Russian Hitler: a stunning election result by Vladimir Zhirinovsky and his ultranationalist party is ringing alarm bells among Russia's neighours and in western capitals, The

No one was ready for it, least of all the reformist parties of Russia. Russia's Choice and smaller groups expected to coast to an easy victory in parliamentary elections last December. Instead, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, came very close to outpolling Russia's choice, the party said to be favoured by President Boris Yeltsin.

Mr. Yeltsin can console himself that a referendum on a new constitution was approved. It gives the president wider powers; as head of state and commander - in - chief, Mr. Yeltsin controls foreign affairs and defence policy. He can appoint or fire cabinet ministers, including the prime minister, and has a strong voice in economic policy.

Even so, the fact that close to one quarter of Russian voters backed Mr. Zhirinovsky is a bruising blow to the hope of a fast track to a market economy. His Liberal Democratic Party is neither liberal nor democratic. Its leader is an ultranationalist whose election slogan was: "I will bring Russia up off its knees." Many people shudder as he boasts that he will restore the Russian empire to its former greatness. The Baltic states are his immediate target (there are still about 17,000 Russian troops in Estonia and Latvia) but he goes much further. He suggests that Alaska was once Russian and could be so again. He also has designs on parts of Finland, Poland, and Afghanistan.

When you read some of Mr. Zhirinovsky's statements (see sidebar) it all sounds like the ravings of a madman, but a madman who captured 25% of the Russian vote. He talks about selling arms to buyers such as Iraq. He wants to keep Russia for the Russians and blames Jews for many of his country's problems. While he insists he is not racist, he suggests shipping a million Azerbaijanis from Russia back to Azerbaijan.

So far, Mr. Zhirinovsky has only simple solutions to complex problems, assuring supporters he has everything worked out in his own head. "It's just I'm an expert in what I am doing," he said. "I provide prompt answers to questions because I have them." Adding that he graduated from university with honours, speaks four languages, and has travelled widely, he concludes, "Hence my prompt solutions."

His agenda for the challenges ahead of him in the new State Duma (lower house of parliament) include the following: Stop sending financial aid to the poorer republics of the former Soviet Union; tighten border controls with these republics; protect Russians living in these states; stop the conversion of Russian heavy arms factories to civilian production. As for the growing crime wave in Russia, he would crush it ruthlessly. "We'll set up courts on the spot," he says, "and shoot the leaders of criminal bands."

Mr. Yeltsin's senior reformers call Mr. Zhirinovsky a dangerous fascist, by which they mean an extreme nationalist who hates foreigners. The 47 - year - old lawyer denies this and since his amazing success with the voters has been talking more like a lamb than a lion. "If Yeltsin asks us to form a government, we are ready. If he invites us to join the government,...we are ready," he said. "If he offers us nothing, we are ready to...help constructively."

Mr. Zhirinovsky has two probable allies in the new Duma, both with substantial blocks of seats. The conservative Communist Party, which stands for a slowdown in market reform, came third in the election. The Agrarian Party, which lobbies to keeping the old collective farm system, thinks along similar lines. Working with the 67 or more members of the Liberal Democratic Party, they could give President Yeltsin a parliament even harder to deal with than the one he angrily dismissed last October. Already, Mr. Yeltsin's prime minister is trying to steer the government away from fast - track market reform.

How did this strange and disturbing figure rise to wield such political power? With the benefit of hindsight, we can see why. Russians could once look on themselves as citizens of a superpower. They were first in space with their Sputnik satellite. Their mighty armed forces were backed by a nuclear arsenal which could pulverize the world. Their empire with its satellites stretched from the German border to the Pacific Ocean. Though lives were drab and food dull, everyone worked and everyone ate.

That was true until 1989. With the collapse of communism then everything began to change. Now, five short years later, the empire is gone, the army is a shabby shadow of the old days, the air force is reduced to taking tourists for a spin in a MiG fighter to earn money. Food is a bit more plentiful but soaring inflation takes much of it out of reach for many. A job for life is no longer a sure thing in an economy which is being privatized.

With the loss of national pride comes disgust, despair, then anger. People look for an outlet for these emotions and people like Vladimir Zhirinovsky are there to lure them with the promise of renewed Russian greatness.

How does President Yeltsin handle this loose cannon in his new Duma? Analysts say he has three options. The first would be a trade - off -- Mr. Yeltsin would bring in a tough nationalist policy in exchange for support on reform programs. The second would be to give up economic reform. A third course might be to persuade all the small reformist parties to unite with Russia's Choice in support of the remaining tough steps to a market economy. That would call for the tact of a master diplomat, and Mr. Yeltsin has yet to pass diplomacy 1A. Still, it could be done, especially if the West gives him moral and material support.

SUGGESTED ACTIVITIES:

1. Read the story of Germany's Weimar Republic and how Adolf Hitler seized power from it. Compare the situation then with the present one in Russia. Briefly list similarities and differences and discuss the lists in class.

2. Mr. Zhirinovsky's policies and influence should now be taking clearer shape. Summarize the latest information on Russia's parliament and president as a written assignment.

Copyright Canada and The World Feb 1994
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