Household Finance.
Madrian, Brigitte C. ; Zeldes, Stephen P.
Household Finance.
Amid calls for greater attention to the policies and market
institutions that affect household financial choices, the NBER Household
Finance Working Group was established in 2009 with support from the
Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. It provides a forum for disseminating
research and fostering collaboration among those working on household
financial decision-making, the structure and operation of markets
offering financial products targeted to consumers, and the regulatory
policy issues that arise in these markets.
The activities of the working group have helped to define the field
of household finance. This report, which summarizes research studies
presented at group meetings over the last several years, illustrates
several of the field's core areas of research. These papers
represent only a small subset of the research that has been discussed at
working group meetings.
Financial Education
A large and growing literature has documented widespread consumer
behaviors, often labeled financial mistakes, which involve households
paying more than they need to for some services, or purchasing services
that do not appear to serve their needs. An oft-cited antidote to these
"mistakes" is financial education. But initial research on
financial education largely documented correlations rather than causal
effects. More recent research takes seriously the problems of
identification.
William L. Skimmyhorn uses administrative data matched with credit
bureau records to evaluate the effects of a large natural experiment, a
mandatory personal financial management course adopted by the U.S. Army
in 2007-08 for all newly enlisted personnel. (1) The paper exploits the
staggered rollout of the program across military bases to rule out time
effects as a factor that might confound the results. Soldiers who joined
the Army subsequent to the course's introduction have retirement
savings plan participation and contribution rates roughly double those
of soldiers who enlisted just prior to introduction of the course. They
also have lower credit card balances, auto loan balances, and unpaid
debts.
Miriam Bruhn, Luciana de Souza Leao, Arianna Legovini, Rogelio
Marchetti, and Bilal Zia evaluate a randomized controlled trial designed
to provide evidence on the impact of a newly designed, comprehensive
financial education program in Brazilian high schools. (2) The 17-month
program integrates financial education into the math, science, history,
and language curriculum of almost 900 high schools and includes new
textbooks and extensive teacher training. The program leads to improved
levels of student financial proficiency, increased saving, and better
budgeting behavior, but also results in higher use of expensive credit
for consumer purchases. The program also has some positive spillover
effects in the financial behaviors of students' parents.
Together, these two papers suggest that appropriately designed
financial education programs can substantially affect household
financial outcomes.
Financial Advice
Another antidote to consumer financial mistakes is the provision of
financial advice. Understanding whether such advice improves outcomes is
a recent, active area of ongoing research. One potential problem is that
some advisers may have conflicts of interest due to the incentives built
into their compensation. Two recent audit studies, employing actors
posing as consumers seeking financial advice, shed light on the nature
of these conflicts.
The first, by Santosh Anagol, Shawn Cole, and Shayak Sarkar,
examines the quality of advice provided by life insurance agents in
India. (3) They find that agents maximize their own welfare by
recommending products with high commissions, instead of less-expensive
products that can deliver the same, or very similar, benefits. They also
find that agents cater to the beliefs of uninformed consumers even when
those beliefs are wrong, presumably because doing so increases the
likelihood of retaining those customers. The second, by Sendhil
Mullainathan, Markus Noeth, and Antoinette Schoar, examines the
investment advice provided by financial advisers who interact with the
broad population of retail investors--as distinguished from high
networth households--in the United States. (4) They examine a set of
advisers who are paid based on the fees they generate, and they too find
that advisers often reinforce the biases of potential clients when doing
so is in the advisers' interests. For example, many advisers in
their study recommended actively managed portfolios with higher fees and
commissions for the adviser rather than lower-cost index funds with
lower associated commissions.
Mark Egan, Gregor Matvos, and Amit Seru evaluate the prevalence of
misconduct among financial advisers in the United States. (5) Using data
on customer filings and regulatory actions against U.S. broker-dealers
over a 10-year period, they document that 7 percent of broker dealers
have a record of misconduct, and that prior offenders are five times
more likely to face new allegations of misconduct than the average
adviser. They also evaluate the implications of misconduct. Half of the
advisers accused of misconduct lose their jobs, although many are
subsequently rehired by other firms. The firms that hire these
previously dismissed advisers have higher firm-level rates of
misconduct. Misconduct is also more likely in firms that primarily serve
retail customers in counties with older, less-educated, higher-income
populations. This leads to a segmented market in which some firms cater
to unsophisticated consumers because they can get away with higher
levels of misconduct, while others discipline misconduct to retain a
reputation that will attract financially sophisticated consumers.
These findings raise the question of how investors assess the
advice quality and trustworthiness of financial advisers. Julie R.
Agnew, Hazel Bateman, Christine Eckert, Fedor Ishkhakov, Jordan
Louviere, and Susan Thorp explore this question in a multi-round
incentivized survey experiment in which subjects were given conflicting
recommendations from two advisers regarding a financial choice. (6)
Subjects are more likely to follow advice that is not in their best
interest in later rounds if they received advice that was in their
interest in earlier rounds. They are more likely to follow advice if the
adviser displays a credential, even though many cannot accurately assess
whether a credential is legitimate or fake. They are also more likely to
accept bad advice when the quality of the advice is more difficult to
assess. These findings suggest that it may be relatively easy for
ill-intentioned financial advisers to dupe unwitting clients.
Retirement Saving
One approach to increasing retirement savings that does not rely on
either financial literacy or financial advice is automatic enrollment,
which could be mandatory or allow an option to opt out of savings plan
participation. There is compelling evidence that such an approach
increases both savings plan participation and asset accumulation in the
accounts into which individuals are automatically enrolled. (7) One
important question not answered in the early research on this topic is
whether the savings generated are new savings, or whether they are
offset by changes elsewhere on the household balance sheet. More recent
research has tried to address this important question.
Using data from Denmark, Raj Chetty, John N. Friedman, Soren
Leth-Petersen, Torben Nielsen, and Tore Olsen examine the impact of
changes in compulsory pension plan contributions on total household
savings. (8) When individuals change jobs in Denmark, their new employer
may have a compulsory pension plan contribution rate that is higher or
lower than their previous employer. The researchers find that
individuals offset only 20 percent of these compulsory saving changes by
adjusting their savings elsewhere, both in the short- and longer term.
John Beshears, James J. Choi, David Laibson, Madrian, and
Skimmyhorn examine another potential margin of adjustment: household
debt. (9) They study the impact of the adoption of automatic enrollment
into the Thrift Savings Plan for U.S. Army civilian employees, and find
that automatic enrollment increases savings while generating no
statistically significant changes in credit card or other forms of
non-collateralized debt at any time horizon studied. They do, however,
find modest increases in auto loan and first-mortgage debt at horizons
of two to four years. Because auto and mortgage debt originations
coincide with asset purchases, it is unclear whether increases in these
liabilities imply decreases in net worth.
Borrowing
Linkages between different pieces of the household balance sheet
have also been examined in the context of the large and plausibly
unanticipated changes in consumers' monthly mortgage payments
resulting from the large reduction in interest rates that occurred in
the years following the global financial crisis. Using matched mortgage
and credit bureau data, Marco Di Maggio, Amir Kermani, Benjamin J. Keys,
Tomasz Piskorski, Rodney Ramcharan, Seru, and Vincent Yao show that, on
average, consumers with nonconforming adjustable rate mortgages saw
their monthly payments fall by $940, a decline of 53 percent. Those with
conforming adjustable rate mortgages experienced a $280 average monthly
reduction--23 percent--when interest rates were reset. (10) They then
evaluate how consumers respond to these reductions.
Their findings, which are summarized in Figure 1, suggest that
consumers increase automobile purchases when the mortgage load lightens.
They measure this by the assumption of new auto debt, and find that this
single source of additional consumption accounts for 8 to 18 percent of
the liquidity generated by consumers' lower mortgage payments. This
consumption response is larger for households that are likely more
constrained, namely, those with higher loan-to-value ratios and lower
incomes. Consumers also increase their voluntary prepayments of mortgage
debt, which accounts for 6 to 8 percent of the additional liquidity.
This deleveraging response is smaller for households that are more
constrained. The reduction in mortgage payments also leads to a
substantial decline in the mortgage default rate, consistent with the
results of another study by Andreas Fuster and Paul S. Willen. (11)
What all this points to is that reductions in required mortgage
Payments affected aggregate economic outcomes. Areas with a higher
concentration of adjustable rate mortgages saw a relative decrease in
default rates for consumer debt, lower rates of house price decline,
increases in auto sales, and relative improvements in employment in the
non-tradable sector. These results highlight the importance of mortgage
debt contract rigidity in the transmission of monetary policy to the
real economy.
Credit cards are another important form of household debt, and the
subject of several recent regulatory reforms in the United States. Sumit
Agarwal, Souphala Chomsisengphet, Neale Mahoney, and Johannes Stroebel
assess the impact of the 2009 Credit Card Accountability Responsibility
and Disclosure (CARD) Act, which limited interest rate increases for
credit cards and placed restrictions on non-interest fees for such
things as exceeding the card's limit, paying late, and being
inactive. (12) Using data on 160 million credit card accounts from
several of the country's largest credit card lenders, they compare
outcomes for consumer cards, which were subject to the regulations, to
those for small business cards, which were not. They find that the CARD
Act reduced fees paid by consumers by $12 billion per year in aggregate,
an amount equal to 1.6 percent of annualized average daily balances.
Figure 2 shows that these benefits accrued disproportionately to
consumers with low FICO scores who tend to pay higher fees. The
researchers find no evidence of reduced credit volume or an offsetting
increase in other fees charged by credit card issuers.
Social Insurance
Social insurance is an important source of financial protection for
households in a variety of financial circumstances. Two recent studies
examine the impact of a particularly important source of
insurance--Medicaid--on the financial position of low-income households.
Tal Gross and Matthew Notowidigdo examine the effects of state
Medicaid expansions between 1992 and 2004. (13) They find that
out-of-pocket medical costs are an important factor in roughly
one-quarter of the personal bankruptcy filings of low-income households.
As a result, a 10 percentage point increase in Medicaid eligibility,
which by design reduces out-of-pocket medical costs, also reduces
personal bankruptcy filings by 8 percent.
Kenneth Brevoort, Daniel Grodzicki, and Martin B. Hackmann examine
the effects of the Medicaid expansion provision of the Affordable Care
Act (ACA). (14) They estimate that increased health insurance coverage
has a number of beneficial effects on eligible households: a $3.4
billion reduction in unpaid medical bills sent to collection over a
two-year period, higher credit scores, and better terms on the credit
offered to households. Overall, they calculate that the indirect
financial benefits of Medicaid in terms of better credit market outcomes
are of a roughly similar magnitude to the direct reduction in
out-of-pocket medical expenditures.
Joanna Hsu, David Matsa, and Brian Melzer examine the financial
effects of another important form of social protection--unemployment
insurance (UI). (15) They exploit variation in the generosity of UI
across states and over time to examine its impact on housing market
outcomes for households that did and did not experience a layoff. They
find that a $3,600 increase in the maximum annual benefit amount, equal
to the cross-state standard deviation of benefits in 2010, reduces both
mortgage delinquency and foreclosure rates by about 13 percent among
those who experienced a layoff (see Figure 3). Using these estimates,
they calculate that the UI expansions that took effect during the global
financial crisis prevented 1.3 million foreclosures between 2008 and
2013, over 60 percent more than the number of foreclosures prevented by
the Home Affordable Modification Program and the Home Affordable
Refinance Program combined. UI also moderated the decline in house
prices experienced in areas with rising unemployment. They conclude that
UI acts as an automatic stabilizer for both aggregate consumption and
for the housing market.
Bankruptcy is another important form of social protection. Felipe
Severino and Meta Brown exploit variation in the personal bankruptcy
exemption level across states and over time to examine how bankruptcy
protection impacts credit market outcomes. (16) They focus on a period
before the passage of the federal Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and
Consumer Protection Act of 2005, which significantly changed the rules
around filing for bankruptcy. From a theoretical standpoint, increasing
the generosity of bankruptcy protection should increase borrowers'
demand for credit but reduce lenders' willingness to supply it. The
net impact is ambiguous. Analyzing a panel of credit bureau records,
Severino and Brown find that more-generous bankruptcy protection laws
don't affect the aggregate level of household debt, but do impact
its composition. In particular, borrowers increase their holdings of
unsecured debt, which is more easily discharged through bankruptcy, and
pay more for this debt through higher interest rates.
Will Dobbie and Jae Song examine the impact of bankruptcy
protection on a range of other important household financial outcomes.
(17) They examine households that filed for bankruptcy under Chapter 13
between 1992 and 2005 and exploit random assignment to judges who vary
in their leniency in discharging debts through this form of bankruptcy.
They find that being granted Chapter 13 bankruptcy protection increases
annual earnings by approximately $5,500 (a 25 percent increase),
increases the employment rate by 7 percentage points (an 8 percent
increase), decreases five-year mortality by 1.2 percentage points (a 30
percent decrease), and decreases the five-year foreclosure rate by 19
percentage points.
Further analysis points to two mechanisms behind these results.
First, the impact of being granted bankruptcy protection is larger in
states in which creditors can garnish wages, suggesting that bankruptcy
protection preserves incentives to work by reducing the overall
effective "tax" on working. Second, bankruptcy protection
appears to reduce the financial disruption associated with strategic
moves to avoid creditors: Those granted bankruptcy protection are 25
percent more likely to continue working at the same job, and 15
percentage points more likely to continue working in the same state.
Sources and Implications of Firm-level Market Power
In addition to examining the behavior of individuals and
households, recent research has examined several dimensions of firm- and
market-level outcomes in household finance markets. One active area of
research has focused on identifying the sources of market
power--including advertising, the ability to shroud fees, search costs,
and consumer inattention--and their costs to consumers.
Umit Gurun, Matvos, and Seru find that borrowers in areas where
mortgage lenders advertise more pay higher mortgage interest rates
conditional on borrower and contract characteristics, and that this
effect is more pronounced for those who are less financially
sophisticated. (18) An analysis of advertising content shows that
initial/introductory rates are frequently advertised in a salient
fashion, while reset rates are not, a type of shrouded attribute.
Agarwal, Song, and Yao explore the effects of increased competition
in the mortgage market generated by bank entry in the market following
banking deregulation in the U.S. (19) They find that banks facing more
competitive settings tend to offer lower initial rates on
adjustable-rate mortgages, but that most of the financial benefit to
consumers from these lower rates is offset by higher reset rates.
On the investment side, Justine Hastings, Ali Hortacsu, and Chad
Syverson use administrative data to analyze the pricing and sales force
deployment decisions of firms that manage assets in Mexico's
privatized social security system. (20) They find that consumers exhibit
less price sensitivity in areas where firms have a larger sales force,
which then enables these firms to charge higher fees.
Anagol and Hugh Kim examine how the pricing structure of mutual
funds in India enables firms to charge higher fees. (21) They study a
natural experiment, a 22-month period in which closed-end funds were
allowed to charge a fee that was easily shrouded, while open-end funds
were not. Fund entry during this period shifted dramatically from open-
to closed-end funds, increasing overall fees paid by consumers.
Consumer search costs can also generate market power for financial
services firms. Using data on millions of auto loans and loan
applications from hundreds of financial institutions, Bronson Argyle,
Taylor Nadauld, and Christopher Palmer document four empirical
regularities that suggest that search costs impede market efficiency.
(22) First, there is significant dispersion in auto loan interest rates
across institutions for the same type of loan, and most borrowers could
access cheaper credit if they queried only two additional financial
institutions. Second, search is costly, and borrowers are more likely to
search in areas where search costs, as measured by the number of
financial institutions within a 20-mile radius, are low. Third, there
are large interest rate discontinuities at various FICO score
thresholds, and significant variation across firms in the relationship
between interest rates and FICO score; on average, borrowers with FICO
scores just above an institution's FICO score threshold are offered
loans with an interest rate 1.5 percentage points lower than borrowers
with scores just below the threshold, even though there are no
differences in subsequent loan performance between borrowers on either
side of these thresholds. Finally, consumer purchasing and financing
decisions are distorted by these discontinuities; buyers with FICO
scores just below a threshold purchase older, less-expensive cars to
offset the higher interest rate being paid, even though many could find
a lower rate elsewhere if they shopped around.
Brigitte C. Madrian and Stephen P. Zeldes (*)
(*) Brigitte C. Madrian is the Dean of, and Marriott Distinguished
Professor at, Brigham Young University's Marriott School of
Business, She holds a joint appointment in the Department of Finance and
the George W. Romney Institute of Public Service and Ethics, An NBER
research associate, she has served as a co-director of the Household
Finance Working Group from 2010-18. Stephen P. Zeldes is the Benjamin M.
Rosen Professor of Economics and Finance at Columbia University's
Graduate School of Business, an NBER research associate, and co-director
of the Household Finance Working Group since 2013.
(1) W. Skimmyhorn, "Assessing Financial Education: Evidence
from Boot Camp" American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 8(2),
2016, pp. 322-43.
(2) M. Bruhn, L. de Souza Leao, A. Legovini, R. Marchetti, and B.
Zia, "The Impact of High School Financial Education: Evidence from
a Large-Scale Evaluation in Brazil" American Economic Journal:
Applied Economics, 8(4), 2016, pp. 256-95.
(3) S. Anagol, S. Cole, and S. Sarkar, "Understanding the
Advice of Commissions-Motivated Agents: Evidence from the Indian Life
Insurance Market" The Review of Economics and Statistics, 99(1),
2017, pp. 1-15.
(4) S. Mullainathan, M. Noeth, and A. Schoar, "The Market for
Financial Advice: An Audit Study" NBER Working Paper No. 17929,
March 2012.
(5) M. Egan, G. Matvos, and A. Seru, "The Market for Financial
Adviser Misconduct," NBER Working Paper No. 22050, February 2016,
revised September 2017, and forth coming in the Journal of Political
Economy.
(6) J. Agnew, H. Bateman, C. Eckert, F. Ishkhakov, J. Louviere, and
S. Thorp, "First Impressions Matter: An Experimental Investigation
of Online Financial Advice" Management Science, 64(1), 2018, pp.
288-307.
(7) J. Beshears, J. Choi, D. Laibson, and B. Madrian, "The
Importance of Default Options for Retirement Savings Outcomes: Evidence
from the United States" NBER Working Paper No. 12009, February
2006, revised March 2007.
(8) R. Chetty, J. Friedman, S. Leth-Petersen, T. Nielsen, and T,
Olsen, "Active vs. Passive Decisions and Crowd-Out in Retirement
Savings Accounts: Evidence from Denmark," NBER Working Paper No,
18565, November 2012, revised January 2014, and The Quarterly Journal of
Economics, 129(3), 2014, pp. 1141-1219.
(9) J. Beshears, J. Choi, D. Laibson, B. Madrian, and W.
Skimmyhorn, "Borrowing to Save: The Impact of Automatic Enrollment
on Debt" Working Paper, 2018.
(10) B. Keys, T. Piskorski, A. Seru, and V. Yao, "Mortgage
Rates, Household Balance Sheets, and the Real Economy," NBER
Working Paper No. 20561, October 2014; M. Di Maggio, A. Kermani, B.
Keys, T. Piskorski, R. Ramcharan, A. Seru, and V. Yao, "Interest
Rate Pass-Through: Mortgage Rates, Household Consumption, and Voluntary
Deleveraging," American Economic Review, 107(11), 2017, pp.
3550-88.
(11) A. Fuster and P. Willen, "Payment Size, Negative Equity,
and Mortgage Default" NBER Working Paper No. 19345, August 2013,
and American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 9(4), 2017, pp. 167-91.
(12) S. Agarwal, S. Chomsisengphet, N. Mahoney, and J. Stroebel,
"Regulating Consumer Financial Products: Evidence from Credit
Cards," NBER Working Paper No. 19484, September 2013, revised June
2014.
(13) T Gross and M. Notowidigdo, "Health Insurance and the
Consumer Bankruptcy Decision: Evidence from Expansions of
Medicaid," Journal of Public Economics, 95(7-8), 2011, pp. 767-78.
(14) K Brevoort, D. Grodzicki, and M. Hackmann, "Medicaid and
Financial Health," NBER Working Paper No. 24002, November 2017.
(15) J. Hsu, D. Matsa, and B. Melzer, "Positive Externalities
of Social Insurance: Unemployment Insurance and Consumer Credit"
NBER Working Paper No. 20353, July 2014, and published as
"Unemployment Insurance as a Housing Market Stabilizer"
American Economic Review, 108(1), 2018, pp. 49-81.
(16) F. Severino and M. Brown, "Personal Bankruptcy Protection
and Household Debt," Working Paper, 2017.
(17) W. Dobbie and J. Song, "Debt Relief and Debtor Outcomes:
Measuring the Effects of Consumer Bankruptcy Protection," NBER
Working Paper No. 20520, September 2014, and the American Economic
Review, 105(3), 2015, pp. 1272-311.
(18) U. Gurun, G Matvos, and A. Seru, "Advertising Expensive
Mortgages," NBER Working Paper No. 18910, March 2013, and the
Journal of Finance, 71(5), 2016, pp. 2371-416.
(19) S. Agarwal, C Song, and V. Yao, "Banking Competition and
Shrouded Attributes: Evidence from the US Mortgage Market"
Georgetown McDonough School of Business Research Paper No. 2900287,
January 2017, revised November 2017.
(20) J. Hastings, A. Hortacsu, and C. Syverson, "Sales Force
and Competition in Financial Product Markets: The Case of Mexico's
Social Security Privatization," NBER Working Paper No. 18881, March
2013, revised April 2017, and Econometrica, 85(6), 2017, pp. 1723-61.
(21) S. Anagol and H. Kim, "The Impact of Shrouded Fees:
Evidence from a Natural Experiment in the Indian Mutual Funds
Market," American Economic Review, 102(1), 2012, pp. 576-93.
(22) B. Argyle, T. Nadauld, and C. Palmer, "Real Effects of
Search Frictions in Consumer Credit Markets," MIT Sloan Working
Paper No. 5242-17, 2017.
COPYRIGHT 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2018 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.