Benefit Take-Up and Labor Supply Incentives of Interdependent Means-Tested Benefit Programs for Low-Income Households.
Bruckmeier, Kerstin ; Wiemers, Jurgen
Benefit Take-Up and Labor Supply Incentives of Interdependent Means-Tested Benefit Programs for Low-Income Households.
Introduction
Welfare programs available for low-income households usually have
several goals. The most important are distributional objectives such as
securing a minimum standard of living, enabling social participation and
reducing poverty. Therefore, they are usually targeted at selected needy
groups within the population. Due to targeting rules, e.g., income
means-testing, these programs are more complex than universal programs.
One common problem of countries relying on means-tested benefits to
support low-income households is a lack of targeting effectiveness, (1)
indicated by an extensive empirical evidence on low levels of benefit
participation among European countries and the USA (Eurofound 2015;
Currie 2004). These findings are of political concern because low
benefit participation implies that programs are ineffective in reaching
their target group and thus their distributive goals. The literature on
benefit participation assumes that claiming a benefit is costly (Moffitt
1983; Blundell et al. 1988). Costs of claiming can be differentiated
into stigma, information and transaction costs. The latter two do not
only occur as a result of the complex targeting rules of a particular
benefit, but also because the benefit systems in modern welfare states
are often characterized by several--often interdependent--means-tested
benefits, organizational fragmentation and a division of political
responsibilities. This complexity leads to insufficient knowledge or
false interpretation of entitlement rules as well as of the claiming
process.
Besides distributional goals, another important objective of
means-tested welfare programs is to limit their potential adverse
effects on labor supply. Individual labor supply decisions are affected
through the benefit level, which influences the recipients' utility
from non-employment and through the benefit reduction rates inherent in
the programs. Benefit systems in advanced welfare states are often
characterized by high benefit reduction rates (Blundell 2012), which has
motivated an extensive international research on the labor supply
incentives of means-tested benefit programs (Moffitt 1983; Friedberg
2000; Meyer 2002; Moffitt 2002; Brewer et al. 2006; Lemieux and Milligan
2008). Moreover, the availability of several uncoordinated means-tested
programs bears the risk of excessively high combined benefit reduction
rates, which can even lead to falling net incomes for certain ranges of
earned income.
This study analyzes the relation among three major means-tested
programs available for low-income families in Germany. The three
programs share the same objective--providing income support--and address
largely the same population. Implicitly, they act as a kind of in-work
benefits for low-income, low-paid workers and their families, because
all three programs try to encourage recipients to work or expand working
time by imposing benefit reduction rates below 100% on earned income.
The three benefits are based on different complex income means-tests,
whereas the entitlement to one benefit depends on potential entitlements
to the other benefits. Despite the dependencies between the three
programs, political competencies for the programs as well as their
organization are distributed among different policy fields and levels of
government. Thus, the system of benefits we analyze is similar to the
system in many other modern welfare states.
Understanding the interaction between different benefits and their
effects on benefit participation and work incentives may help to inform
policy about weaknesses in the current welfare system. Identifying these
weaknesses might provide guidance in redesigning a benefit system to
better achieve the desired goals of providing income support to the
needy population while at the same time integrating low-wage earners
into the labor market.
We utilize a static microsimulation model, which consists of a
detailed implementation of the German tax and transfer system and is
based on data representative for the German population, to simulate the
effects of entitlements to the three considered benefits. In order to
evaluate the level of non-take-up, we contrast the simulated
entitlements with the take-up of the benefits as observed in the data.
Furthermore, we discuss the total marginal tax rate resulting from the
interaction of the three benefits, as encountered by stylized low-income
households. Finally, to illustrate the interdependency among these three
means-tested programs, we present the effects of the recent housing
allowance reform in Germany, which was implemented in 2016, on the
effective marginal tax rates, government expenditures and caseloads for
each program.
Existing studies of the German means-tested benefit systems
typically either focus on single programs or they look at the
hypothetical labor supply incentives of the combined programs while
assuming full benefit take-up. The existing evidence points to adverse
effects on labor supply (BMFSFJ 2009; Voigtlander et al. 2013; Wiemers
and Bruckmeier 2009; Meister 2009; Knabe 2006), and high non-take-up
rates (Bruckmeier and Wiemers 2012).
Our analysis makes two contributions. First, we discuss both,
benefit take-up and labor supply incentives of all three programs.
Looking at both is important because benefit take-up and labor supply
should be regarded as a joint decision (Moffitt 1983; Hoynes 1996; Keane
and Moffitt 1998; Brewer et al. 2006; Blundell and Shephard 2012). For
example, redesigning the welfare system with the aim of motivating
households to work longer hours will only be successful if the benefit
is actually claimed. A minimum requirement for benefit take-up is that
households need to be aware of the existence of the respective benefits.
This latter insight was, among others, one rationale for the
simplification of the transfer system in the context of the introduction
of Universal Credit in the UK (Department for Work and Pensions 2010),
and is mostly neglected in the German discussion so far.
Second, focussing on all three programs simultaneously, including
the overlap between the programs, allows us to contrast entitlements to
the benefits with the observed benefit take-up. For example, a household
which would maximize its simulated net income by claiming a particular
benefit might be observed to actually claim a benefit which leads to a
lower simulated net income. Furthermore, we show the combined work
incentive structure of the total tax-benefit system, resulting from the
interaction of the income tax, social security contributions and the
three benefits. The total marginal tax rate often differs substantially
from the benefit reduction rate of one program considered in isolation
(Blundell 2012).
Our results point to several weaknesses of the existing system. The
simulation of entitlements shows that all programs are characterized by
high rates of non-take-up. We also find a significant overlap between
the programs. Therefore, the effectiveness of the programs in reaching
their target groups could be improved in terms of targeting and program
take-up. The analysis of stylized budget constraints shows that
low-income households are confronted with a complex benefit structure
and high marginal tax rates close to 100% in a wide income range.
Finally, because of the strong interdependencies, even minor reforms of
one program can have significant effects on the other programs. These
results indicate that the benefits need to be substantially better
coordinated or even harmonized.
Institutional Background
Social Assistance, Housing Allowance and Supplementary Child
Allowance
The relevant institutions for our analysis are the social
assistance for employable persons (SA), the housing allowance (HA) and
the supplementary child allowance (SCA). Those benefits are the three
most important programs for families in which at least one person is
capable to work. In what follows, we provide a short description of the
three programs. Table 1 summarizes the programs' key features.
Social assistance for employable persons (SGB II) is targeted at
employable persons younger than 65 years of age. With more than 6
million recipients in 2014, SA is by far the most important benefit
system in Germany. SA includes benefits for living and housing costs.
The benefit, which should allow recipients to maintain a legally defined
standard of living, is set by the government and is adjusted annually on
a legal basis based on the development of prices and wages in the
economy. Eligibility for SA is given if the household's total needs
exceed the allowable income and the household's wealth remains
below the household-specific maximum. The income of the household
members is deducted from the total potential benefits, where nearly all
types of income are considered in the means test. A proportion of the
earned income from dependent employment and selfemployment is exempted
when calculating the amount of benefit.
Housing allowance (Wohngeld) is a means-tested program designed to
subsidize the housing costs of low-income households. In principle, all
households in need can receive HA independent of their labor market
status, but HA should not guarantee a minimum income (which is the
purpose of SA). In addition, recipients must have a legally defined
minimum income to be eligible for HA. Thus, if an HA applicant's
income is below this minimum, the HA administration will request that
she applies for SA instead. The HA entitlement depends on the household
income relevant to the means test, the relevant housing costs and the
household size. The benefit reduction rates range between approximately
30 and 40% and are therefore considerably lower than for SA, where the
rates vary between 80 and 100%; for gross incomes above 100 per month
(see Table 1).
Since 2005, a supplementary child allowance (Kinderzuschlag) has
been available for working parents. The SCA is targeted at working
parents whose earned income would be sufficient to cover their own needs
according to SA, but not the needs of their children. Thus, the goal of
the SCA is to provide working parents with a less stigmatizing
alternative to receiving SA. (2) More precisely, parents are eligible
for SCA if they have income that is sufficient to cover their own living
and (partial) housing needs but not the needs of the children. The
housing and living costs as well as the household's allowable
income and wealth are defined according to the SA rules. HA is not
considered in the means test because recipients could receive SCA and HA
simultaneously. Because SCA is only an additional transfer to the
household income, recipients must have a minimum income. (3) From the
design and goals of the SCA, it follows that it is available only in a
small income range. If the household income relevant for the means test
exceeds the parent's guaranteed income (including partial housing
costs) according to SA, the entitlements are reduced by a constant
benefit reduction rate of 50% for each additional Euro of relevant
income. Additionally, households lose their entitlement completely if
their relevant income is above the household's maximum income,
which is given by the parent's guaranteed income according to SA
plus 140 multiplied by the number of SCA-eligible children in the
household. (4)
The comparison of the key features of the three programs shows that
the programs differ particularly in the level of entitlements.
Households with no own income will typically only be entitled to SA.
However, because the three programs are not coordinated and treat earned
income differently, complex entitlement structures can occur for
low-income workers. The latter holds although several rules are in place
to prevent households from arbitrarily combining the benefits:
1. Households can be simultaneously entitled to SA and HA, but they
can only claim one of these two benefits.
2. Households can be simultaneously entitled to HA and SCA and
claim both of these benefits.
3. Households can never be simultaneously entitled to both, SA and
SCA. Therefore, they can claim at most one of these benefits.
4. Households are not entitled to SA, if the pre-benefit income
plus its potential HA and possibly SCA entitlement exceed the guaranteed
income according to SA. Therefore, they can only claim HA and/or SCA.
The first rule means that, in a certain income range, potential
claimants are allowed to choose between HA and SA. If a household
chooses HA, its net income will always be lower than when choosing SA,
because otherwise the fourth rule would apply, which would eliminate the
entitlement to SA. Despite forgoing net income, the household's net
utility from claiming HA may be higher than when claiming SA if the
(non-pecuniary) costs of claiming SA are considerably higher than the
respective costs of claiming HA. (5)
Furthermore, a choice between SA and SCA can never occur due to the
third rule because eligibility to SA and SCA is mutually exclusive. This
is a result of the intentionally strict targeting of SCA. A household is
only entitled to SCA if claiming the benefit averts the household's
dependency on SA. Thus, applying for SCA requires an exact means-testing
of SA eligibility.
Finally, the third and fourth rule imply that whenever a household
applies for SA the administrating agency must at least roughly estimate
whether the household's guaranteed income can be covered with the
prioritized benefits HA and SCA. Conversely, if a household applies for
HA, the case worker is also required to roughly estimate an SA
entitlement. If this provisional means test results in a likely
entitlement to HA as well as to SA the applicant is typically informed
that her net income will be higher when claiming SA.
The administrative organization of the three benefits as well as
the division of the financing is divided among different state
authorities. The organization and financing of SCA is straightforward in
the sense that the federal ministry of family affairs is the only
financing institution and is also the supervising authority. On the
local level, the administration is organized by the Federal Employment
Agency by so-called family offices.
The financing of HA is divided between the Federal Ministry for
Environment, Nature Conservation, Building and Nuclear Safety (50%) and
the 16 German states (50%). However, the municipal housing offices,
which carry out the application procedure, are institutions of a third
level of government, the German administrative districts. The 401 German
administrative or urban districts are also partially responsible for the
financing of the SA benefit, more precisely for the housing costs of the
SA recipients. (6) This division of the responsibilities implies that
local authorities can avoid financing the housing costs included in SA.
They can achieve this by not promoting the take-up of SA for applicants
of HA who are able to choose between the two benefits.
The Housing Allowance Reform 2016
As an illustrative example for the interdependency among SA, HA and
SCA, we analyze the effects of a recent HA reform in Germany, which came
into force in January 2016. The reform's objective is to adjust the
benefit to recent housing price developments. This is supposed to lead
to an increase the entitlements of existing recipients and to increase
the overall number of recipients. New recipients who were not eligible
for HA or SA were expected to enter the HA system. Additionally, a small
number of SA recipients were expected to shift from SA to the HA program
after the reform (Henger 2015; BMUB 2015; Bruckmeier and Wiemers 2015).
(7) The HA reform 2016 consists of the following three core elements:
1. Reform of the entitlement calculation formula. The rules
regarding how the entitlement is calculated, depending on household
size, household income and rent/housing costs to the legally defined
maximum have been changed to increase the resulting benefit.
2. Increase in the maximum subsidized rent. Depending on the
regional housing price level, the maximum rent considered in the means
test has been increased from 7 to 27%.
3. Changes in lump sum deductions from own income. Lump sum
deductions for single parents, disabled recipients and employed children
from the household income considered in the means test have been
increased to between 750 and 1500 per year. The lump sum deduction of 6%
of the gross income for recipients who are not obliged to pay income
taxes or social security contributions has been abolished.
Methodology
We employ the Tax-Transfer Microsimulation Model of the Institute
for Employment Research (IAB) of the German Federal Employment Agency
(IAB-MSM) to simulate welfare entitlements. The IAB-MSM is based on the
Steuer-Transfer-Mikrosimulations-modell (STSM) of the Centre for
European Economic Research (ZEW). (8)
The model is a static microsimulation model that includes a
detailed implementation of the German tax and transfer system. It is
mainly used for the ex-ante evaluation of social policy reforms directed
at low-income households in Germany. The model's validity with
regard to official statistics, model assumptions and data selection has
been verified in several studies (Arntz et al. 2007; Bios et al. 2007;
Wiemers and Bruckmeier 2009; Bruckmeier and Wiemers 2012). The principal
task of the IAB-MSM tax and transfer module is the computation of the
household net income under varying tax and transfer rules. In this
paper, we use the legal status as of January 2016 for the status quo
simulation. We use the gross incomes of the household, e.g., labor and
capital incomes, as they can be found in the underlying data. All
deductions from gross income and public transfers are simulated on the
basis of the simulation model. Table 2 describes the incomes, taxes and
other income deductions considered in the computation of the net
household income. First, gross incomes and pensions as observed in the
data enter the model as exogenous inputs (see stage (1) in Table 2).
Based on these incomes and household characteristics, deductions from
gross incomes are calculated endogenously according to the relevant
regulations (stage 2). In stage 3, benefits that are not means-tested
are computed based on the results of the previous stages. In the final
stage, means-tested benefits are simulated. Finally, incomes and
deductions from all stages are added to simulate total net household
income.
Figure 1 shows the IAB-MSM's entitlement calculations for the
four nationwide means-tested benefits: (1) social assistance for older
and not employable persons (SGB XII), (2) SA for employable persons
between 15 and 64 years (SGB II), (3) housing allowance (HA) and (4) the
supplementary child allowance (SCA).
To determine eligibility for SA, a person first must be classified
as employable. The legal definition of employability is vague. (9) Thus,
employability with regard to the SA cannot be precisely determined using
information from the data. In the model, we categorize a person as
employable if he or she is aged between 15 and 64, does not work in a
sheltered workshop and either has a degree of disability smaller than
80% or receives earned income. If a household is categorized as
employable and passes the eligibility check for SA, the model compares
the SA claim to a possible HA plus SCA claim. In a typical simulation,
the model assumes that the household will take up the higher benefit,
i.e., either SA or HA plus SCA. For this paper, however, we drop this
assumption, because we need to retain the potential entitlements to all
considered benefits to highlight the overlap, i.e., households that are
simultaneously entitled to both, SA and HA.
A detailed description of the calculation of a household's
needs and income and, hence, the households's entitlements in the
IAB-MSM is provided by Bruckmeier and Wiemers (2011). An important
feature of the IAB-MSM is the possibility to consider the take-up
behavior of potential SA claimants in a policy simulation. The method is
described in Wiemers (2015). While this feature is especially important
for the caseload forecasts of reforms, it is not suitable for our
analysis, because we explicitly want to show how many households are in
an income range that entitles them to one of the benefits, independent
from their claiming decision. Therefore, we do not utilize this feature
in our analysis.
The IAB-MSM is based on the Geman Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), a
representative yearly household panel study in Germany. (10) To simulate
SA entitlements, information on several socio-demographic
characteristics of the household members and on the household incomes
are necessary, which are usually provided only in survey data such as
the GSOEP in Germany. The GSOEP includes the required demographic
variables, information on the incomes of persons and households (e.g.,
earned income, pensions, and capital income) as well as information on
current and past worked hours. Because the tax-transfer module of the
IAB-MSM also employs retrospective information (collected in wave t + 1)
to compute the net household income, we require two consecutive waves of
the GSOEP to run the model. For this paper, we employ the GSOEP waves
2013 and 2014. After sample selection, approximately 12,000 households
or 20,000 individuals aged 17 and older remain for use with the IAB-MSM.
The most important reasons for excluding households from the simulation
sample are missing interviews of partners in couple households
(approximately 1700 households) and missing interviews for the household
in wave t+ 1, which represent approximately 3000 additionally excluded
households. We adjust the weights supplied with the GSOEP to account for
the excluded households.
Results
Benefit Take-Up
Table 3 shows the results of the benefit simulation and the benefit
take-up observed in the GSOEP data for 2013. The first row shows the
non-take-up rates for the individual benefits. The non-take-up rate is
defined as the share of households with simulated entitlements that do
not claim their entitlements according to the data, relative to all
simulated eligible households. For the basic SA benefit, we find a
non-take-up rate of 43.1%, which is close to the findings of other
studies based on different data (Becker 2012; Bruckmeier and Wiemers
2012).
In comparison, the non-take-up rates of the HA and the SCA are
distinctly higher and amount to more than 80%. A higher non-take-up rate
for these two benefits is plausible because, in contrast to SA, these
benefits do not cover the total minimum income, but instead provide only
additional benefits for specific needs (housing costs and children).
This finding means that households eligible for these benefits have
additional other income resources and thus, cet. par., a lower
propensity to claim their entitlements.
Furthermore, the table shows the overlap between SA and HA. There
are approximately 1.1 million (weighted) households in an income range
that allows them to choose between SA and HA. This number is almost 80%
of all households that are only eligible for the HA (1.35 million).
Interestingly, approximately 63% of those who are either entitled to SA
or to the HA fail to claim their entitlement to at least one of these
two benefits. Most of the take-up households that actually claim one of
either SA or HA report to have received SA (81%), which is shown in the
last two rows. This means that, although it can be assumed that SA as
the last safety net is more stigmatizing and exerts higher pressure on
recipients to exit benefit receipt than HA, our data reveals a clear
preference toward SA.
Table 3 also shows which benefits the non-take-up households
actually claim. Most households that do not take-up their entitlements,
do not claim other benefits. Only approximately 7.9% of SA non-take-up
households receive HA. Reversely, approximately 9.1% of HA non-take-up
households receive SA benefits. Again, both figures indicate the overlap
of both programs. Concerning targeting effectiveness, it appears that
SCA is the most ineffective benefit in that it does not reach its target
group. On the one hand, nearly 90% do not claim their entitlements. On
the other hand, 15.9% of SCA non-take-up households receive HA and 14.3%
receive SA. This ineffectiveness is arguably a result of the small
income range in which the SCA is available, as discussed in "Social
Assistance, Housing Allowance and Supplementary Child Allowance"
section.
The mean simulated entitlement of SA for those non-take-up
households that are entitled to SA only amounts to 416 per month. For
households which can choose between SA and HA, the mean simulated
entitlement to SA amounts to 269 per month, while the corresponding
entitlement to HA is 100 per month. Average simulated entitlements of
non-take-up households are always below the corresponding entitlements
of take-up households.
Overall, the results on the entitlements for take-up and
non-take-up households indicate a positive relationship between the
entitlements and the take-up. This positive relationship could be
explained by the fact that the take-up probability strongly depends on
the benefit level, which is a robust finding in the literature on
modeling benefit take-up (Whelan 2010; Riphahn 2001; Blundell et al.
1988).
Budget Constraints and Marginal Tax Rates
The IAB-MSM allows us to calculate the stylized budget constraints
encountered by typical low-income households. We focus on a single
parent household with two dependent children and a couple with two
dependent children, since only households with children can be eligible
for the SCA. Hence, the interaction among SA, HA and SCA is relevant for
households with children only. (11) The calculation of the
household's net income builds on the following assumptions: (1)
In each household, only one adult is working in dependent
employment and the household has wage income only, (2) the two children
in the household are younger than 18 years, and (3) housing costs are
approximately 500 for the single parent and 580 for the couple.
Furthermore, (4) the budget constraints are constructed around an hourly
wage rate of approximately 11.50, (5) the couple is married and (6) the
household claims all benefits it is entitled to. Figure 2 first shows
the net income corresponding to the gross wage of the single parent
household. The two lines show the total net income at various gross
wages. The dashed line assumes that the household takes up SA in the
income range it can choose between SA and HA, and the solid line assumes
that it takes up HA. The shaded areas show the income components of the
two alternative net incomes at various gross wages.
For example, without own earned income, the household can only
receive the legally defined minimum income of approximately 1585 from SA
benefits and the regular child benefit. (12) The household is eligible
for SA benefits up to a gross wage of 1500. This corresponds to working
time of 30 h per week, which is typical for single parents, who work
mostly part time. However, between the wide gross wage range of 1150 and
1500 the household can actually choose between SA or HA (HA alternative
in Fig. 2). As explained in "Social Assistance, Housing Allowance
and Supplementary Child Allowance" section, the household can
choose only between the benefits if HA and pre-benefit income are lower
than the SA entitlement. Thus, in the complete income range between 1100
and 1500, the household would always be better off with SA, where the
difference between the entitlements decreases. After 1500 monthly gross
earnings, the household can only take up the prioritized benefits HA and
SCA and must leave SA. Figure 2 further shows that SCA still
approximately equals 200 when HA expires at the 1850 gross wage.
In the small income range of 1850 and 2050, the household would be
entitled to SCA only. When the SCA expires, the benefit decreases from
approximately 200 to 0. The sharp transition is due to the entitlement
rules of SCA, which determine that the household is eligible only up to
a maximum income. The household would be dependent on SA again from a
gross wage starting at 2050and finally exits the SA system at a gross
wage of 2200. For higher wages, the increase in net income is determined
by the income tax and the social security contributions.
The combined marginal tax rate resulting from the income tax,
social security contributions and the benefit reduction rates of SA, HA
and SCA corresponding to Fig. 2 is shown in Fig. 3. The marginal tax
rate is based on the assumption that the household maximizes its total
income and always chooses SA instead of HA and SCA if possible. When the
household receives SA only, the impact on the net income is
straightforward, as the benefit reduction rates depend on gross income
only and are constant over certain income ranges. Only gross incomes up
to a maximum of 100 do not reduce the SA entitlement. For higher gross
incomes, the benefit reduction rates range from 80 to 90% until the
household exits SA at the gross wage of approximately 150013, which
corresponds to 30 h of work per week at the assumed gross hourly wage.
The figure suggests that SA provides incentives for low-wage incomes to
a maximum of 100.
For household incomes above the SA threshold, the marginal tax rate
function becomes complicated due to the interaction of HA and SCA and
the nonlinear calculation of the earnings exemptions in the HA program.
Figure 2 shows that returns to work do not increase immediately after
exiting the SA entitlement. Instead, in the wide gross wage range
between 1500 and 2200 the household's net income remains nearly
constant at 1550. Hence, there are nearly no monetary incentives to
increase the labor supply in a wide income range. Figure 3 additionally
reveals that the marginal tax rate increases above 100% for a small
income range. This finding is a result of the SCA regulations, which
imply that the SCA entitlement decreases to zero when the household
income exceeds a maximum allowable income, which varies with the
household characteristics. At an income of approximately 2200 and above
the example single parent household loses all means-tested benefit
entitlements, which results in a considerable decrease in the marginal
tax rate.
The budget constraint and income components for a couple with two
dependent children are shown in Fig. 4 and the respective resulting
marginal tax rate is shown in Fig. 5. The legally defined minimum income
without the regular child benefit is 1825. Again, the household could
choose between SA or HA and SCA in a wide income range between 1250 and
1750. After a gross wage of 1750, HA and SCA exceed SA and the household
exits SA, after a gross wage of 2400 (2200), HA (SCA) expires and the
household enters the regular tax system. The income loss when the SCA
expires also holds for the example couple household.
In general, the findings for the example single parent also apply
for the couple with two children. Because the legally defined minimum
income is higher for this example, the income range in which the
household has the option to choose between entitlements is wider than
for the single parent. Additionally, the household benefits more from HA
because the housing costs are higher than for the example single parent
household, as the benefit level of HA depends on real housing costs.
However, the higher the number of children is, the longer the household
remains within the benefit system and is confronted with high marginal
tax rates from the combined receipt of HA and SCA and income losses when
the SCA expires after the gross wage exceeds the corresponding maximum
income.
Housing Allowance Reform Effects
Budget Constraints
The budget constraint for the example single parent household with
two dependent children after the implementation of the HA reform is
shown in Fig. 6. The comparison with the respective budget constraint
before the reform (see Fig. 2) shows that the reform has considerable
effects on the income and income components of our example household.
The income range in which the household can choose between
different entitlements is reduced significantly to a range between 1000
and 1150. This means that the gross wage threshold at which the
household can choose between SA and HA is slightly reduced from 1150
before the reform to 1000 after the reform. Thus, the household is able
to leave SA earlier after the reform. At a monthly gross wage of 1150,
the household is entitled to a HA and the SCA only. This implies that
the example household is able to leave the SA system already at 23
working hours per weak, instead of 30 h before the reform. For gross
wages starting at approximately 1150, the household is always better off
with a combination of HA and SCA. Interestingly, the reform does not
affect the income threshold at which the household returns to the
regular tax system. Due to the different means test rules of the various
benefit programs, the household becomes eligible for SA at a gross wage
of approximately 2100 and exits the SA system at a gross wage of 2150,
thus, the income thresholds are approximately the same as before the
reform.
The purpose of the reform was to increase entitlements, and indeed,
the net income of the household increases in a certain range. In the
example, the household is better off after the reform when the single
parent earns a gross wage between 1200 and 2100, which is the income
range in which the household receives the reformed HA combined with SCA
instead of SA. At a gross wage of 1850 the net income difference
achieves its maximum of approximately 100 after the reform. For gross
wages higher than 1850, the income gains through the reform decrease; in
addition, at a gross wage of 2100, the household has the same net income
as before the reform.
Figure 7 shows the distribution and components of the household net
income for the example household of a couple with two dependent children
after the reform, which reveals, in comparison with Fig. 4, similar
results as for the single parent household. Again, the household can
leave SA earlier. At a gross wage of 1150 the household can choose HA,
although SA still remains higher at this point. The direct overlap
between SA and HA is also slightly reduced to a range of 1150 to 1550.
The marginal tax rates are almost unaffected by the reform, as the
benefit reduction rate of SA is close to the benefit reduction rate
resulting from the interaction of HA and SCA. Income gains achieve a
maximum of approxiamtely 65 at a gross wage of 1850 and are lower than
the income gains of the reform for single parents, as the latter benefit
from the increase in the lump sum deductions from the wage income for
single parents.
Fiscal Effects and Caseloads
Table 4 presents the projected effects of the HA reform on the
number of recipients receiving a particular benefit and the fiscal costs
of the benefit programs. The costs are derived by comparing the
projected annual costs of the benefit programs in the status quo (2016)
without reformed HA with the scenario of the implementation of the HA
reform 2016. The effects are morning after reform effects; thus,
behavioral adjustments are not considered. Note that we assume a take-up
rate of 100% for the SA, HA and SCA, as explained in
"Methodology" section, which results in an overestimation of
households with low entitlements. Hence, the figures presented in this
section should not be interpreted as forecasts. Instead, the figures
provide an illustration of the distribution of households in income
positions close to entitlements based on the underlying income
distribution and the overlap between the benefit systems.
As expected, the reform's most important single effect is on
HA caseloads. According to the IAB-MSM, approximately 900,000 more
households or 1.7 million individuals would be entitled to claim HA.
Given the high non-take-up of HA, we assume that most of these
households at the margin of entitlements would actually not claim HA.
Nevertheless, the potential increase in recipients would be associated
with additional expenditures of 2.2 billion. Given that only
approximately 650,000 households receive HA in Germany, this result
demonstrates that far more households are in income positions that would
entitle them to HA, at least temporarily or with small entitlements. The
HA reform hypothetically would also have large effects on SA and SCA;
approximately 274,000 households with 619,000 individuals would be
entitled to HA instead of SA after the reform. Due to increased HA
entitlements, more households would be able to leave SA in combination
with SCA. Hence, the number of SCA recipients would also increase. Our
simulation reveals an increase of 126,000 SCA households with 361,000
individuals living in these households. While SA expenditure would
decrease by 762,000, SCA expenditures would increase by 301,000. Taken
together, although the HA reform in 2016 is only marginal in that it
attempts to adjusts the program to recent housing price developments,
the simulation reveals that due to the interactions of the programs, SA
and SCA would also be significantly affected by the reform.
Conclusion
This paper provides empirical evidence on the effectiveness of
interdependent means-tested benefit programs in providing income support
and encouraging recipients to take-up employment. We focus on the three
major means-tested programs available for low-income households in
Germany: Social assistance (SA), housing allowance (HA) and
supplementary child allowance (SCA). The institutional set up of these
benefits is exemplary for many advanced welfare states.
Our simulation of entitlements based on a static microsimulation
model (IABMSM) points to several weaknesses of the existing system. All
programs, particularly HA and SCA taken together, are characterized by
high rates of non-take-up. Hence, the goals of these programs--securing
a certain standard of living and adequate housing for low-income
families--are partially not fulfilled. Therefore, the effectiveness of
the programs in reaching their target groups could be improved. The
analysis of stylized budget constraints for example households shows
that low-income households are confronted with a complex benefit
structure and high marginal tax rates close to 100% in a wide income
range, which negatively effects labor supply. Finally, because of the
strong interdependencies between the three considered programs, even
minor reforms of one program can have significant effects on the other
programs, which is indicated by our results on a recent housing
allowance reform in Germany.
Our findings are characteristic for many modern welfare states with
a complex benefit structure, organizational fragmentation and a division
of political responsibilities. High rates of non-take, the overlap
between benefits and entitlements, as well as uncoordinated high benefit
reduction rates indicate a lack of transparency and cooperation between
the relevant institutions. For modern welfare states, it is therefore a
challenge to reform complex systems to function more effectively or even
efficient. One starting point is the improved coordination of services
and the partial harmonization of different programs, especially if they
have similar objectives and target groups.
Acknowledgements We thank the editor and two anonymous referees for
helpful comments.
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(1) Regarding the targeting effectiveness of means-tested benefit
programs, two forms of inefficiencies can be distinguished: Inclusion of
non-entitled households ("leakage") and exclusion of entitled
households ("non-take-up"), see Tasseva (2016). We restrict
our analysis to non-take-up, because of its obvious negative effect on
poverty alleviation.
(2) Additionally, according to the official definition of child
poverty, all children living in a household that receives SA are
considered poor, while they are not considered poor if their needs are
covered by other incomes than SA. Therefore, with the introduction of
SCA the government tried to reduce the official measure of child poverty
by moving households from receiving SA to receiving SCA.
(3) Until the end of 2005 the minimum income exactly coincided with
the parents' guaranteed income as provided by SA. Since many
parents were unable to calculate their guaranteed income, a large share
of the applications for SCA was rejected because the parents'
income was below the required minimum income. As a result, the minimum
income rules of SCA were simplified at the end of 2005. Since then, the
minimum income for SCA is either a gross income of 600 per month for
single parents or 900 per month for couples with children. Both minimum
incomes are roughly in line with the parents' guaranteed SA income.
(4) SCA was raised to 160 per month and child on 1. July 2016 and
further increased to 170 in 2017.
(5) There is reason to believe that for some households the running
(non-pecuniary) costs of receiving SA might be considerably higher than
the corresponding costs of receiving HA. The Job Centers responsible for
managing SA are constantly putting pressure on the recipients to find a
job that, ideally, pays well enough to enable the households to overcome
their dependency on SA. Households who do not cooperate sufficiently in
the search for a job can be sanctioned by the Job Centers. In contrast,
when claiming HA, the administrating municipal housing offices do not
exert any pressure on recipients to leave the HA system. HA recipients
are only required to renew their application to HA once a year (or
whenever their income situation has changed). Additionally, it can be
assumed that SA as the last safety net is more stigmatizing than HA.
(6) The administrative districts receive an annual grant from the
federal budget for their expenditures for the housing costs of SA
recipients. The grant is calculated as a fixed proportion of total
expenditure.
(7) For a detailed description of the reform elements, also see
Bundesgesetzblatt (2015) and Winkel (2015).
(8) For a documentation of the STSM see Jacobebbinghaus and Steiner
(2003).
(9) The legal definition given in [section] 8(1) SGB II loosely
states that a person is employable if illness or disability does not
prevent her from working at least 3 h a day under the regular conditions
of the labor market for the foreseeable future. In practice,
employability is determined by public health officers.
(10) See Haisken-DeNew and Frick (2005) and Wagner et al. (2007)
for documentation on the GSOEP.
(11) A calculation for single households and couples without
children shows that for these households SA always exceeds HA and that
the household would always be better off with SA.
(12) Notice that the regular child benefit is not a means-tested
benefit and therefore constant for all gross incomes.
(13) The benefit reduction rate is 100% for incomes above 1500 for
families with children. This is not shown in Fig. 3, as the example
single parent household loses its SA eligibility before achieving that
income threshold.
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41294-017-0041-5
Kerstin Bruckmeier [1] * Jurgen Wiemers [1]
Published online: 21 December 2017
[mail] Kerstin Bruckmeier
Kerstin.Bruckmeier@iab.de
Jurgen Wiemers
Juergen.Wiemers@iab.de
[1] Institute for Employment Research (IAB) of the German Federal
Employment Agency (BA), Regensburger Strasse 104, 90478 Nuremberg,
Germany
Caption: Fig. 1 Simulation of welfare entitlements in the IAB-MSM.
HH household, SA social assistance for employable (SGB II) or
unemployable (SGB XII) persons, HA housing allowance, SCA supplementary
child allowance. Source: Bruckmeier and Wiemers (2011)
Caption: Fig. 2 Budget constraint and income components for a
single parent with two dependent children by monthly earned gross wage
in 2016 without HA reform. Source: Authors' own presentation based
on IAB-MSM
Caption: Fig. 3 Marginal tax rate for a single parent with two
dependent children by monthly earned gross wage in 2016 without HA
reform. Source: Authors' own presentation based on IAB-MSM
Caption: Fig. 4 Budget constraint and income components for a
couple with two dependent children by monthly earned gross wage in 2016
without HA reform. Source: Authors' own presentation based on
IAB-MSM
Caption: Fig. 5 Marginal tax rate for a couple with two dependent
children by monthly earned gross wage in 2016 without HA reform. Source:
Authors' own presentation based on IAB-MSM
Caption: Fig. 6 Budget constraint and income components for a
single parent with two dependent children by monthly earned gross wage
in 2016 with HA reform. Source: Authors' own presentation based on
IABMSM
Caption: Fig. 7 Budget constraint and income components for a
couple with two dependent children by monthly earned gross wage in 2016
with HA reform. Source: Authors' own presentation based on IAB-MSM
Table 1 Key features of means-tested programs for low-income
households 2016. Source: Authors' own presentation
Social assistance (SGB II)
Target group Households of employable
individuals
Legal definition of Employable individuals, partner and
the 'benefit unit' children up to the age of 25
Objective Guaranteeing a minimum income
Calculation of total (Nationally standardized regular
benefit benefit + additional benefits due
to special needs + adequate housing
costs) - income and wealth of the
household
Benefit level Head of the household: 404 [euro]
per month, spouse: 324 [euro],
children aged < 6 (14, 18, 25): 237
[euro] (270 [euro], 306 [euro], 324
[euro])
Housing allowance Adequate housing costs up to a
level maximum, depending on housing size
and the local differentiated
housing price level + heating costs
Incomes exempted Basic pensions for people in
in the means test specific situations (Grundrente)
Marginal benefit y<100 [euro] : 0.0, 100
reduction rate for [euro]>y<1000 [euro] : 0.8, 1000
earned income [euro] <y < 1200 [euro] (1500
(y) [euro] for recipients with
children): 0.9, 1200 [euro](1500
[euro]) <y : 1.0, where y is gross
monthly income
Maximum wealth 150 [euro] per year of life,
minimum: 3,100 [euro], maximum:
10,000 [euro], + 750 [euro] per
year of live, maximum: 50000 [euro]
Housing allowance
Target group Low-income households
Legal definition of Low-income households
the 'benefit unit'
Objective Covering adequate housing costs
Calculation of total Calculation based on a nonlinear
benefit formula depending on adequate
housing costs, allowable income and
household size
Benefit level
Housing allowance Adequate housing costs up to a
level legally defined maximum depending
on household size and the regional
or local housing price level
Incomes exempted
in the means test
Child benefit, child-raising
allowance (< 300 [euro])
Marginal benefit varying rate (between approx. 0.3
reduction rate for and 0.4 for a single person
earned income household), depending on gross
(y) income, household size, rent amount
and local housing price level
Maximum wealth 60,000 [euro] head of the
household, 30,000 [euro] for each
other household member
Supplementary Child
Allowance
Target group Low-income families
Legal definition of Employable individuals, partner
the 'benefit unit' and children up to the age of 25
Objective Avoiding poverty, defined as
dependence on social
assistance benefits
Calculation of total Nationally standardized regular
benefit benefit--income and wealth of
the household
Benefit level 140 [euro] per month for each child
aged <25
Housing allowance
level
Incomes exempted
in the means test
Child benefit, housing allowance,
basic pensions maternity
benefit, child-raising allowance
Marginal benefit 0.5 on net income
reduction rate for
earned income
(y)
Maximum wealth Social assistance regulations
apply
Table 2 Components of net household income in the IAB-MSM.
Source: Bruckmeier and Wiemers (2011)
Model Income components Determined in tax and
stage transfer module?
1 Earned income No
+ Self-employed income No
+ Capital income No
+ Rental income No
+ Other incomes (pensions) No
2 - Social security contributions Yes
- Income tax Yes
- Alimony payments Yes
3 + Child benefit Yes
+ Child-raising allowance Yes
+ Unemployment benefits Yesa
+ Federal student support, stipends, No
claims to maintenance, widow's
allowance, maternity allowance,
reduced hours compensation
4 + Housing allowance Yes
+ Supplementary child allowance Yes
+ Social assistance for employable Yes
persons (SGB II)
+ Social assistance for unemployable Yes
persons (SGB XII)
= Net household income Yes
(a) Endogenous if labor supply reactions are considered.
Otherwise, we use reported unemployment benefits
Table 3 Individual entitlements and take-up of social assistance,
housing allowance and supplementary child allowance
Entitled to
Social Housing
assistance allowance or
(SA) SA
Non-take-up rate (pet.) 43.1 62.8a
(95% confidence interval) (38.8; 47.3) (53.6; 72.1)
Mean simulated entitlement of 416 269 SA /100
non-take-up hh ([euro]/mth.) HA
Percent of non-take-up hh
receiving
SA
HA 7.9
SCA 0.6 0.1
None 91.9 99.9
Take-up rate (pet.) 56.9 37.2
Mean simulated entitlement of 794 352 SA/ 119
take-up hh ([euro]/mth.) HA
Percent of take-up hh receiving
SA 80.9
HA 19.1
Observations 1444 272
Weight. Obs. 3,838,517 1,057,694
Housing Supplementary child
allowance allowance (SCA)
(HA)
Non-take-up rate (pet.) 86.6 88.2
(95% confidence interval) (81.9; 91.3) (83.4; 92.9)
Mean simulated entitlement of 85 230
non-take-up hh ([euro]/mth.)
Percent of non-take-up hh
receiving
SA 9.1 14.3
HA 15.9
SCA 1.7
None 89.2 69.8
Take-up rate (pet.) 13.4 11.8
Mean simulated entitlement of 111 325
take-up hh ([euro]/mth.)
Percent of take-up hh receiving
SA
HA
Observations 488 261
Weight. Obs. 1,353,009 361,780
All figures are based on weighted results
hh households
(a) Non take-up :: Households not claiming SA and HA
Table 4 Effects of the housing allowance reform 2016 on benefit
caseloads and expenditures. Source: IAB-MSM, GSOEP 2013-2014
Social assistance Housing allowance
Households (in 1000) - 273 901
Individuals (in 1000) - 619 1711
Expenditures (in 1000 Euro) - 762 2200
Supplementary
child allowance
Households (in 1000) 126
Individuals (in 1000) 361
Expenditures (in 1000 Euro) 301
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