A Small Place: Education in Rural Tasmania.
Corbett, Michael ; Roberts, Philip
A Small Place: Education in Rural Tasmania.
The field of rural education has consistently demonstrated that
spatial disadvantage has material dimensions related to distance from
urban nerve centres that contain services. In turn, distance from urban
services entwines with multiple dimensions of social privilege and
disadvantage to create specific, more or less place-based, rural,
regional and remote cultural geographies. This is a problem that has
historically been addressed in a number of ways, including
distance-mitigation incentives to a range of system actors such as
teachers, principals, students, and parents. In Tasmania, an island
state to the south of the mainland Australian continent, the idea that
young people have a right to a reasonably accessible, nationally and
internationally normative education in their own communities, has only
relatively recently been accepted. There is now a persistent, indeed
insistent, multi-sectoral call for cultural change in Tasmanian
regarding access to education. At this writing the state government has
committed to extending all high schools which are defined as years 7-10
facilities, to offer years 11 and 12 programming by 2022 (Street, 2017).
Some of this discourse responds to the positioning of Tasmania itself as
a 'wicked problem' (West, 2013; Cranston et al, 2014).
Notably, this discourse related to rural Tasmania echoes similar
thinking about social and economic development in advanced capitalist
societies around the world.
While defining what constitutes rurality is much debated, there is
a general understanding that space matters in education mirroring how
what is called the spatial turn in social research has been taken up in
the academy and in public policy. Here the concept of rural social space
developed by Jo-Anne Reid, Bill Green and colleagues (Green, 2013; Reid
et al, 2010;) uses the layered analysis, inspired by the work of French
geographer Henri Lefebvre, to build a view of the rural that is real and
imagined (Green and Letts, 2007). Rurality is not just a demographic
construction; it is simultaneously a powerful symbolic force cutting
across national mythologies represented by foundational ideas of
frontier (Popper et al, 2000), the bush (Frye and Hutcheon, 1995;
Watson, 2014) and country (Somerville, 2013). In this 'real and
imagined'rural social space, education is a central concern and
implicated in questions of population boom and bust (Corbett and Forsey,
2017) and ecological and food security problematics (Lawrence et al,
2013) which inflect well-trodden paths that situate the rural in
national and global economic development agendas (Cervone, 2017a, 2017b;
Corbett, 2006; Lawrie et al, 2011; Sassen, 2014). Indeed, the problem is
sufficiently pressing in Australia that in 2017, the commonwealth
government commissioned an inquiry into rural, regional and remote
education.
The new educational demands in this emerging rural space imagine
the preparation of a differently educated workforce (Corbett and Baeck,
2016; Corbett and Forsey, 2017), and a different rural citizen ready to
meet the complex demands of a suite of changes on the horizon in the
emerging rural future. This will likely require the development of a
culture that appreciates and welcomes human diversity, is ecologically
sensitive, and is well educated and enterprising. This is the cultural
shift that, in our experience, rural leaders support and are working
towards, at the same time respecting and building upon established
innovative and entrepreneurial traditions in the countryside (Corbett,
2013). Indeed, there is considerable evidence how in Australia a new
sensibility is emerging - rural youth are staying in school longer, and
Tasmania is no exception. In the recent same-sex marriage plebiscite, it
was not rural Australia that voted heavily in the negative, it was urban
suburbs containing heavy concentrations of socially conservative new
Australians (Le Grand, 2017).
This change has happened, in part, because of global structural
shifts in mobilities and technologies, which have generated new forms of
production and consumption. As Rittell and Webber (1973) argued
forty-five years ago, the "wicked problems" that characterise
late modernity and which generate what Anthony Giddens (1990) called an
endemic ontological insecurity in all of us, which in turn generate
exciting and pressing new problems that we have no choice but to
confront. Smith, Fraser and Corbett take up this notion in their
conceptual analysis of rural education with/in the Anthropocene in the
article that concludes this collection. Part of this challenge is to
provide access and opportunity to historically underserved populations
that include Aboriginal people (see Stone et al in this issue) and those
whose intergenerational livelihoods in primary and secondary industries
have been disrupted.
It is important to note that the Australian Bureau of Statistics
classifies the entire state of Tasmania as 'regional' or
'remote'. Notwithstanding the statistical and geographic basis
of the Australian Statistical Geography Standard, this designation is
appropriate as Tasmania retains a complex and multi-layered relationship
with time and space - as illustrated by the diverse contributions to the
2013 special issue of the Griffith Review entitled Tasmania: The Tipping
Point. This issue combines poetic meditations on place and identity,
critical analysis of contemporary political tensions and historical
legacies, as well as socioeconomic analysis and forecasting. As a
collection, the Tipping Point is characterised by ambivalence and
persistent, yet often ambivalent, calls for change, with education
positioned as a crucial area of concern and central hope for the future.
Whilst culture is constantly evolving, it is also the case that
managed structural and institutional changes are simultaneously shifting
cultural practices. In 2015 the Tasmanian state government embarked on a
somewhat controversial initiative to "extend" six of the
state's rural years 7-10 high schools to year 12. This project has
now expanded to more than 30 schools, some of which are now located in
cities or on the urban fringe. Consequently, a program that was designed
to provide access to years 11 and 12 programming to rural youth has
morphed into an initiative that challenges the established model of
urban year 11 and 12 public matriculation colleges. This shift requires
youth, and communities, to think differently about how they might
interact with differently configured high schools, and indeed some
commentators have argued for the closure of the matriculations Colleges
(Eslake, 2017). It is, of course, difficult to say how this trajectory
will play out in coming years. However, it is likely that the city-based
Colleges will remain, though probably in collaboration with high
schools that also offer years 11 and 12 options.
The University of Tasmania has engaged with the 'problem'
of low levels of postsecondary participation by developing a focus on
work-integrated learning and new degree pathways that are more flexible
and job-ready, while also leading individual students into further
study. The nuances of the lives of these rural Tasmanian students are
taken up in different ways by the diverse pieces in this collection from
the ethnographic work of Schmidt and Hawkins, to a range of
interview-based studies into intervention programs designed to raise
aspirations, to quantitative analyses such as that offered by Watson et
al and Reaburn et al. What many of these pieces demonstrate as Sutton et
al show graphically in their paper, is the way that professionals an
civil society actors are coming together to design community-based
solutions to globally generated problems. As Marlow and Mather in this
special issue illustrate, professional education in the health sciences
has already developed a decentralised model of program delivery that
reaches out into the state's rural communities. The same is true of
rural medicine, with work in the planning stages to offer the same kind
of rurally focussed programming in teacher education.
The papers in this special issue relate to different aspects of
building labour forces and supporting learners to manage rapidly
changing conditions. In late modernity, all paths seem uncertain, and
this sits uneasily with the Australian focus on clear career
trajectories - often through specialised forms of schools programming.
In rural education, there has historically been a tendency to conflate
rurality and vocationalism and Tasmania was a pioneer of what is now
called work-integrated learning with the establishment of the
Commonwealth's first area schools (Corbett, Hawkins and Brett,
2017). This is a tension that sits under the surface of these papers,
with each raising in different ways questions concerning what education
is appropriate, for whom, and how best to deliver it across a
challenging geography? While one tension is the academic/vocational
nexus. Another is the debate about whether educational offerings ought
to focus on relatively placeless and abstract "powerful
knowledge" as Michael Young (2007) puts it, or more specific forms
of locally-relevant knowledge practices. Vocationalism assumes that for
some individuals an education that prepares young people directly for
work is most appropriate, with this situated as something particularly
relevant to rural places, youth and economies. But is it true? Is urban
social space, in a parallel fashion, the natural home of conceptual and
abstract knowledge? And what impact does it have on the kinds of
aspirations and knowledge/curricular hierarchies that tend to be
generated in different geographies (Down et al, 2017; Zipin et al, 2015;
Corbett, 2016)? Finally, does the academic/vocational binary and the
separation of pragmatic work on the one hand and study on the other
create its own categories, inclusions, exclusions that reinforce old
stereotypes about who is capable of doing what?
Encouraging individuals to use education to meet their specific
objectives, and encouraging systems to be responsive to the individual
needs of the socially powerful, has been part of the neoliberal shift in
Australian education for a generation. This mirrors the
individualisation that marks late modernity, though it is arguably not
available to all. The resultant shift from mass education to
choice-focussed, bespoke "pathways"
(a distinctly Tasmanian term to describe a young person's
educational career) creates significant challenges for rural communities
where population density is low, school enrolments are small, and where
private educational options challenge the public schools to fund
offerings in rural locales.
Throughout this collection we find an emphasis on authenticity and
supporting young people through programming that "engages"
them in understandable and known activities, but that also connects to
their interests and aspirations. Indeed, the very idea of aspirations is
problematized in a number of the pieces mirroring a critical approach to
this key educational idea. In particular, the way that aspiration is
typically framed in conjunction with voluntaristic notions of a
free-floating subject - someone who is schooled onto stable and
productive career lines that are neither too grand or
"unrealistic" for what are defined as his or her capacities,
nor insufficiently ambitious and relevant to the needs of society and
the demands of knowledge economy job markets. Countering the perception
that many rural families 'don't aspire', recent research
has debunked the idea that rural families do not aspire high enough
(Corbett, 2016; Gelber, 2017; Howley, C. 1997; Howley, C. W. 2006;
Watson et al, 2014, 2016; Zipin, 2015). The pieces in this collection
support this view and seek instead to understand how rural families
aspire in the face of the constraints and affordances they face.
The notion of 'imagined trajectories' is often at play in
the way aspirations are thought about by/in families. To have
aspirations, is it necessary to have a pathway, or a map of where one is
going? The possession of this kind of map, and an early commitment to a
pathway, is problematic in many of the contexts described in this issue.
Such an approach potentially locks young people into a vocational
trajectory too early, closing off options, exploration of alternatives,
and the kind of maturation a more academic from of schooling might
facilitate. For instance, Abbott-Chapman's idea of mobility for
long-term happiness, and focussing on young people's dreams, in
order to actually expand the scope/ambit of what these dreams might
contain returns to older less pragmatic ways of framing education as
inquiry and exploration. People need to be taught to aspire, they
don't just do it on their own. Here N ussbaum (2011) and Sen's
(2001) capabilities thinking, and what Appadurai (2004) calls capacity
to aspire, appear in several of the pieces in this collection. For
aspirations to matter they must be connected to authentic, legitimate
and understood possibilities that are achievable with the resources
people have at hand. How teaching to this end is organized is an open
question, but it seems to require some sense of authenticity. Getting
students out into "nonconventional learning spaces"
(Woodroffe, this issue) is one way of making things real. In this vein,
idea of exposure (which relates to authenticity, experience, place and
multiple sectors) cuts across the pieces, and particularly, those that
focus on aspirations.
In addition to, or in conjunction with, the problem of relevance or
authenticity, it is becoming increasingly the case that wicked problems
in rural contexts are best addressed by collaborative structures and
processes that situate educational improvement within the wider ambit of
social and cultural development. This thread weaves through most of the
pieces in this special issue. The papers within this edition
contextualise rural education culturally, geographically, socially,
economically, and in terms of identity, akin to what Pierre Bourdieu
called "habitus" - or the relatively durable and embodied
material practices that connect individuals to both their respective
communities, families and traditions, but also with their contextual
conditions.
One of the most promising avenues to address and facilitate deep
cultural change is cooperation across sectors. To illustrate this Sutton
et al use digital mapping as a method and a metaphor for understanding
the complexity of activities and interests coalescing in one Tasmanian
rural community aimed at addressing educational issues. This theme of
connections and relationships runs through each of the papers in one way
and another, speaking to the importance of linking different sectors of
the society, and suggesting what might be called intentional
relationality and collaboration as an approach to be supported and
deepened. Such an approach necessitates linkages within education, and
between education and other private and public actors. Furthermore,
non-school people need to know about the school and youth, while school
people need connections to the world beyond the classroom walls.
Abbot-Chapman raises the idea of risk and the way that families
perceive certain choices as risky or relatively safe. This fits in with
Bourdieu's idea of 'necessity'and the way that choice is
always inflected by social position. While Bourdieu's language of
habitus is taken up in a number of the papers, these authors remind us
how this kind of habitual way of thinking and acting is also a way of
managing and mitigating everyday risk, as well as the relative perceived
riskiness of different trajectories for family members. Several of the
pieces in this special edition highlight other well-researched rural
education issues such as; the mobility implications of educational
aspirations, the transition from small, intimate local primary schools
to larger regional secondary facilities, transportation challenges,
school choice dynamics, and online and blended learning (a solution or
another form of disadvantage?).
Overall, the (untested but established) assumption of superior
quality in city schools is balanced off against the more friendly and
inclusive atmosphere perceived to characterise rural schools. Such
'romantic'stereotypes should of course be challenged. For
instance Corbett et al (2017) compare rural high schools in Tasmania to
other Australian schools with similar socioeconomic profiles as reported
in NAPLAN results, finding that these Tasmanian schools generally
perform as well as, or better than comparator schools. They find a
similar pattern comparing urban and rural schools within the state in
terms of direct continuation rates into years 11 and 12 reported by the
Office of Tasmanian Assessment, Standards and Certification and rural
students results appear to be stronger that those of urban youth from
similarly advantaged communities. A number of contributions to this
collection recognise the importance, and indeed, the power of place and
communal/familial relationships as well as the social bonds that can
operate in rural schools to support education. At the same time though,
this work nuances the tension between the lack of critical mass and the
challenges that are often faced by schools operating at a distance from
urban centres.
The articles collected in this special issue respond in different
ways to deficit framing of rural schools in Tasmania, and indeed in
rural areas around the world. Our work (Corbett, 2016; Roberts, 2017)
has critiqued traditional deficit framings by demonstrating that rural
schools can be seen to punch above their weight when compared to urban
and suburban communities facing similar levels of socioeconomic
challenge. This is not to dismiss the educational and socioeconomic
challenges facing rural Tasmania, but we would conclude by pointing to
the intimate connections between the improvement of educational
experience and outcomes on the one hand, and a wide suite of
relationships and matters of spatially segregated unequal access to
resources faced by adults on the other. The challenges confronting rural
regions in late modernity are at the intersection of broad social, and
political, considerations. Working with them includes education, but it
is not limited to education alone.
Methodologically, taken together, the papers brought together in
this special edition demonstrate how a sustained focus, informed by
diverse perspectives and approaches, can generate important insights
into deeply entrenched rural educational phenomena. As a collection, the
papers herein show the various ways in which quantitative, qualitative
and mixed method approaches can be deployed to examine rural education
issues. In this sense, they provide a case study of both Tasmania, but
also of methods for researching educational phenomena in a particular
small place caught in the confluence of national and global pressures
and agendas.
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Michael Corbett, University of Tasmania
Philip Roberts, University of Canberra
Corresponding author: michael.corbett@utas.edu.au
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