Most of Canada's Aboriginal peoples (1) reside in urban centres. Yet they remain politically under-represented in municipal governance structures, even where they have a significant population base. While there is a growing body of literature dedicated to urban Indigenous Peoples in Canada, their actual relationship with local government remains understudied. How and where are Indigenous Peoples having their issues and interests addressed within local governing systems? In addition to having one of the highest rates of Indigenous Peoples per capita, Saskatchewan has repositioned itself from rural to mostly urban since the 1960s (Stabler and Olfert 1994). Recent projections indicate that by 2031 Saskatchewan will have the largest Indigenous population in Canada, comprising upwards of twenty-four percent of the province's population (Statistics Canada 2011a). Following this trajectory, most of this population will reside in urban centres. Despite the significant urban Indigenous population, only a few have been elected as city councillors in large prairie cities and until 2012, Saskatoon, the province's largest city, had not elected a First Nation member to city council (Walker and Belanger 2013: 208).

Through a qualitative case-study of Municipal-Indigenous relationships in Saskatchewan, this study aims to contribute to our understanding of the political representation of Indigenous Peoples within municipal governance structures. This study assesses the political representation of Indigenous Peoples in municipal governance in the three largest urban centres in Saskatchewan: Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert. These cities are home to a significant number of Indigenous Peoples, with a self-identified Indigenous population of over nine percent of the total population in Regina and Saskatoon, and forty-five percent in Prince Albert (see Table 1). The growing interest in Indigenous Peoples is reflected in the increasing focus on their urban experiences. Peters and Lafond (2013) describe how First Nations cultures can be adapted to the challenges of living in Saskatoon. Laliberte (2013) reveals the emergence of a pan-Metis Saskatoon community, and Ouart (2013) discusses how The Saskatoon Indian and Metis Friendship Centre was instrumental in the co-production of the delivery of services for Indigenous Peoples. While the literature highlights the emerging interest in urban Indigenous culture in Saskatchewan, it also reveals that the actual interface between Indigenous Peoples and local government remains understudied.

The article begins by disclosing the context of urban Indigenous Peoples. Based on interviews and supporting documents, it analyzes Municipal-Indigenous relations based on: governance interface between municipal government and Indigenous Peoples; Indigenous culture as municipal asset; economic and social development; and urban reserves, service agreements and regional relationships (Walker 2008: 21). The analysis reveals that the three municipalities, by varying degrees, lag in substantive relationship building with Indigenous communities. These preliminary findings contribute to addressing the gaps of our understanding of Indigenous representation in municipal government, and point to the need for more in-depth analysis of urban Indigenous engagement.

Background

Understanding the relationship between government and urban Indigenous Peoples involves governance, policy and community considerations. This section lays out the constitutional responsibilities, governance structure, public policy implications, non-Indigenous attitudes, and challenges to self-determination faced by urban Indigenous Peoples. It ends with a description of the framework that guides the analysis of the research findings of Municipal-Indigenous relations in Regina, Saskatoon, and Prince Albert.

Constitutional responsibilities

All levels of government in Canada have constitutional responsibilities for "the existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada" including those residing in urban centres (RCAPv2Partl.l996: 85-86; Andersen and Denis 2003). Recent decisions in Canadian courts have helped to clarify the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and the state in urban centres. In Canada v Misquadis the Federal Court ruled that Aboriginal political organizations can represent Aboriginal interests and the decision also defined off-reserve Aboriginal people as, "a group of self-organized, self-determining and distinct communities analogous to a reserve community" (Walker and Belanger 2013: 199). And the recent Supreme Court of Canada decision (Daniels v Canada 2016) confirmed federal responsibility for Metis and non-status Indians, most of whom reside in urban centres. For Walker and Belanger these court decisions establish a legal framework to "guide Aboriginal community leaders; Canadian policymakers; and federal, provincial, and municipal officials to better determine what an urban Aboriginal community is and what it represents to the various agencies drawn into their orbit" (2013:199).

Urban Indigenous governance

The more recent scholarly interest in urban Indigenous Peoples discloses that the actual interface between municipal government and urban Indigenous communities remains understudied (Adams and Gosnell-Myers 2013). Commenting on contributions to his book on urban Indigenous policy making in Alberta, Manitoba and Ontario, Young recommends Aboriginal inclusion in policy-making processes (2011: 222). He explains that providing special representation at the municipal level is important because, "Aboriginal people are different from the majority society. They have different histories, different cultures and different political traditions; most important, they have different rights" (2011: 214).

Multilevel governance may minimize the role of local government. On the one hand, policy processes in local government focus on "services to property" while "services to people" are left to senior governments (Leo et al. 2012: 300-301). Therefore, boundaries are placed on local government in managing differences as a junior stakeholder, up against other more powerful levels of government and social forces dictated by strong business interests. On the other hand, local government is closest and most accessible to people and as such, "promote[s] direct citizen involvement in decision making" (Kushner and Siegel 2003: 1037). Given that the federal government exercises treaty relations and municipalities are governed by provincial statutes, Walker (2008) believes that municipalities are empowered to be more responsive to Aboriginal communities. Despite having fewer financial resources, municipalities have tighter staff complements who are aware of what one another are doing and politicians who maintain close personal connections within their community (Walker 2008: 28). Resolving the tensions between municipalities as service providers on the one hand and potential fora for citizen engagement on the other, Doberstein argues that only when urban governance networks include communities, will societal fragmentation and resistance to change be reduced (2013: 587). The representation of urban Indigenous Peoples within the machinery of local government challenges the "property" and "people" dichotomy, and stresses the potential of local government to take responsibility for the inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in municipal policy networks.

Urban Indigenous policy

Indigenous representation in policy processes impacts broad state and societal principles that have a fiduciary responsibility to assist and collaborate with Indigenous communities. Indigenous Peoples view self-determination as a "partnership with the settler state that is guided by mutual respect and recognition, the spirit of historic and contemporary treaty relationships, constitutional arrangements, and continuing group rights" (Walker and Belanger 2013: 198). Obstacles that challenge their aspirations of self-determination range from quality of life gap between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal citizens to the variations of Aboriginal policy in each urban centre (Andersen 2013b: 267-268). Andersen observes that government intervention has rarely positioned urban Aboriginality "as a distinct object of governance," preferring instead to position it within a larger object of governance like homelessness, job training, domestic violence, and child welfare (Andersen 2013b: 272). The absence of a territorial base should not deter Indigenous aspirations of self-determination. Nationhood, for Dubois, transcends territorial boundaries and "requires that contemporary politics distinguish self-government, self-determination and sovereignty from the control over a territory and acknowledge the relational character of identity, place and people" (2011: 5).

Provincial intervention regarding Municipal-Indigenous relations requires municipalities to measure and report annually to the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission (SHRC) on four equity groups in their city workforce: Aboriginal, visible minority, people with disabilities and women. Included in its goals for a representative workforce, the SHRC targeted Aboriginal People in the provincial workforce at 14 percent and at the municipal level targeted Prince Albert and Northern Administration District at 35 percent (SHRC 2016: 38).

Community resistance to Indigenous policy

Significant impediments to the development of strong Municipal-Indigenous relationships are the opinions of the non-Indigenous population in Saskatchewan. Saskatchewan residents' negative attitudes toward Indigenous policy were revealed in two surveys: the 2011 Saskatchewan Election Study (SKES) and the 2012 Taking the Pulse (TTP) survey. White analyzed the two surveys and rated the Saskatchewan population as having relatively high awareness of Indigenous Peoples because issues concerning Indigenous policy and organizations frequently appear in the media (White et al. 2015: 282). They found that non-Aboriginal resistance to Aboriginal policy in Saskatchewan is governed in part by prejudice and in general by people who are not in favour of government intervention (White et al. 2015: 299-300). The Urban Aboriginal Peoples Survey (UAPS) interviewed non-Aboriginal urban Canadians and found that most of them are positive or neutral about the presence of Aboriginal people in their cities. However, the percentage of non-Aboriginal people with negative attitudes toward Aboriginal peoples was higher in cities with larger Aboriginal populations, especially in Regina (34 percent) and Saskatoon (19 percent) (Environics 2010: 157). This leads to opposition to some initiatives to increase Aboriginal representation, such as the creation of urban reserves. As Walker and Belanger (2013: 207) observe, "[p]art of the challenge for planners involves transforming the disposition of citizens and elected officials towards urban reserve creation from a reactive role to a proactive land and economic development role for the municipality."

Municipal-Indigenous relations in Saskatchewan evolve within a context that is structured by constitutional and legal principles, but that is also conditioned by political and social attitudes. As municipalities seek to build relations with Indigenous Peoples and respect their right to self-determination, they have to confront the complex reality of socio-economic gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations as well as resistance to policies that seek to increase Indigenous representation. However, these emerging trends are taking place within a province where negative attitudes prevail toward Indigenous policies.

Analytic approach

A place-based policy approach is specifically designed to analyze Municipal-Indigenous relationships (Bradford and Chouinard 2010; Bradford 2005). This approach bridges the physical and power infrastructures at a specific geographical scale with social infrastructures and community networks characterized by the following four elements. First, it acknowledges that local knowledge is key to effective problem-solving. Second, it locates the desired policy mix by balancing targeted measures for spatial locations and "aspatial" polices for housing and education, for example. Third, it emphasizes collaboration among government and civil society and across and between varying levels of government. And finally, it acknowledges local governments as crucial actors in the governance of the place-based policy framework supported with recognition and capacity (Bradford 2005: v). The anticipated significance of this approach is to bring awareness to a broader policy community and enable dialogues that can best address urban Indigenous issues.

Walker's (2008) framework, based on consultation with Indigenous Peoples regarding their relationship with municipal government, allows for a substantial scrutiny of their urban issues and aspirations in the absence of a coherent set of municipal-provincial-federal goals regarding urban Indigenous policy. (2) The five areas of highest priority, opportunities and challenges identified in the study provide the framework to analyze Municipal-Indigenous relations, as follows:

1. Citizen Participation and Engagement: Municipal-Indigenous relations could be improved by "a stronger process for ensuring Aboriginal citizen participation from the scale of the household, to community/ neighbourhood, to city council" (Walker 2008: 27).

2. Governance Interface: Other ways of improving the Municipal-Aboriginal interface is through cultural, service or educational organizations. Aboriginal communities "seek to exercise self-determining autonomy locally in partnership with non-Aboriginal Canadian society" (Walker 2008: 28). There are two types of working relationships that municipalities should undertake and regularize. One is with Aboriginal reserves or rural communities, with governments such as band councils, with proximity to a municipality. The second type is an Aboriginal advisory body that consists of leaders of Aboriginal communities who are engaged in consultation and decision-making on municipal matters as they pertain to Aboriginal peoples (Walker 2008: 29).

3. Aboriginal Culture as Municipal Asset: The opportunity for both communities to strengthen their interface (Walker 2008, 30) includes, for example, Aboriginal culture in urban design, community services, street and park naming, and economic development. A single office within municipal government committed to the culture and aspirations of Aboriginal peoples may accommodate this work (Walker 2008: 31). Municipal human resource strategies should include staff recruitment, training and retention initiatives to attract and promote Aboriginal staff (Walker 2008: 31).

4. Economic and Social Development: Partnering with Aboriginal communities can yield gains by acknowledging Aboriginal culture and history in municipal heritage and tourism. Private sector partners can provide job and entrepreneurship training and business development for Aboriginal residents (Walker 2008: 31).

5. Urban Reserves, Service Agreements and Regional Relationships: Urban reserves and service agreements provide economic development opportunities for both First Nations and municipalities (Walker 2008: 32). Urban reserves are arranged according to the 1992 Saskatchewan Treaty Land Entitlement Framework Agreement (TLEFA), by the federal government, the province of Saskatchewan, and the band establishing the urban reserve. A federal order-in-council officially transfers the land into an urban reserve, which is then made subject to the Indian Act (Barron and Garcia 2005: 3). Urban reserves range in size from a city lot to 35 acres (McKnight Commercial Centre in Saskatoon), for example (Canada WEDC 2016: 4). There were 51 urban reserves in Saskatchewan in 2014 (Soonias et al. 2016:1).

Keeping the integrity of Walker's framework, I have streamlined the five categories to best disclose Municipal-Indigenous relations for the three cities. The major revision I made was to shift Citizen Participation from a category because it so closely aligns with the overall assessment of this study. The remaining four categories assess Municipal-Indigenous relations as follows: Urban Reserves reports on the actual urban reserves within each city's boundaries; Governance Interface reports on formal Indigenous representation within the machinery of local government; Indigenous Culture as Municipal Asset reports on the representativeness of Indigenous Peoples in community services and hiring practices; and Economic and Social Development reports on partnerships and collaborations.

Methodology

This comparative qualitative case-study research project focused on the extent of the relationship between municipal governments in Saskatchewan and Indigenous communities, and how it impacts on policy formulation and implementation (Ragin 1987; Yin 2009: 18). Three urban centre cases were "selected on the basis of expectations about their information content" (Flyvbjerg 2011: 307). Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert are the largest urban centres in Saskatchewan and were identified as Urban Aboriginal Strategy cities (Canada TBS 2014). Their Indigenous identity population is significant, comprising 9.2, 9.4 and 44.9 percent of their municipal population respectively (see Table 1).

This study was based on three sources of information. First, data were gathered by conducting open-ended interviews to elicit input from participants regarding their position and how it impacted on Municipal-Indigenous relationships. Participant selection was augmented by a snowball process to recruit potential participants associated with municipalities and Indigenous organizations in the three municipalities. In person interviews were conducted in Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert in May 2016 and telephone interviews between May and December 2016. A total of twelve interviews were conducted with elected municipal officials (two), municipal government staff (five), provincial government staff responsible for urban affairs (one) and members of voluntary organizations and social services associated with local government (four). Not all participants agreed to have their names or affiliations reported. (3)

Second, from the interviews and a review of city websites, key documents regarding Indigenous agreements, programs and services were gathered from each municipality. The information obtained from interviews and research admittedly does not report on every detail of Municipal-Indigenous relations in the three cities, but it does provide background on the presence of Indigenous entities, their location within municipal administration, staff complement, initiatives, services and relationships with other governments or voluntary organizations that assist them in carrying out their mandate.

Third, the findings from this study are presented in the next section for Regina, Saskatoon and Prince Albert in the modified categories of Walker's framework: Urban Reserves, Governance Interface, Indigenous Culture as Municipal Asset and Economic and Social Development (see Table 2 for the summary).

Regina: initiating Indigenous awareness

Regina (known in Cree as oskana ka-asasteki or Pile of Bones), located in Treaty 4 Territory (see Figure 1), became the capital of Saskatchewan Territory during the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway through southern Saskatchewan in the 1880s and became the provincial capital in 1905. Today it is the second largest city in Saskatchewan. Regina's North Central neighbourhood has the highest proportion Indigenous identity population at over 40 percent (Regina 2015:10).

The Regina campus of First Nations University of Canada is located on Star Blanket Cree Nation's urban reserve, the only urban reserve within Regina's city limits. The City of Regina has service agreements or memorandums of understanding (MOU) with several First Nations: File Hills Qu'Appelle Tribal Council (Protocol Agreement) (Regina 2007a); Piapot First Nation (Service Agreement) (Regina 2007b); Star Blanket Cree First Nation and First Nations University of Canada (Service Agreement) (Regina 2007c).

Governance interface

In 2011, the City of Regina became the first municipality in Canada to permanently display the Treaty 4 First Nations and the Metis Nation flags alongside the federal, provincial and city flags outside of City Hall and within the City Council Chambers according to an interviewee. They also stated that First Nations and Metis citizens are represented on City Council Boards and Committees and there is a concerted effort to attract Indigenous citizens to City Council Boards and Committees (R1). However, the City of Regina has no formal relationship with urban Indigenous communities, nor does it have an Indigenous advisory committee.

According to an interviewee, Regina has initiated Indigenous awareness, employee committees and recruitment programs. Between 2009 to 2013, Myths and Misconceptions, an Indigenous awareness program, provided training for most City employees to "improve race relations and create the capacity for positive and informed cross-cultural relationship building" between the City of Regina's Indigenous and non-Indigenous employees and throughout the broader community. In 2013, the City of Regina established the Aboriginal City Employees (ACE) committee (Regina 2017), which serves as an internal Indigenous voice to provide valuable knowledge and advice across departments. In 2016, Regina began developing a diversity recruitment and retention strategy (Rl).

Indigenous culture as municipal asset

The North Central Legacy Study (NCLS) started in 2009 as a preliminary planning assessment of the North Central neighbourhood. Its objective was to identify key considerations for the development of the Mamaweyatitan Centre that would centralize teaching and programming facilities, public library, performing and visual arts, access to Elders and ceremonial spaces, daycare, community policing services, and other community services. The project is co-owned and funded by the Regina Public School Board/ Ministry of Education, the City of Regina, and the Regina Public Library and opened in June 2017.

The Atoskata Program is a restorative justice project funded by the City in partnership with Regina Treaty/Status Indian Services Inc. that puts young offenders to work clearing large items such as mattresses and sofas from back lanes in inner-city neighbourhoods. The Warriors of the Water (Indigenous Swim Program) in partnership with Regina Treaty/Status Indian Services, is designed to provide participants with the training, skills and knowledge required to learn to swim and become a certified lifeguard.

Other programs that include representation from Indigenous organizations are the Regina and Area Drug Strategy initiated by the City to improve the quality of life for residents with addictions and provide a safer community by reducing the impact of addictions and crime related to addiction issues. Regina Intersectoral Partnership (RIP) is comprised of representatives from municipal, provincial and federal government departments, health regions, school divisions, Regional Colleges, Saskatchewan Polytechnic, housing authorities, police, tribal councils, Metis organizations and representation from the community-based organization sector. It identified early childhood development and homelessness as their primary issues.

Regina initially responded to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's Calls to Action with two initiatives. Reconciliation Regina, a report by city staff submitted to council, outlined initiatives the City could adopt to support the TRC's calls to action, including "identifying and creating awareness of community champions to unify the community voice and respond to calls to action" (Baird 2017). An item not in the report, but discussed at Council, involved city naming. City staff advised that while the City has a formal process, changing a street name as part of reconciliation would go to the civic naming committee followed by public consultation from First Nation and Metis organizations (Baird 2017; Stevens 2017). The other initiative, The Learning Cafe Engagement session in March 2017, brought together 150 guests representing about fifteen organizations to hear from panel speakers and elders on the themes of employment, education, health and wellbeing and access to services.

Indigenous municipal employment for the City of Regina as of December 2015 was 6.5 percent: the total number of city employees was 2,782 and the total number of Indigenous employees was 181.

Economic and social development

The cities of Regina and Saskatoon took the lead in organizing and hosting three conferences that attracted 500 attendees (Rl). Prosperity Through Partnerships Conferences in 2015/2016 brought together First Nations, businesses and federal, provincial and municipal governments to "examine the reserve creation process for the purpose of working together to increase the economic prosperity and well-being of both the Saskatchewan First Nations and the Saskatchewan public" (FSIN 2018). The conferences were structured as follows: Land Claims Implementation in Saskatchewan--An Introduction to Land Development: Considerations and Collaborations in December 2015 in Saskatoon; Communities Coming Together: Legislative Options, in Regina in January 2016; Urban Reserve Creation: Opportunities & Partnerships in Saskatoon in March 2016. A fourth conference, The Importance of Partnerships with Urban and Rural Municipalities, was held in Saskatoon in March 2017.

Saskatoon: urban reserve broker

Located on the North Saskatchewan River within Treaty 6 Territory (see Figure 1), Saskatoon is the largest city in Saskatchewan. While Indigenous Peoples reside throughout Saskatoon, 20th Street is a hub of Indigenous community activity, supported by community schools, an urban reserve and a campus of the Gabriel Dumont Institute. Since the creation of Asimakaniseekan Askiy urban reserve (McKnight Commercial Centre) in 1988, Muskeg Lake Cree Nation has developed 35 acres in Sutherland (an industrial and residential suburb of Saskatoon) (Walker and Belanger 2013: 206). The urban reserve is home to First Nations organizations, financial institutions, a transportation company, medical and dental clinics, a cafe, a dry cleaner, sports venues, a fine arts and picture framing shop and a gas station. Other urban reserves in Saskatoon include Sounding Sky Reserve (One Arrow First Nation), Cree Way Gas West (Muskeg Lake Cree Nation), a lot (future office building) on 4th Avenue and 20th Street (Yellow Quill First Nation), and a vacant lot (Red Pheasant First Nation) (Anderson 2013: 332333; Saskatoon 2018).

While Saskatoon is at the forefront in accommodating urban reserves, there are no permanent staff responsible for urban reserves. An interviewee explained that "urban reserves don't get the attention they deserve" (S2). A Planning Intern was hired for the summer of 2016 by the Saskatoon Tribal Council and the City to write a First Nations Communication Protocol Guide. An interviewee explained that the guide would improve Municipal-First Nation relations by providing answers to questions, such as, "when you go to Red Pheasant [reserve] do you take tobacco?" (S2).

Governance interface

Treaty 6 and Metis flags are flown at City Hall. "We Are All Treaty People" is a phrase that resonated from interviewees in Saskatoon, even when one of them was asked whether they identified as an Indigenous person.

Saskatoon has a Race Relations, Municipal Heritage Advisory Committee, but this committee does not have Indigenous representation, nor does Saskatoon have an Indigenous advisory body. The Director of Aboriginal Relations is the one position in City Hall that is tasked with coordinating programs and services, as well as facilitating Municipal-Indigenous relations. City staff and community interviewees, some of whom identified as Indigenous, stressed the working relationship between Indigenous communities and City Hall. One interviewee said their organization had "very good rapport with Mayor, Council, Police Chief and Fire Chief. We built relationships with the public and Catholic school boards ... We are leaders in our community, we know what our needs are" (S6). Another interviewee explained, "we work in a government to government relationship. The question in my mind is where do we, who do we, how do we make adjustments to best reflect this community" (S7).

Indigenous culture as municipal asset

The Kitashinaw ("our land" in the Plains Cree Language) project was conducted in 2013-2014, in collaboration with Saskatoon Tribal Council, City of Saskatoon, Gabriel Dumont Institute and United Way of Saskatoon and Area, to discover the programs and service that serve the Indigenous community in Saskatoon. Additional support was provided by an Advisory Committee comprised of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, Central Urban Metis Federation Inc., Saskatoon Indian and Metis Friendship Centre, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon Health Region, Greater Saskatoon Catholic School Division, Saskatoon Public School Division and the YMCA. Key findings in the Kitaskinaw report include: Aboriginal organizations are an important part of programs and services in Saskatoon, and a majority of participants prefer Aboriginal organizations; opportunities exist to narrow the employment gap between the thirteen percent Aboriginal unemployed and six percent general population; Aboriginal peoples are disproportionally affected by homelessness; voting information on candidates, voting access and transportation to polling stations need to be improved; and few programs and services were available to Elders and Aboriginal Seniors (Saskatoon 2014). Another aspect of governance interface has been the naming of municipal places and streets. According to the City's website the naming of the North Commuter Parkway will engage Aboriginal Elders, and Indian Residential School Survivors, the Saskatoon Reconciliation Committee as well as the naming process steering committee comprised of: City of Saskatoon, Office of the Treaty Commissioner, Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations, Saskatoon Tribal Council, and Central Urban Metis Federation Inc. (Saskatoon 2017).

Saskatoon underwent an Intercultural Development Inventory (IDI) whose purpose was to measure its cultural competence. The Development Orientation measures how an organization responds to cultural differences and commonalities. On a spectrum with five stages (Denial; Polarization; Minimization; Acceptance; and Adaptation), Saskatoon was placed closest to Minimization (people in the organization will treat others as they would like to be treated, based on the assumption that everybody from different cultures wants the same treatment), two stages away from Adaptation (people act in an appropriate way outside of their own culture and "actively seek to build a more diverse and an inclusive work environment" (Saskatoon 2015: 2). This study indicates that Saskatoon is not at the optimal Adaptation stage that best facilitates diversity and inclusiveness.

Saskatoon responded to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission findings by declaring July 1, 2015 to June 30, 2016 as the Year of Reconciliation. In May and June 2016, the City of Saskatoon, Office of the Treaty Commissioner, Saskatoon Tribal Council, Central Urban Metis Federation and 29 businesses and community organizations hosted a series of events to promote reconciliation in Saskatoon. The events were intended to "engage and inspire citizens" on what it means to reconcile and find their own personal call to action (Saskatoon 2016).

Saskatoon's long term strategy, according to the City's 2013-2023 Strategic Plan, is to "offer an inclusive workplace that embraces diverse backgrounds" (Saskatoon 2015: 2). In 2014, 8.5% and in 2015, 8.6% of Saskatoon's Workforce was Aboriginal, falling short of 2015 SHRC goal of 14% (Saskatoon 2015: 2). "Based on the size of the City's current workforce, the total number of Aboriginal employees would need to increase by 190 employees (from 299 to 489) in order to achieve the performance goal set by the City" (Saskatoon 2015: 5). Aboriginal employees were not distributed among the employment (permanent, temporary, and seasonal) positions, with the lowest representation of Aboriginal employees (less than three percent) found in the Professional and Managerial category and the highest representation in Labour (sixteen percent) and Operating (eleven percent) occupational groups (Saskatoon 2015: 6). Aboriginal employees held a significantly lower percentage of permanent positions, and a higher percentage of seasonal and temporary positions, when compared to all municipal employees (Saskatoon 2015: 7).

In 2013, an Equity Quotient Survey measured perceptions of municipal employees and identified three major barriers for Aboriginal staff: 25 percent of Aboriginal employees, compared to 70 percent of other respondents, considered the workplace free from discrimination; 25 percent of Aboriginal employees, compared to 71 other respondents, felt that harassment policies exist and are enforced; and 75 percent of Aboriginal employees felt that Aboriginal people working for the city have fewer opportunities for success (Saskatoon 2015: 8).

Economic and social development

Economic development engagement included the Prosperity Through Partnerships conferences that took place in 2015/2016 and Saskatoon also hosted the Importance of Partnerships with Urban and Rural Municipalities held in March 2017.

Prince Albert: a tale of two cities

Located in central Saskatchewan on the North Saskatchewan River within Treaty 6 Territory (see Figure 1), Prince Albert is Saskatchewan's third largest city and the hub for many Northern communities and for the twelve First Nations in the Prince Albert Grand Council (Friesen 2016). Prince Albert is geographically divided between the "west," where there is a higher concentration of Indigenous Peoples and "east," where there are fewer Indigenous Peoples, according to interviewees. Prince Albert posted signage in the community to encourage residents to complete the Census in May 2016 to determine the correct population for Prince Albert. An interviewee explained that accurate census returns in Prince Albert would likely disclose a higher Indigenous population, which should in turn, increase resources to better serve the Indigenous community (PA2).

The urban reserve that the Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation set out to create in Prince Albert in 1982 (Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation 1999:159) was ratified in 1993 (Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation 2017). Commercial enterprises undertaken by Peter Ballantyne Group of Companies (a for-profit commercial enterprise) on urban reserves includes a casino, gas stations, and convenience stores (PBGOC 2017).

Governance interface

The Metis flag is flown at City Hall in Prince Albert. Indigenous representation consists of one member of the eight-seat city council who identifies as Metis. Prince Albert acknowledges the Treaty relationship at public gatherings and officially defines itself as multicultural community with Indigenous roots (Friesen 2016). Unlike other cities with significant Indigenous populations, Prince Albert does not have an Indigenous advisory committee, nor does it have an Indigenous liaison position at City Hall. An interviewee explained that the city had a Race Relations Committee, but not under the leadership of the current mayor (PA2). Another interviewee explained that an informal network is called upon to discuss Indigenous issues (PA3). The request for an interview with City staff was responded to by a recreational coordinator because their position was responsible for programs attended by Indigenous residents. As far as community interface is concerned an interviewee explained, the City partners with the Grand Council to host the First Nations Winter Games (PA1). Another interviewee reported that the Indigenous community participation in Cultural Days was a token invitation because other than their dancers starting off one event, the program did not have Indigenous content. They also observed that the Mayor is invited to attend Indigenous events such as the Veterans' supper, but is never available (PA3).

Indigenous culture as municipal asset

In 2015, there were 124 Indigenous employees making up 17.8 percent of the municipal work force in Prince Albert. The occupational groups with more than 20 percent of Indigenous employees included Emergency (28 employees), Operatives and Maintenance (47 employees) and Upper Management (3 employees) (PA 2016). An interviewee reminded the author that disclosing identity is voluntary and not all city staff choose to disclose (PA4).

City programs are designed to serve the community at large, but city staff observe a higher proportion of Indigenous youth participation for the After-School gym and snacks program, whose goal is to keep students active. There are seven schools in the weekly program, with a goal to expand the program's scope to include every school in the city, for all five school days. At the time of the interview, the grant funded After-School program reached out to community organizations to support its program expansion plans. The recreational coordinator is the city representative for the PA Outreach Program set up by the Saskatchewan River School Division for youth who have exhausted options in the education system (PA1).

Economic and social development

This project did not find economic and social development between the municipality and Indigenous communities in Prince Albert.

Discussion

Overall, there are Municipal-Indigenous relations in each city, and despite some differences, it is challenging to fully describe them due to the informal nature of these networks. There also appears to recently be more visible efforts at relationship building under the banner of reconciliation, undertaken in Regina and Saskatoon, than in Prince Albert.

Urban reserves

Not only are urban reserves home to numerous successful businesses, Indigenous organizations and Tribal Councils, but they are increasing in number over time, especially in Saskatoon, which has more visible urban reserves compared to Regina's at First Nations University and Prince Albert's at the city's west end. While Saskatoon does not have dedicated planning staff for urban reserves, it has hired an intern in partnership with the Saskatoon Tribal Council to write a communication protocol guide to assist the city to improve Municipal-First Nations relations. Regina and Saskatoon hosted conferences between 2016 and 2017, to inform First Nations of land claims and land development, in their efforts to increase Indigenous economic prosperity. However, these initiatives are working within structures that were established by the TLEFA in 1992. Despite their economic successes, urban reserves are not designed to remedy all issues faced by urban Indigenous Peoples. For example, currently urban reserves are not equipped to address social issues facing Indigenous Peoples, such as adequate housing. Ultimately however, urban reserves "provide a way of re-imaging nationhood beyond the traditional confines of territorial reserves" (Dubois 2011: 7).

Governance interface

The three cities formally recognize Indigenous Peoples by displaying Metis flags at City Hall and Regina and Saskatoon display Treaty flags. Inside City Hall, both Regina and Saskatoon have one staff member assigned to Indigenous relations, but Prince Albert does not. None have formal Indigenous advisory committees or Indigenous relations offices. In comparison, Vancouver, Edmonton, Winnipeg and Toronto have either Aboriginal Relations Offices or Aboriginal Advisory Committees (Heritz 2016) and with the exception of Winnipeg, they have lower proportion Indigenous-identity populations than the three Saskatchewan cities. Despite the significant Indigenous-identity population in Saskatchewan, Indigenous advisory committees or relations offices do not exist in local government. This aligns with White's finding that non-Indigenous residents in Saskatchewan are not in favour of government intervention in Indigenous policy (White et al. 2015: 299).

Regina took the lead in formalizing an Indigenous awareness program for city staff from 2009 to 2013, creating the ACE association, and establishing a diversity recruitment and retention strategy for municipal jobs in 2016.

Recent relationship-building in response to the TRC included the Learning Cafe engagement sessions in Regina and Saskatoon's declaration of a Year of Reconciliation. City Council took steps at Indigenous representation in civic naming in Regina and in the naming of the North Commuter Bridge in Saskatoon, but Prince Albert did not identify similar initiatives.

Partnerships between municipal government and community stakeholders are more recent and evident in the construction of Regina's Mamaweyatitan Centre and Saskatoon's Kitashinaw Report, than in Prince Albert. Relationship and partnership creation in Regina and Saskatoon illustrate Doberstein's (2013) argument that including Indigenous communities is important for reducing societal fragmentation.

Aboriginal culture as municipal asset

The number of Indigenous employees in municipal government falls below the target set by SHRC in all three cities. At an overall percentage of city employment of almost 18 percent, Prince Albert falls short of provincially mandated goal of 35 percent Indigenous employment. Indigenous Peoples are not proportionately spread through the job categories, and are usually over-represented in labour and seasonal categories. The low representation of Indigenous employees generally and in senior positions, specifically, mirrors the absence of Indigenous advisory councils in all three municipalities despite Young's recommendation for Indigenous representation in local government (2011: 214).

Economic and social development

Heightened economic network building was undertaken by the Prosperity Through Partnership conferences in Regina and Saskatoon since 2015 that appears to reach a broader network of participants than those associated with urban reserves.

Conclusion

This article reported on the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and municipal government in three cities in Saskatchewan, using a modified version of Walker's framework of analysis to determine the extent of the relationship in each municipality. Overall, Saskatchewan lags in building substantive relationships with Indigenous Peoples at the local level, despite a significant Indigenous population that will be increasing over time.

Regina and Saskatoon, the two largest cities in Saskatchewan, are moving closer to building Indigenous relations than Prince Albert, a smaller city, but with an Indigenous identity population of over forty percent. On a positive note, this investigation found more recent efforts in Municipal-Indigenous relationship-building than in the past, with Regina and Saskatoon engaging in more reconciliation initiatives than Prince Albert. One notable exception is the Municipal-Urban Reserve relationship initiated over 25 years ago, since implemented in all three municipalities. The TRC motivated both Regina and Saskatoon to undertake efforts to address the Calls to Action, and led to a Declaration of a Year of Reconciliation by Saskatoon. Regina and Saskatoon are more visible in undertaking collaborative projects with Indigenous and non-Indigenous stakeholders for recent community projects, and they are beginning to acknowledge Indigenous participation in civic naming.

All three cities lag in meeting Indigenous hiring targets set out by the SHRC and fall below the level of engagement in establishing Indigenous advisory committees or Indigenous relations offices, compared to other Canadian cities with significant Indigenous populations. Together, these findings indicate that while there are more recent initiatives toward relationship-building in Regina and Saskatoon, all three municipalities fall short of establishing formal Municipal-Indigenous entities to address the issues and interests of their Indigenous communities.

Several questions arise from this study. First, why do cities in Saskatchewan with significant Indigenous populations have fewer formal representative bodies? This finding leans toward affirming a discourse of prejudice of the mainstream population regarding Indigenous policy in Saskatchewan. Does it explain why the higher the Indigenous identity population, the less likely Indigenous advisory bodies exist? While it may be argued that the Saskatchewan municipalities do not have the resources to add liaison positions beyond the single permanent staff member in each of Regina and Saskatoon, it does not explain why the Saskatchewan cities have not established Indigenous advisory committees, considering they have significant Indigenous identity populations. Second, do urban reserves detract from building Municipal-Indigenous relationships? Despite its relationship with First Nations and INAC and successes in building economic sustainability, the Municipal-Urban Reserve arrangement is only one aspect of the Municipal-Indigenous network, representing a smaller component of the Indigenous identity population in each city. Future analysis should contemplate whether municipalities are more focused on the smaller, identifiable Municipal-Urban Reserve policy networks of building economic sustainability than the overall Municipal-Indigenous network that engages in relationship building to address the issues and interests of all Indigenous communities.

Notes

(1) The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) defined "Aboriginal" as "Indigenous inhabitants that include the Indian, Inuit and Metis peoples of Canada" (RCAPv4 1996: xiv). While this definition is the official discourse of government, it has been disputed by Indigenous scholars. Andersen argues that the politics of naming has altered the composition of census recording so that Metis fails to distinguish members of historic Metis Nation Ancestry (Andersen 2008). This article uses Andersen's definition of "urban Aboriginal--as a distinctive and equally legitimate form of Aboriginal identity" (2013a: 47) consisting of twelve elements: economic marginalization; growing professional/middle class; racism/ social exclusion; cultural diversity; legal diversity; status blindness; urban Aboriginal institutions; distinctiveness of urban Aboriginal policy ethos; the character of informal networks; attachment to non-urban communities; struggles over the political representation of urban Aboriginals; and place(s) of Aboriginal women in urban Aboriginal social relations (Andersen 2013a: 51-63). For some Indigenous scholars, "Aboriginal" is considered colonial (Lawrence 2004: 21) and "Indigenous" is least contested.

(2) Walker (2008) initiated a research study comprised of three stages. The first stage invited a team of collaborators comprised of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal scholars and managers of planning, community development and urban design, and asked them to reach a consensus on ways to improve the municipal-Aboriginal interface. The second stage involved responding to the discussion document produced by the collaborators at stage one, by a second group of participants, representing seven municipalities and nine Aboriginal community organizations from across Canada. The second group of participants provided feedback as to whether they agreed, preferred to add or remove, what they considered to be the greatest priority areas, opportunities and challenges. The third stage involved discussing the feedback from the seven communities by the team of collaborators (26).

(3) The interviews lasted approximately thirty minutes in which notes were taken. Participants were asked open-ended questions about their role in, or relationship with, municipal government as it pertained to Indigenous Peoples. For a copy of the interview questions please email jheritz@brocku.ca

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Joanne Heritz is Instructor, Department of Political Science, Brock University, St. Catharines, Ontario. Financial support was provided by McMaster University Arts Research Board. The author thanks Janique Dubois and the Journal's reviewers.

Caption: Figure 1. Treaty Boundaries Map for Saskatchewan [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

Table 1. Indigenous Identity Population

               Popidation   Indigenous    Indigenous
                             Identity      Identity
                            Percentage

Saskatchewan   1,033,381       15.4         153,000
Regina          210,556         9.4         19,785
Saskatoon       260,600         9.2         23,890
Prince Albert    35,129        44.9         15,775

                 First        Metis
                Nations     Population
               Population

Saskatchewan    103,205       52,450
Regina           11,180       8,225
Saskatoon        11,750       11,515
Prince Albert    9,605        6,170

Canada 2011a. Saskatchewan Population Report; Canada 2011b.
Saskatchewan Aboriginal Peoples.

Table 2. Summary Table

                  Regina            Saskatoon         Prince Albert

Urban Reserves

                  First Nations     Asimakaniseekan   Chief Joseph
                  University         Askiy Reserve     Custer, Northern
                  (Star Blanket     aka McKnight      Lights,
                  Cree Nation)      Commercial        Kistapinanihk,
                                    Centre (Muskeg    Chief Philip
                                    Lake Cree         Morin (Peter
                                    Nation)--         Ballantyne Cree
                                    Sounding Sky      Nation)
                                    Reserve (One
                                    Arrow First
                                    Nation)--Cree
                                    Way Gas West
                                    (Muskeg Lake
                                    Cree Nation)--
                                    Lot on 4th
                                    Avenue and 20th
                                    Street (Yellow
                                    Quill First
                                    Nation)--Lot now
                                    within city
                                    limits (Red
                                    Pheasant Cree
                                    Nation)

Governance Interface

Indigenous        One               One
Liaison Staff

Advisory Bodies   Informal Network  Informal Network  Informal Network

Indigenous        Aboriginal City
Awareness         Employees (ACE)
                  --2009-2013
                  Myths and
                  Misconceptions

Indigenous Culture as Municipal Asset

Programs and      Mamaweyatitan     2013-2014         After School
Events            Centre            Kitaskinaw        Program--First
                  --Atoskata        Aboriginal        Nations Winter
                  Program Warriors  Leadership        Games
                  of the Water      Program--
                                    Intercultural
                                    Development
                                    Inventory--
                                    Civic Naming
                                    (North Commuter
                                    Parkway)

Truth and         Reconciliation    2015-16 Year of
Reconciliation    Regina            Reconciliation
Commission        --Learning Cafe
                  --Civic Naming

Indigenous City   6.5 % (2015)      8.6% (2015)       17.8% (2015)
Staff

Economic &
Social
Development

                  Prosperity        Prosperity
                  Through           Through
                  Partnerships--    Partnerships
                  First Nations     --First Nations