a number of formalities, cumbersome procedures and documents to obtain loan. Besides this security and guarantor are also needed to fulfill various provisions of credit disbursement. Normally, there occurs time lag of at least a couple of months between the date of application and date of disbursement of loan. Corrupt officials also demand their share. Government sponsored credit societies advance loans for any productive purposes like improvement in cultivation, purchase of implements, etc. but poor Raikas need loan for consumption and subsistence, to fulfill various social and ritual obligations. On the other side, banks also do not provide them loan easily, because in certain cases in which Raikas were provided with loan, they could not repay it and at last government had to send summons to them for the repayment of loan under P & R Act.

Agriculture

Most of the Raikas are either landless or have very small land holdings. When they are at their native village, from July to October in a year not clear land and try to earn something from it. Raikas do not like to own any land. This has some historical past linked to it. Westphal-Hellbusch and Westphal, says, "Rebari developed no interest in the ownership of land, even when they were allocated some" (Westphal-Hellbusch, 1975). Only in recent years, against the background of the grave problems faced by pastoral people in India, that they have shown interest in agriculture. Srivastava says, "In those areas where the Rebaris were smaller in number and lived in villages of dominant peasant castes, they switched to agriculture long time back. It is thus not surprising that Rebaris of Bikaner call themselves kisan (peasant)" (Srivastava, 1997).

But, while interviewing Raikas, certain reasons were extracted for the non-development of agriculture in their community. They feared that its adoption would mean a loss of their identity and that their caste council would punish those discarding traditional occupation. Moreover in government policies also they were not considered for any privilege or preference when land reforms were initiated in 1950's and land was distributed to land less peasants (Rollefson, 1995). With the small land which they possess they pursue agricultural activities. But then also problem of seeds, manure and implements always pester them. Issues for their agriculture can be highlighted as under:

* Generally the crops grown in these fields are sorghum and millet. Sometimes vegetables like potato, bringal, onion, carrot, raddish and crops such as Macca, Bajra, Guar, Rayda are also sown. Most of the products are for home consumption or for barter of essential commodities.

* Raikas buy seeds from the shops in the nearby villages. Sometimes government also provides them seeds at a subsidised rate or they take out seeds by themselves. A tractor, when needed for agriculture, is hired on rent from the rich landlords of the village. For giving water to crops also, machine is taken on rent, which amounts to Rs.100 to Rs.200/- day.

* In their fields manure of their own animals is used. Only two families in the area of study were noticed using chemical fertilisers in their fields. This may be due to their poor economic condition.

* Products are used for their own domestic purpose and are seldom marketed.

* There is always scarcity of water. For their domestic use itself they have to fetch water from a distance of several kilometers. For agriculture, they borrow water and sometimes even pay to landlords of the village for irrigating crops from their tube-wells.

Implications

Wool and animal sale yields cash. Markets of wool and animals are strongly influenced by national and international prices and political/economic variables including infrequent interventions by the Indian Government to stabilise prices (Agarwal, 1999). Most of the time Raikas sell their products through middlemen who exploit them a lot because it is not possible to carry sheared wool all the way round the migratory route. As they are constantly on move, they have limited knowledge about exchange partners and fluctuations in prices. Therefore, it is said that for a successful completion of migration, an efficient camp leader is necessary in order to negotiate prices in free markets. Even from an insignificant thing like sheep dung, good money can be made and it can become black gold. But if the camp leader is not efficient, this black gold remains only sheep shit scattered in the fields.

According to Raikas the price of wool is going down every year. This is because the government imports second hand wool from foreign countries. Unknit wool for sweaters and woolen clothes is imported into our country. When there is so much oversupply in the market, the price of wool will naturally go down; sometimes to a level even less than what it costs to produce. This gives a severe thrash to their household economy and they are not able to feed their animals properly, or to meet their daily needs. Another important revenue of Raikas is manure. It generally does not involve any middleman or intermediary. Manure is directly deposited in the field of the farmers. It is not essential that only money is given in exchange; sometimes grain can also be given. Negotiation of exchange takes place between Nambardar and farmer. It is a face to face negotiation, confirming which Polanyi has said, "Face to face negotiations are the hallmark of competitive price setting. Cash or grains, thus earned in exchange are shared equally by members of the camp or consumed in collective expenses like feasts, bribes, fines and so on" (Polanyi, 1944). In exchange of manures the relationship between buyers and seller is short lived, and there is no interference of government regarding price.

Raikas also try to cultivate exchange relationship with particular farmers, which they have found to be beneficial during the course of time. For example, for shearing Raikas always try to return to the same one or two farmers year after year because shearing requires at least a week's stay and the company of a helpful farmer. This however, is not always possible because of the high variability of rainfall and availability of fodder. Thus, it is difficult for them to go to the same farmers each year although they prefer to do so. On the basis of the study made with regard to the earning of livelihood by Raikas it can be said that the size of the flock plays an important role in determining their economy. As the flock size increases, their economic performance also increases simultaneously. It may be due to the fact that less consumption expenses per animal occur in a big flock. It needs less number of shepherds in comparison to larger number of small flocks. For example, flock of 400 animals will just require two shepherds but if there are four small flocks of which the total becomes 400 animals, at least it will have four shepherds, one for each flock. From a large flock more number of animals can be sold, which again provides them margin over input expenses.

Above description reveals that the tribal community has been endowed with the basic peanuts of entrepreneurial endeavours. Due to inadequate education and training for entrepreneurial ventures in formal structured manner the community can not reap the benefits of risk taking and hard working behaviour. Following suggested framework may help to boost-up the spirit of entrepreneurship in Raikas:

* Creating awareness and spreading business acumen among the nomadic community through community focused short term entrepreneurial education programmes.

* Developing networking for arranging financial and marketing resources.

* Short term non collateral loan facilities through bank at lower rates of interest.

* Forming self help groups for micro financing and formation of larger groups like cartels.

* Temporary shelter homes where central business and household activities may be arranged at country level.

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Pragya Sharma (*) and P.K. Sharma ([dagger])

(*) Department of Sociology and Social Work, The IIS University, Jaipur (Rajasthan).

([dagger]) Director, School of Commerce and Management, Vardhaman Mahaveer Open University, Kota (Rajasthan), E-mail: pksharma-kou@rediffmail.com.