Inclusive physical activity programming for girls and women - includes list of references

Recreation and leisure activities and programs for women and girls are not new concepts, although their involvement sometimes has been different from that of men and boys. Historically, sports and outdoor recreation have been claimed by women as a symbol of empowerment. But at the same time, women's programs have been inferior to men's, making the women involved feel frustrated and less than powerful.

Fortunately, structured recreation programming for girls and women has evolved over the years. And generations of females have experienced physical competence, the joy of play, an appreciation of competition and excellence, and supportive bonds with other women in nontraditional settings (Cahn, 1994). And what we have learned to date about women's leisure and recreation can help shape future programs that are superior in quality and include the elements that women value the most.

Early Recreation Programming

The first attempts at recreation programming for girls occurred at the turn of the 20th century, at the same time that recreation programming in general became recognized. Women--as both factory workers and housewives--were part of urbanization and industrialization. At the same time, the movement toward passage of the suffrage amendment made women's rights prominent for the first time in history.

Girls, whose "play life" up until that time had been less developed than that of boys, were an early focus of the Playground Association formed in 1906 (Henderson, 1993). A 1910 survey suggested that girls made few demands for recreation and were less interested in such activities than boys (Report of the Committee, 1910). And because females made fewer demands, they received less attention. As a result, there was a lack of supervision and instruction, which resulted in a lack of involvement by girls and, thus, even fewer demands. Additionally, facilities and recreation areas often were not made available to girls and a lack of equipment prevented their involvement in some activities. And as if all of this was not enough to keep girls from participating in and enjoying recreation, because of modesty and the conservative attitudes of the time, play clothes and costumes lacked the comfort and practical design necessary for recreation proficiency and enjoyment (Weller, 1913; Rockwell, 1917). All of these problems were discussed frequently in the early professional literature.

The Debate Begins

A debate began almost a century ago about whether girls' athletics should be like boys', particularly in light of the "corruption" evidenced in boys' activities (McKinstry, 1909). Rather than modeling girls' activities to be like boys', Weller (1913) suggested that boys would be better if they adopted some of the "gentler and more conventional amusements" of girls. An "athletic creed" (Athletics, 1923) was developed for girls and women which described the need for more play with both competitive and non-competitive opportunities. The notion that "...there is no more reason why athletics should coarsen their [girls' and women's] social fiber than that equitation should make them `horsey'" (Appraisal, 1922) characterized the thinking about females and sports in the period of time immediately after suffrage was won.

Recreation activities for females, whether athletic or otherwise, were to serve as an educational and constructive force in building qualities of character and citizenship.

Athletics were seen as good for girls if they were structured differently than for boys. In some cases, the development of recommendations for what girls should not do emphasized the different expectations between the sexes. Early discussions about athletics for girls included proper safeguards against injury and the need to subordinate the fighting that evidently often was a part of boys' athletics (Activities for Girls, 1919). The bans on charging gate fees to see girls compete and a ban on interscholastic competition also reflected a difference in social expectations for boys and for girls.

Outdoor activities for females at the turn of the century were spearheaded by middle- and upper-class women determined to break from their gender roles. The result of these efforts was restructured and reshaped social mores that opened up a larger, freer life for women interested in sport and outdoor activities (Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw, & Freysinger, 1989; LaBastille, 1980; Lynch, 1987). Women found the values of activities such as mountaineering, canoeing, and exploring to represent symbolically freedom from traditional Victorian roles and a move toward independence and equality (Bialeschki, 1990). Women commonly participated in outdoor activities but often were obscured in the literature by the exploits of male colleagues, by their relegation to a helpmate role, or by the achievements being questioned or trivialized (LaBastille, 1980; Lynch, 1987). For example, a 1905 ascent of Mt. Ranier included 46 women out of 112 participants (Kaufman, 1986). One year after the Alpine Club of Canada was formed in 1906, a third of its members were women, and within a decade that percentage had risen to nearly half (Smith, 1989). Historically, women have been invisible in outdoor pursuits and/or inaccurately depicted because of the incompatibility between traditional perceptions about women's roles and women's participation in outdoor activities.

The social value of activity often was embodied in how recreation contributed to larger societal ideals, particularly those related to the family. A common notion was that "as your women are, so will be your nation; a nation cannot rise higher than its women." People also felt: "Educate a boy, you educate an individual; educate a girl and you educate a whole family" (Harvey, 1912, p. 255). Obviously, the provision of recreation services for girls meant that the profession was contributing to the greater good of society. Little conflict seemed to exist between maintaining female roles and experiencing the value of recreation as long as the activities, including forms of athletic participation, fitted women for the "duties of womanhood" (Rockwell, 1917, p. 94). Activities that were encouraged for girls included those which would make them good citizens and able to do paid work, work in groups, build a modern home, be an intelligent and informed friend and guide for children, make civic contributions, and be resourceful and happy in using their time (Adams, 1925).

A predominant organizational framework evident in the early years of recreation programming was the use of clubs." Social clubs also counteracted the "unwholesome" effects of girls going to commercial dance halls (Armstrong, 1926). Although all ages of females could be involved in various club structures, "working girls" often were targeted as having special needs. The various clubs available sometimes were organized around a particular activity and sometimes related to a geographic area (Henderson, 1993).

Many clubs were designed to be self-governing so that girls had opportunities for leadership and responsibility. Clubs also were an essential vehicle through which women organized themselves to fulfill their social role of providing community service. Numerous examples exist of how the Federation of Women's Clubs provided recreation for their members, as well as enhanced the development of recreation in general--but particularly for girls--across the United States. A parallel development occurred within the African American community with club activities extending beyond charity work. For example, the National Association of Colored Women, founded in 1896, emphasized community development that included recreation needs for black women and girls not being met by the public provider systems (Shaw, 1991).

The leadership of girls'/women's activities was also an issue that became visible during the early years of recreation programming. If girls and women were to have the best activity experiences, they needed good leadership, preferably from female leaders. Getting women coaches and officials was the best way to make sure that athletics were not exploitive of girls. The need for trained female leadership in athletics, in particular, was an issue that continued to be a theme in the history of women's recreation. Because the professional leadership was not available in some communities, it was necessary to have mothers, teachers, and Women's Club members volunteer as leaders (Lamkin, 1925).

Female Recreation Activity During Mid Century

The Depression in the United States was a time of prosperity for recreation programs and facility development. This period, however, was not particularly conducive to sports and outdoor programming for girls and women (Henderson, 1993). A period of backlash occurred concerning the roles of women and especially served to reinforce the notion that their primary vocation was marriage and motherhood (Sochen, 1981). The implicit assumption was that girls and women needed guidance to ensure that their social roles were reflected in their recreation. For example, basketball was a popular activity; but it was severely criticized for the way that it often was conducted with its pressure on girls, its tendency to be more "work than play," and its sponsorship by commercial firms (Girls' Basketball, 1931).

The 1930s also saw the emergence of the co-educational recreation movement. Until that time, most sports activities had been single sex, but programmers began to look at providing experiences for males and females together.

After the World War II, little was written about recreation programming for girls and women. It was believed that recreation had become an actuality for women and that women were now interested in their personal recreation and not just their children's (Hamilton, 1948). Girls' and women's programs were thought to be well established in many communities with a variety of activities (Program for Women, 1949). The literature, in general, suggested that local recreation departments should keep the interest in girls' and women's' activities alive; yet, others (e.g., Dauncey, 1951) still felt much needed to be done in local communities so that recreation for girls and women was not a "warmed-over version of a sports program which pleased the boys" (p. 433).

A turning point was reached with the publishing of The Feminine Mystique (Friedan, 1963), which described the boredom and unhappiness of white, educated, middle class housewives who seemed to lack meaningful free time opportunities.

The Effect of Contemporary Feminism

The passage of Title IX in 1972 did not directly affect most recreation programs for girls and women, but the implications of that legislation continue to impact physical activity programming in the United States today. The contemporary women's movement resulted in a re-examination of what personal freedom meant for all women, whether they were in the paid work force or at home. Unfortunately, recreation programming for girls and women was not widely discussed until the 1980s when women once again emerged visibly as professional leaders with ideas about how physical activity programming should be undertaken. Feminism never has been a philosophy espoused in programming for girls or women, but feminist tenets have become inherent in programming in recent years. As a result of feminism, girls and women were seen as individuals with specific leisure needs rather than as "auxiliaries in such contexts as the family, the classroom, and volunteer organizations" (Yerkes & Miranda, 1985, p. 49).

The 1980s have been described by some people as the post-feminist era in society with the assumption being that feminism has accomplished its goals and is no longer needed. We assume that girls and women are being addressed in physical activity programming. A false consciousness exists that equality of opportunity has been obtained for all (Benokraitis, 1986). Many feminists argue that much work is yet to be done. The 1990s have offered a number of ways of examining how best to provide recreation and leisure programming services for girls and women.

Inclusive Programming for the 1990s and Beyond

The history of physical activity programming for women and girls provides us with many perspectives that may help in providing inclusive programming in the future. The options chosen will depend on the philosophy we hold about the physical activity needs of females and how to best meet those needs. No one philosophy is the best, but a combination of opportunities for providing physical activity experiences may be the way to meet the needs of girls and women who are diverse in terms of race, age, physical ability, socioe-conomic level, and sexual orientation.

History suggests that when recreation professionals do not address the needs of girls and women directly, they tend to get ignored or swept to the background. As in other situations, we assume that the white male experience is universal, representative of humanity, and constitutes a basis for generalizing about all human beings. little or no conscious appreciation exists that females may possess different life situations because of social roles or other social expectations. Not only are females ignored when they do not receive specific programming, but often other nondominant groups become visible such as people of color, people with disabilities, gay and lesbian people, and/or people with low income. Changes from the traditional approaches may seem disruptive, expensive, and beyond the expectations for girls' of women's recreation. On the other hand, we need to consider all possible approaches to programming if the needs and interests of girls and women are to be best served in our community programs.

Some leisure service providers may select one particular approach such as programming for women only. Other providers may offer different structures for particular activities or for individuals from varied backgrounds. Selecting the appropriate philosophy and structure might be referred to as inclusive programming. Inclusive programming in the future may mean that all forms of programming may be valid, and each individual unit will determine which structures should be emphasized. A number of lifestyle situations and social relationships, in addition to gender, will determine physical activity interests and behaviors. Inclusive programming, however, does not result in universal solutions.

Within the philosophy of inclusive programming, professionals might draw on several of the structures that have been used in the past. We have labeled these compensatory protection, separate but equal, equal but together, and women only. Each may have particular strengths and problems given the recreation activity chosen as well as the characteristics of the individuals participating.

Compensatory Protection

Sometimes females are not ignored, but they are protected from the "evils" of traditional physical activities. Rules are different for girls, and they are protected from negative outcomes that might occur. In this case, typical male standards are considered the real programs, but females contribute at some level with particular modifications. Positive ramifications of this programming are that females may be able to participate in activities that they might not have access to otherwise. In addition, the changes made for females may result in modifying activities in ways that will benefit other individuals such as people who have physical or mental disabilities. Further, the changes made in protecting females may result in changes in the activities that will benefit males as well.

The negative message in "compensatory protection" programming, particularly in sports and outdoor pursuits, is that girls and women may be considered inferior to or "less than" boys and men. Although recreation opportunities may exist, the modifications seem to imply that females cannot participate in these activities as males do--that women are not strong enough or have other physical or emotional limitations that make them unable to participate at the same level as men. Some recreation programmers may choose this type of physical activity programming, because it is perceived as meeting the needs of females while adhering to the traditional expectations that they need to be protected more than males and that they are biologically and psychologically unable to meet the norm of male behavior. This protective attitude is based on a historical precedence that girls had to be protected from harm in order to perform their ultimate roles as wife and mother. The approach may or may not be applicable in certain situations today.

Separate But Equal

Some people believe that physical activity programs for girls and women ought to be separate but equal. Although no advantages should be given to males over females and vice versa, males and females are not expected to participate together. This type of programming generally assumes a male model that females will adopt with no remediation necessary to ensure successful performance levels for females. Separate but equal has made female activity more visible in recreation programming. Further, this programming has resulted in information about females and their interests and needs.

Some recreation programming units may follow the "separate but equal" programming because of its similarity to public school formats for sports programs that have evolved from Title DC legislation. Most schools have established parallel programs for boys and girls so the model is often applied in other settings. Although this type of programming often expands opportunities for females, the assumption is that programs that meet male needs serve as the basis for parallel development for female physical activity needs. The needs may be the same, but separate but equal programming may overlook different needs that exist.

Equal But Together

Coeducational activities are another way to include girls and women in physical activity programming. This type of programming risks being based on male models and assumptions that girls and boys have the same skill level and experiences.

Although "equal but together" programming appears attractive and is often considered the most equitable, it still can be problematic unless individual attention and assessment are given to each program. In a society where females historically have not been given the same opportunities as males, they may not feel comfortable or able to participate initially at the same level. Further, in some activities certain skills become gender-typed in a way that females may become restricted in participation (e.g., in volleyball, women set and men spike; in canoeing, women canoe from the bow and men stern). With attention focused on skill development and similar learning experiences, this programming option offers many possibilities for girls and women.

Women-Only

Some feminists would argue that women have unique qualities and experiences that suggest recreation programming ought to be done separately and differently to allow women to participate without imposed social roles and gender expectations. Further, programming cannot be done without examining bow work, family, and social relationships are bound to leisure. Addressing the values of feminine qualities further serves to counter the devaluation of women and, indeed, to empower them. This type of programming has been useful in establishing better understandings of women's leisure.

Drawbacks exist to "women-only" programming. First, it often leads to female essentialism, the belief that the feminine nature is ideal and preferable to maleness. Assuming that there is one female way to experience the world or that all females experience the world in the same way is risky. Further, race, age, education, and other characteristics affect each female's experience in a way that cannot be generalized to all females.

To adopt "women-only" programming often is uncomfortable for professionals because equality is not the ultimate outcome. In a society based on equality, many people have difficulty accepting the need for different or special programs. To meet the needs of all constituents fully--particularly girls and/or women who have had different life situations--women-only programs may be desirable. Some professionals also are uncomfortable with "women-only" programs because of concerns about sexual orientation. In a homophobic environment, a focus on women--only activities may raise questions about program outcomes. As society becomes more tolerant of the diversity of our culture, however, this concern should become obsolete.

The Next Step

To mitigate the current trend in the decline of physical activity among women (Robinson & Godbey, 1993), recreation programmers may need to consider how physical activity programming is conducted. To use inclusive programming for girls and women, issues need to be addressed such as justifying program options, determining the needs and interests of females, freeing girls/women from gender stereotypes, developing professional and volunteer leadership, and marketing programs to those who need them.

These basic programming aspects may require particular strategies based on the philosophy of the recreation department and its commitment to girls' and women's programming. Professionals may need to be sensitive to women's experiences which have affected their skill level and exposure to physical activities.

Some research suggests that leisure opportunities may be a way for females to resist traditional stereotypes and social role expectations (Shaw, 1994). Thus, in resisting traditional expectations, women gain a sense of empowerment. The next step regarding leadership for inclusive programming may not be an issue of the leader's gender, but the situation or the context in which recreation happens. Being "genderblind" is not the goal; rather leaders need to emphasize "gender sensitivity." Marketing physical activity programs to females may depend on considering some of the unique constraints encountered such as family expectations, safety, and scheduling.

For inclusive programming for girls and women to work, professionals must consider all the possible programming options that may appeal to females with a myriad of interests and needs. As Cahn (1994) said:

"Ultimately women's efforts to attain meaningful leisure, unrestricted access to sport, and athletic determination will be part and parcel of transforming the broader social relations of gender within which sporting life takes place... It is the sense of entitlement and determination that stamps the recent period of sports history and provides hope for a future in which adequate leisure, athletic pleasures, and physical power are available to all women. (p. 278-279)."

References

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