PUBLIC POLICY, PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE ENTREPRENEURSHIP: THE IMPACT OF PUBLIC POLICY ON ENTREPRENEURIAL OUTCOMES.
Bylund, Per L.
PUBLIC POLICY, PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE ENTREPRENEURSHIP: THE IMPACT OF PUBLIC POLICY ON ENTREPRENEURIAL OUTCOMES.
PUBLIC POLICY, PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE ENTREPRENEURSHIP: THE
IMPACT OF PUBLIC POLICY ON ENTREPRENEURIAL OUTCOMES GREGORY M. RANDOLPH,
MICHAEL T. TASTO, AND ROBERT F. SALVINO JR. (EDS.) CHELTENHAM, U.K.:
EDWARD ELGAR, 2017,176 PP.
Entrepreneurship is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it has
become almost universally recognized over the past few decades that
entrepreneurship is the engine of economic change, the generator of
economic growth, and the main cause of job creation. Consequently,
policy is often used in different ways to support entrepreneurs to
thereby create benefits from the positive effects of entrepreneurship.
On the other hand, as William Baumol (1990) famously identified,
the outcome of entrepreneurship is not necessarily productive and a boon
to the economy. Rather, entrepreneurship can be both productive and
unproductive--and even destructive--depending on the institutional
framework in which it takes place. Where the institutional "rules
of the game" (North, 1990) can themselves be exploited for profit,
entrepreneurs find themselves in a zero-sum game competing for the
privileged position without producing value for consumers. Similarly,
the framework for entrepreneurial action can be a source of uncertainty
that harms the functioning of the market process (Bylund and McCaffrey,
2017).
Using policy to support entrepreneurship, therefore, is abalancing
act between helping facilitate productive entrepreneurship while
avoiding incentives that lead to unproductive behavior.
The recently published collection of essays Public Policy,
Productive and Unproductive Entrepreneurship: The Impact of Public
Policy on Entrepreneurial Outcomes aims to shed light on how public
policy impacts entrepreneurial outcomes. The underlying yet implied
question, with obvious policy implications, is this: under what
circumstances does entrepreneurship contribute to raising our standard
of living? To use Russell S. Sobel's words from the foreword, the
book's eight essays "highlight both the potential and actual
negative consequences of policies that encourage unproductive
entrepreneurship" (pp. xii-xiii).
In the first essay (chapter 2) following the editors'
introduction, Joshua C. Hall, Robert A. Lawson, and Saurav Roychoudhury
argue that economic freedom is critical to create an
"entrepreneurial environment," that is, an economic culture
within which entrepreneurship thrives. Relying on insights from the
Economic Freedom of the World reports, the authors demonstrate that
economic freedom is empirically correlated with many measures of
entrepreneurship. And, consequently, they conclude asking "would it
not be prudent to at least consider eliminating the various government
policies that stifle [entrepreneurship]?" (p. 7)
The second essay, by Pavel A. Yakovlev and Saurav Roychoudhury,
analyzes the effect of specific types of regulatory burdens on business
of varying sizes. They also argue that there is a link between migration
and entrepreneurship, as both involve risk taking, and thus that
countries that offer an institutional environment that facilitates
entrepreneurship can benefit from both domestic and immigrant
entrepreneurs.
The book's third essay looks at the relationship between
regulation and entrepreneurship from the point of view of the regulator.
The authors, James Fetzner and Gregory M. Randolph, provide an overview
of challenges that regulators face due to the nature of the political
process with respect to the design, implementation, updating and
reforming of regulations.
Chapter 5 studies committee-based efforts in the United States
Congress intended to increase entrepreneurship by supporting small
business growth. The real effect, however, as revealed by the studied
data, is that states represented on these committees experience lower
levels of entrepreneurship. The author Matt E. Ryan concludes the
chapter by noting that this suggests that "more politics leads to
less entrepreneurship" (p. 76)--even though the intended effect is
the exact opposite.
In chapter 6, Michael T. Tasto looks at how state spending on firm
recruitment and economic development programs affect employment and find
a positive relationship. States that do not spend on similar programs
consequently lose and may thus be compelled to create such programs
while other states increase their spending to stay ahead in a "race
to the bottom." Also, the author argues, such state-level spending
can be taken advantage of by entrepreneurs engaging in unproductive or
destructive behavior to capitalize on the offered subsidies.
The next essay is a transcript of Peter G. Klein's testimony
before the US House Committee on Financial Services in May 2012. Klein
analyzes the Federal Reserve from the point of view of organizational
economic theory offering a "reasonable, pragmatic, realistic
view" (p. 108) of the central bank. The essay thus focuses on a
specific institution and its implications for entrepreneurs, finding it
both inefficient and ineffective.
The second to last essay introduces morality and human nature in
the analysis of regulations. Authors Robert E Salvino Jr. and Michael
Latta argue that "Morality and economic actions may converge, but
for this to be so over the long-run, the actions and their desired
outcomes cannot violate human nature" (p. 111). They find that
individuals need to be free to engage in economic actions to thereby
"express and defend his or her moral purpose." This applies to
policy as well, as policy designed without regard for economic and moral
costs disrupts rather than supports entrepreneurship.
In the final chapter, Gregory M. Randolph and Marek Rivero discuss
informal institutions and entreprencurship. The development and
evolution of informal institutions remains understudied in the
literature and these processes are thus poorly understood, which is
problematic for policy making. The chapter discusses the definition,
measurement, and analysis of informal institutions, and what this means
for policy.
Overall, the book offers little that would surprise Austrians or
economists used to public choice analysis. The chapters elaborate on and
analyze the measurable burden of regulation on entrepre-neurship using
various types of data, but do not venture far from the near-obvious (to
praxeologists) unintended consequences of policy or inefficiency of
policy-induced reallocation of resources. The chapters also do not make
any theoretical contributions regarding how entrepreneurship and policy
are (inter)related.
But this is not the purpose of the book and should therefore not be
considered a major weakness.
This collection of essays is best described as a primer on the
topic indicated in the book's subtitle: the impact of public policy
on entrepreneurial outcomes. Each of the eight essays targets a specific
aspect of policy effects on entrepreneurship, and they each contribute
in their own way to the common conclusion that entrepreneurship is a
double-edged sword that can be both productive and
unproductive--depending on the institutional rules of the game. And they
paint a broad yet consistent picture that should be of great help to
those familiarizing themselves with the study of entrepreneurship and
policy.
REFERENCES
Baumol, William J. 1990. "Entrepreneurship: Productive,
Unproductive, and Destructive," Journal of Political Economy 98,
no. 5: 893-919.
Bylund, Per L., and Matthew McCaffrey. 2017. "A Theory of
Entrepreneurship and Institutional Uncertainty," Journal of
Business Venturing 32, no. 5: 461-475.
North, Douglass C. 1990. Institutions, Institutional Change and
Economic Performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Per Bylund (per.bylund@okstate.edu) holds the Records-Johnston
Professorship in the School of Entrepreneurship at Oklahoma State
University.
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