摘要：In this work I investigate the syntax and interpretation of two groups of spatial prepositions in Spanish: “small” Ps (e.g. bajo ‘under’) and “big” Ps (e.g. debajo ‘de.under’). I show that small versus big Ps display a series of asymmetries, such as the (in)ability to take bare nominals and the (un)availability of coordination and adverb intervention. I propose that these contrasts can be derived under the hypothesis that small Ps select a single nominal complement, whereas big Ps select a more complex Possessor-Possessum structure, where the nominal occupies a specifier position, acting as the possessor of a silent PLACE element. Furthermore, I argue that unifying big Ps (but crucially not small Ps) with possessive structures accounts for the delimited versus non-delimited interpretation of these Ps.
