Goulburn journalist, Henry Curran, showed great promise. In 1873 he became editor of the Burrowa Advocate, but his paper failed within twelve months. In this article we consider what went wrong and, in the process, become familiar with the man and the challenges facing this young Catholic journalist and his troubled family in the colony during his short life.

(i) Apprenticeship and early years

Henry Joseph Curran was born in Gundaroo in 1843, when his father was working in the district as a shepherd for the Macleod family of Barnsdale. (1) His father deserted his mother and seven children in 1862. Henry's mother, Margaret Curran (nee Conba), struggled to clear her husband's debts and rearthe children on her own in Queanbeyan. (2) But Henry had left home well before his parents were estranged. At the age of 13 in early 1857 he had been apprenticed as a printer in Goulburn for the newly established Goulburn Chronicle and Southern Advertiser, a weekly newspaper published from 1855 to 1864. (3)

It was a five-year apprenticeship in which he was provided with board and lodging by his masters, William Vernon and Ludolf Mellin. (4) He also received a weekly salary, which had risen to 15 shillings a week in his final year of 1861. This was a significant and valued opportunity for the son of a shepherd and dairymaid from the northern reaches of County Cork. We know nothing specifically about Henry's experiences at the Chronicle, but another apprentice, Patrick Meehan, who had been indentured at the same time as Henry, charged Mellin with assault in 1859. (5) The case was dismissed; however, the court released Meehan from his indentures, which would suggest that Henry's master had not acted altogether fairly. It is possible that the young Henry also experienced severe treatment at the hands of Mellin.

The Chronicle was always going to be a high-risk venture. There was probably an insufficient population to sustain multiple papers in Goulburn, which was already serviced by the popular Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, first printed in 1848 and run mainly by the Riley family from 1857. (6) Compared to the editorial perspective of the Herald, the Chronicle was more liberal with its strong focus on land reform and social welfare issues. Vernon and Mellin had originally approached local political activist and solicitor, Daniel Deniehy, to serve as the paper's co-editor, but he had declined. (7) However, in 1860 they managed to recruit journalist, Alfred Ellis, who had been a sub-editor of the Empire, when Henry Parkes was the proprietor. (8) Under Ellis's stewardship, the circulation of the Chronicle soon rose to equal that of the Herald. But after a few years, the Chronicle declined, firstly with the death of Vernon in 1862, after a long fight with facial cancer and then with the departure of Ellis in the following year also due to illness.

In 1864, the Chronicle was taken over by its senior rival, when the owners of the Herald, William Riley and John Chisholm, bought it out. (9) A new paper emerged from this union called The Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, with most of the staff and resources transferring.

(ii) Ben Hall and the sudden demise of the Lodge family

Curran married Ann Lodge at St Peter and Paul's Catholic Cathedral, Goulburn. (10) Like the Currans, Ann's family had also arrived as 'bounty migrants'. Her father worked at Oxley's Kirkham Estate, but by 1846 had moved to neighbouring Menangle, where he farmed a small freehold in his own right. He had been encouraged to migrate by his elder brother, James Lodge, who had been convicted in 1817 of 'frame breaking' (Luddism) and was transported for 14 years to Australia, where he was to flourish in ways unimaginable by his relatives remaining at home in the slums of Leicester and Bradford.

In 1862, the Lodges sold up at Menangle and moved to Goulburn where they purchased the ailing John Barleycorn Inn, which they hoped to renovate. The date of the marriage between Ann Lodge and Henry Curran (9 January 1865) is critical to note, because, very shortly after, the Lodge family became embroiled in the government's increasingly heavy-handed attempts to capture Ben Hall and his gang. (11) As a consequence of actions taken against the family by colonial authorities, the Lodges were financially ruined within a few months of the marriage.

Ann's brother, another publican, Thomas Lodge, appears to have been particularly targeted by police and tends to be adversely portrayed in most of the literature concerning the three bushrangers: Ben Hall, John Gilbert, and John Dunn. Thomas Lodge and his wife had run two hotels successfully at Breadalbane from 1853 to 1865 and were prominent in the development of the local Catholic community, even hosting a visit from Archbishop Polding in 1858. (12)

It may or may not have been true that Thomas Lodge was a bushranger's informant and, therefore, was justifiably targeted by Goulburn police and their Sydney masters in early 1865. But that story is a complicated one and cannot be assessed here adequately. What does need to be noted is that, despite the common view espoused widely in the secondary material, that Thomas Lodge actively aided and abetted Ben Hall, there is nothing of consequence to support this in the primary sources. (13) In fact, there is a stronger case, in my opinion, to be made to suggest that a formal complaint, which Lodge made to Colonial Secretary Cowper in February 1865 about inappropriate police behaviour, had the effect of triggering the severe response against the Lodge family. (14)

What is also of particular relevance here is that Henry Curran may have inadvertently played a part in his brother-in-law's downfall. When the Hall gang diverted the Yass Mail with its crew and passengers to the Lodge's inn at Breadalbane and paid for lunch for all the passengers, Curran probably used Lodge as his informant in an article describing events. The passage is unusual in its detail and it would have been natural for him to confer with his fiance's brother. (15) Perhaps this candid article in the Chronicle in late 1864, backfired in that the police were made to look inept and their adversary, Ben Hall, was glamorised as a 'gentleman'. The truth of the matter, of course, is that this episode is a common one and the gang bailed up numerous coaches and inns over the years and generally treated the poorer captives with courtesy. There was no implication of the publican doing anything other than what the armed criminals demanded. Nevertheless, it must have enraged the local magistrate, Augustus Huthwaite, who may have seen collusion where there was none. Of course, this is not to say that Thomas Lodge was a saint, or that he would have been any different to his predominantly Catholic neighbours in not wanting to see the 'gentleman bushranger' caught by troopers who were all Protestants and outsiders. (16) But their common background and liminality, certainly, does not equate to unlawful complicity.

The Inspector-general of Police, John McLerie, a prominent Freemason, was on a mission to quell bushranging and probably had a dim view of Lodge and the Catholic enclave at Breadalbane. (17) His reputation rested on his efforts to quash Hall. Curran's article--reprinted widely throughout the colonies--had embarrassed him and Lodge's letter was too controversial to allow himself to believe the allegations of misconduct. (18) He annotated Lodge's complaint with a disparaging remark, before passing it on to his master, Sir Charles Cowper. But even without prompting, Cowper would have been unlikely to take Lodge's complaint seriously. The Cowper Government's political base in Goulburn relied on the patronage of none other than the Chisholm brothers, whose connection to the district began with their father, James senior (1772-1837), a member of the NSW Corps. Second son, John Chisholm (1819-1899), as we have seen, was a co-owner of the Goulburn Chronicle. He had been an active supporter of Cowper in the 1856 election. In the 1860s, the patriarch of this family was the eldest brother, James Chisholm junior (1806-1888) who, in effect, was the 'squire' of Breadalbane. He was also a member of the NSW Legislative Council (1851-1856, 1865-1888) and in Cowper's faction. James Chisholm had been annoyed by Thomas Lodge's high bid in the land purchases of 1856 and may have harboured resentment. (19) Moreover, the Lodges were Chartist and Catholic. It would be surprising if Cowper had not consulted the Chisholms in the matter of the 1865 court action against Thomas Lodge and we could hardly expect a glowing endorsement from the brothers under the circumstances.

In any case, even if I have overstated the likelihood of prejudice against Lodge, his complaint about drunken police at his hotel who had mistreated his family and guests (including the local teachers), was ignored. With 26 witnesses available, it must be asked why the police did not investigate the matter, unless, of course, there was something to hide. It is unsurprising, therefore, to see Lodge facing, what looks like a diversionary and trumped-up charge of receiving a stolen saddle based on an allegation by a young felon and admitted accomplice of the gang, who may have had a grudge with the family. (20) The jury suspected that the informant had fabricated his testimony in return for a lighter sentence himself. (21) Lodge was acquitted in Sydney, but even if his jury had erred, the worst that could be said against him was that he had received stolen goods. There is nothing at all in the primary material that supports the conclusion that he collaborated with bushrangers, yet this is what is commonly promulgated in the publications about Ben Hall.

Despite his acquittal, the Goulburn magistrates, be it James or John Chisholm, or their colleague, Captain Henry Zouch, were never going to renew a publican's licence for Thomas in 1865. (22) The son's investment in 268 acres and a twelve-room stone inn at Breadalbane was well in excess of [pounds sterling]500, some of it borrowed from his father, who had himself invested heavily in the refurbishment of the John Barleycorn. (23) Both Lodge families were now ruined. They left the district. Thomas struggled with alcohol in these years, but to his credit gave up drinking and went on to lead a productive and honourable life in the Mandurama community as a mail contractor, woolgrower, and violin teacher.

(iii) Henry Curran and Goulburn's literary societies

But now we must return to our main subject, Henry Curran.

Family life commenced poorly for the Currans with their first child, Ada, dying of whooping cough, aged 20 months in 1867. Some solace would have been found in the birth of Henry junior just a few months later. Three years after this, they were blessed with a third child, Eva. Happily, this babe also survived. (24)

Curran is reported as being an active member of the Goulburn Literary Society. In 1867 (in his 24th year), he was elected as a committeeman, but he also read papers at meetings of the society, most of which had a religious theme. One, however, was titled 'The Best Means to Be Adopted for the Suppression of Bushranging in New South Wales', delivered 29 April 1867. (25) No doubt, it was a means of suggesting to his fellow townsfolk that there were better ways than the heavy-handed tactics of McLerie and Huthwaite.

The Goulburn Literary Society commenced in early 1865, with its first annual general meeting held on 12 February 1866. (26) It was a secular group, although many of the papers read at its meeting (a total of 22 in 1867) were on moral themes, such as temperance and social mores. It had a membership of about thirty men, met in the hall of the Goulburn Mechanics' Institute, and raised funds for causes such as the new hospital. (27) Although its finances were sound, it appears to have struggled in its first years. At its third annual general meeting in February 1868, attendance numbers and administrative difficulties were discussed, during which, Curran is reported--perhaps by himself- as calling for better support amongst the members for the work of its committee. (28) Henry's name is not read in reports relating to the Society after this.

He next appears in the records relating to the Goulburn Catholic Literary Society (sometimes called 'Association'). An interesting aspect of this society is not just its Catholic focus and its purpose of raising funds for the school library, but that it included women at its meetings (although not as members) and it had more of a family focus in its functions. (29)

(iv) The Boorowa dream

In 1873, it appears that Curran saw an opportunity to branch out on his own. He seems to have acted in concert with Fathers Patrick and John Dunne.

Three articles in the Goulburn Evening Penny Post from mid-1873 record the move of the Currans to Boorowa (originally spelled, Burrowa). (30) The latest, probably written by one of Henry's work colleagues, provides some interesting information about his involvement in the civic life before the move.

PRESENTATION TO MR CURRAN--At the regular meeting of the Catholic
Literary Society held last evening, the business set apart forthat
night(essays)waspostponedinordertopresentthepresidentof thesociety (Mr.
H. J. Curran) with an address and estimonial priorto his departure from
amongst us to manage the Burrowa Advocate newspaper. The Rev. Father
Slattery read the address, which was a very flattering one and spoke in
high terms of the ability displayed by Mr. Curran as a member of the
society, and more especially as its president. (31) The Rev. gentleman
then presented the address and testimonial; and afterwards delivered a
very eloquent address to the members, bearing particular stress upon
the good qualities possessed by Mr. Curran, and encouraging him and the
other members to persevere. Mr. Curran read an appropriate reply, and
also offered some ex tempore remarks to the members. Some neat and
appropriate addresses were also delivered by Messrs. T. Ryan, R. Davis
and one or two others. Mr. Curran was also presented on Monday last
with the sum of [pounds sterling]2 from the Loyal Strangers' Friend
Lodge of Oddfellows as a gift for meritorious conduct. Mr. Curran
leaves Goulburn tomorrow morning.

From this article, we not only learn that Henry and his family relocated to Boorowa in early August 1873, but during his time in Goulburn he had not only risen to the office of President of the Goulburn Catholic Literary Association, but he had also been active in the International Order of Oddfellows. A much longer description of the presentation was reported in the Penny Post's rival, The Goulburn Herald and Chronicle? (2) It contains the actual testimonial address by the society, which was read out by Rev. Slattery, along with a transcript of Curran's reply. It shows us that he was passionate about his civic work and had developed strong roots in the Goulburn community since joining the association in 1859 at the age of 15.

Although Henry Curran's departure to Boorowa in 1873 is well documented, his time in that town is not. (33) Nor have any copies of the paper he revived and edited--The Burrowa Advocate--survived. Nevertheless, what is clear is that the experiment failed, despite a propitious beginning.

The family tradition is that the local population did not support the paper due to 'disagreements'. (34) It is also unclear what the financial impact of the venture was on the Curran purse, as it can be assumed that Henry, as proprietor, was also the chief financier.

What is particularly intriguing about this episode of the Curran story is that the Fathers Dunne (Patrick and John) were involved; recruiting and installing Curran at Boorowa. (35) Patrick Dunne was a controversial, energetic, and well-loved leader of the Church in Ireland and in the

Australian colonies. (36) After his arrival in 1850, he preached at Pentridge Gaol in Coburg, delivered the first Mass at the Ballarat goldfields, assisted the rebels of the Eureka Stockade, and even established a dozen schools in the Geelong district, before clashing with the conservative church hierarchies and finding himself sent back overseas. In his home county of Offaly, he opened a seminary designed to prepare Irish priests for missionary duties in Australia and cooperated with Bishop James Quinn of Queensland in an ambitious Catholic migration scheme in the 1860s that was so successful that the colony became referred to as 'Quinnsland'. (37) In 1868, Patrick Dunne arrived in Goulburn, where he was tasked with the foundation of St Patrick's College and the new cathedral, before being transferred to the Gundagai-Jugiong Diocese. He was not afraid to take on obstructionists within the Church and even used the newspapers to provoke matters. This was a man who must have know Curran very well during their common years at Goulburn (1868-1873). It was Patrick Dunne's nephew, Rev. John Dunne, who was to be Henry's benefactor and partner at Boorowa.

Young priest, John Dunne, arrived in the colony from Ireland in 1871 and, soon after, was appointed to Goulburn Diocese on a recommendation of his uncle to Archbishop Polding. (38) He was given the pastorate at Boorowa in 1872, where he remained until 1880, eventually rising to become Bishop of Wilcannia. While at Boorowa, Dunne established three churches at Frogmore, Hovell's Creek and Murringo and worked hard throughout his parish to 'steady the ship' (as Brian Maher puts it) after scandals involving his predecessors: Joseph Laffan (fraud and an affair with a female parishioner) and Patrick Riordan (alcohol abuse). (39) Hence, it was a critical time for the new broom of the Dunnes and it seems logical to conclude that the local press was to be used to pursue their agenda.

The Burrowa Advocate under Curran seems to have got off to a prom ising start. In the Queanbeyan Age we find an enthusiastic report of the first edition, which has been transcribed below. (40)

journalism--We are in receipt of No. 1 of the Burrowa Advocate, revived
with a much improved appearance, both in point of literary and
mechanical merit, under the management of our old townsman, Mr. H. J.
Curran. The enterprising proprietor has our best wishes for the success
of his undertaking.

Nevertheless, the paper failed. We do not know why, but the family tradition of a schism in the community leading to the rejection of the paper by the local community, suggests that either Curran fell out with John Dunne as a 'partner', or he suffered from his association with the Reverends Dunne and their plans to reform this critical parish. The latter would seem the most likely explanation, particularly as Curran went on to work in the Catholic presses of Sydney, where Patrick Dunne was also well connected.

After Curran's departure and the demise of the Advocate, Boorowa readers were serviced by a new paper, Burrowa News, which went on to become one of the oldest continually published regional papers in NSW. (41) It is a pity that the town did not get behind the Advocate in the same way it supported the News. In any case, it would appear that the handover to the new paper was genial, with the list of former subscribers of the Advocate freely accessed by its successor. (42)

(v) The tragic aftermath: Sydney in the late 1870s

By March 1876 we hear of the Currans in Sydney. Family tradition claims that Henry worked for a Catholic newspaper, which suggests that he was either employed on the Freeman's Journal or The Express, forerunners of The Catholic Weekly. It could be concluded that it was the former, as there is evidence to suggest that Henry had already contributed articles to the Freeman's Journal as its Goulburn correspondent. Moreover, this publication still has its offices in Surry Hills close by to where the Currans eventually settled. (43)

Tragically, Ann and Henry were not to enjoy the long lives wished upon them by their friends in Goulburn at Henry's testimonial in 1873. After just a few years in Sydney, we find them both dead. Ann passed away in December 1880 at home from peritonitis, aged only 37. (44) Henry followed her only 15 months later in March 1882 at Sydney Hospital, suffering from protracted abdominal pain and congestion of the liver. (45) He was 38 years of age.

During his father's long illness, fifteen year-old Henry junior did what he could to support the family on a meagre income earned from factory work, but it was not enough to keep destitution at bay. Circumstances were so bad that toddler Francis had to be placed in the Sydney Benevolent Asylum. It must have been a terrible decision for the family and their dying father to see during the last nine or so months of his life.

When Henry senior did pass away, his older brother, Patrick intervened. Eva and Alice were placed in the care of their uncle Thomas Lodge--whom we have met--at Mandurama. Patrick, himself, took Ida as well as the toddler, Francis, whom he rescued from the orphanage. (46) An apprenticeship was found for Henry junior with his uncle, George Curran, the blacksmith at Ginninderra. (47)

This harrowing end to the family of Henry Curran must have come as terrible news for their friends and relatives, not only because of the sudden deaths of the parents, but on account of the vulnerability of the children. Prospects had once shone so brightly when they had been prominent in the life of Goulburn's Catholic community.

James McDonald (*)

(*) James McDonald is a retired Classicist who taught at ANU, University of Sydney, and University of New England.

(1) For the Macleod brothers, see E. Lea Scarlett, Gundaroo, Canberra, 1972, pp. 10-22. Cf. B. Maher, In Praise of Pioneers: an Account of the Keeffe and Curran Families, Queanbeyan District, Canberra, 1981, pp. 28, 30.

(2) For Margaret Curran, see J. McDonald, 'Margaret Curran: Scrubbing Against the Grain' in two parts: Quinbean, vol. 10.1, 2017, pp. 6-14; with part two forthcoming.

(3) Indenture certificate (25 April 1857). For the newspaper, see I. Frazer, 'The History of the Goulburn Evening Penny Post and the Goulburn Herald, 1848-1927' (unpublished thesis), Canberra, 1996, pp. 56-57; cf. R. Kirkpatrick, Country Conscience: a History of the New South Wales Provincial Press, Canberra, 2000, pp. 99-100.

(4) These two men appear to have first worked together as on the Illustrated Sydney News. See Sydney Morning Herald, 11 July 1855, p. 3.

(5) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 29 October 1859, p. 1.

(6) R. T. Wyatt, The History of Goulburn, N.S.W., Goulburn, 1941, pp. 231-3; S. Tazewell, Grand Goulburn, First Inland City of Australia: a Random History, Goulburn, 1991, pp. 93-4.

(7) C. Pearl, Brilliant Dan Deniehy: a Forgotten Genius, Canberra, 1972, p. 49. For Deniehy's life, see G. P. Walsh, 'Deniehy, Daniel Henry (1828-1865)' in D. Pike (ed.), Australian Dictionary of Biography (hereafter, V)D5'), vol. 4, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 44-6.

(8) Sydney Morning Herald, 18 April 1901, p. 7 (obituary).

(9) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 2 April 1864, p. 1. Cf. Tazewell, loc. cit.

(10) Marriage registration (1865/002086). Note that on her birth certificate, she is called 'Eliza'. She seems to have taken on the name Ann early on in her life, as she is called Ann Eliza' in all the documentation from the time of her marriage to her death.

(11) Primarily, through the hasty recruitment of additional troopers and the draconian measures of The Felons Apprehension Act of April 1865; in effect, a declaration of'outlawry' and remission of most legal rights.

(12) Sydney Morning Herald, 26 March 1856, p. 3; Bell's Life in Sydney and Sporting Reviewer, 24 May 1856, p. 2; Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, 3 July 1858, p. 2. For the Polding visit, see Empire, 13 March 1858, p. 5.

(13) Recent examples of the sloppy repetition of these unsupported claims are J. L. Tracey, Upper Lachlan Shire Community Heritage Study 2007-2008, Sydney, 2010, p. 65; M. L. Croke, Hotels, Inns and Shanties of the Upper Lachlan Shire, Goulburn, 2010, pp. 162-3.

(14) The letter is held in the Western Sydney Records Centre. It is also transcribed in full in a rare balanced treatment: E. F. Penzig, Ben Hall: the Definitive Illustrated History, Katoomba, 1996, pp. 333-4.

(15) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 12 November 1864, p. 3.

(16) A close early relationship with the local Catholic troopers (Brennan and M'Connel) is attested: e.g. Empire, 3 January 1855, p. 3; Freeman's Journal, 6 January 1855, p. 9. It contrasts with the hostile relationship with Huthwaite's Goulburn-based Protestant recruits.

(17) H. King, 'McLerie, John (1809-1874)' in Pike (ed.), ADB, vol. 5, Melbourne, 1974, pp.188-9. For the bitter sectarianism in Breadalbane in the 1860s, see M. Thomas, The Many Worlds of R.H. Matthews, Sydney, pp. 158-9. I thank Myles Hannan for alerting me to this work.

(18) It is tempting to speculate that Curran's article also angered the newspaper's co-owner, John Chisholm, and might explain why Curran switched to the Goulburn Evening Penny Post.

(19) Empire, 9 October, 1856, p. 3. Cf. Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, 19 December 1857, p. 2; Bennett's 'Plan of 99 portions of land at the Third Bredalbane (sic) Plain, Mutmutbilly, Dairy Flats etc. County of Argyle. 1856' (NLA Ferguson Collection: F794). For the political connection between the Cowper and Chisholm families, see P. Moore, 'Cowper, Charles (1834-1911)' in Pike (ed.),ADB, vol. 3, Melbourne, 1969, pp. 479-80. For the career of the elder Charles Cowper, see J. M Ward, 'Cowper, Sir Charles (1807-1875)', ibid., pp. 475-9. For the prominence of the Chisholms in the Goulburn district, see Wyatt, The History of Goulburn, 1941, pp. 33, 44, 115, 121-2, 159-60, 178,221.

(20) This is Thomas William Jones, born 1848, Mummel (near Goulburn), the son of William Jones (1809-1862) and Susan Ritchie (1830-1910). He married Anna Maria Smith on 12 July 1876 at Goulburn and returned to Lost River (near Crookwell). His father resided in Clinton Street near Henry's inn, The John Barleycorn, where he died in 1862 (Goulburn Herald, 8 November 1862, p. 3). Thomas Jones says in the trial that he knew the Lodge family. There may have been 'bad blood' or sectarian prejudice between the families motivating the son's actions; if not, there certainly would have been after the son's actions against Thomas Lodge as a paid police informer

(21) Sydney Morning Herald, 8 July 1865, pp. 5-6.

(22) For the magistrates, see Wyatt, The History of Goulburn, 1941, p. 178.

(23) Goulburn Herald and County of Argyle Advertiser, 3 July 1858, p. 2; Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 16 September 1865, p. 4.

(24) See Ada's birth and death registrations (1865/009001; 1867/005097); Henry junior's birth registration (1867/009515); Eva's birth registration (2005/182033).

(25) Reported in Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 13 February 1867, p. 2; 1 May 1867, p. 2; 12 June 1867, p. 2. Cf. Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 13 February 1867, p. 2.

(26) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 17 February 1866: 4.

(27) E.g. Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 16 February 1870, p. 2.

(28) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 12 February 1868, p. 2.

(29) (Freeman's Journal, 8 March 1873, p. 2). Of course, it is likely that it was Henry himself who was the unnamed Goulburn correspondent. On the Society's serious religious purpose, see Freeman's Journal, 18 July 1868, p. 2; 12 July 1873, p. 6.

(30) Goulburn Evening Penny Post, 29 July 1873, p. 2; 31 July 1873, p. 2; 7 August 1873, p. 2.

(31) For Slattery, Vicar-general of Goulburn in 1900, see B. Maher, Planting the Celtic Cross: Foundation of the Catholic Archdiocese of Canberra and Goulburn, Canberra, 1997, pp. 152, 238, 274, 355; B. Maher, Sesquicentenary (1862-2012), Diocese of Goulburn (1862-1948), Archdiocese of Canberra and Goulburn (1948-2012): Collected Documents and Clergy Directory, Canberra, 2012, p. 110.

(32) Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 9 August 1873, p. 4.

(33) Henry Curran's tenure as proprietor of the short-lived Burrowa Advocate is overlooked by H. V. Lloyd, Boorowa: Over 160 Years of White Settlement, Panania, 1990, when she discusses the newspapers at pp. 141-6, 303; although, she does provide valuable information on the Advocate's, first unsuccessful period under John Costello (which ceased in July 1873).

(34) Notes made by Brian Maher and correspondence to him from Janet Booth (8 March 1993).

(35) Lloyd, Boorowa, 1990, p. 142.

(36) For his career, see T. J. Linane, 'Dunne, Patrick (1818-1900)' in Pike (ed.), ADB, vol. 4, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 117-18; Maher, Planting the Celtic Cross, 1997: 37, 150-1, 155, 214-17, 237-41, 248-9, 254-9, 274; Maher, Sesquicentenary, 2012: 72.

(37) For Quinn, see H. J. Gibbney, 'Quinn, James (1819-1881)' in Pike (ed.), ADB, vol. 5, Melbourne, 1974, pp.465-6.

(38) For his career, see Maher, Planting the Celtic Cross, 1997, pp. 3, 252, 257, 270, 273, 298-300, 336; Maher, Sesquicentenary, 2012, p. 72; B. Maher, A Slice of Tipperary: a Story of Boorowa, NSW Catholic Community, Canberra, 2016, p. 14.

(39) Maher, Planting the Celtic Cross, 1997, pp. 149-50; Maher, A Slice of Tipperary, 2016, pp. 14; 27-31.

(40) Queanbeyan Age, 4 September 1873, p. 3.

(41) First published by George Eason. See Lloyd, Boorowa,]990, p. 142.

(42) Burrowa News, 13 June 1874, p. 2.

(43) Birth registrations for Alice (2005/182034) and Francis (1879/002808). Their first abode was 120 Little Gipps Street (NSW Police Gazette, vol. 51, 17 December 1879, p. 1), concerning a robbery committed by three youths against Henry junior (then aged 11).

(44) Death registration (1880/002488); cf. death notice in the Sydney Morning Herald, 7 December 1880, p. 1.

(45) Death registration (1882/000492). Liver disease is not always alcohol-related, but cannot be dismissed as a possible factor in his early demise.

(46) Admission and discharge records, Sydney Benevolent Asylum (27 January 1881; 27 October 1882); T. Treasure, Mandurama and Its Neighbours, Mandurama, 1992, pp. 44, 132.

(47) For Henry Roland Curran, see J. McDonald, "When Ginninderra Grew the Golden Fleece', Canberra Historical Journal, no. 75, 2015, pp. 15-23; 'Hammer and Tong: the Five Blacksmiths of Ginninderra', ADB, forthcoming.