首页    期刊浏览 2025年12月24日 星期三
登录注册

文章基本信息

  • 标题:Family members and political allies: the portrait collection of Margaret of Austria
  • 作者:Dagmar Eichberger
  • 期刊名称:The Art Bulletin
  • 印刷版ISSN:0004-3079
  • 电子版ISSN:1559-6478
  • 出版年度:1995
  • 卷号:June 1995
  • 出版社:College Art Association

Family members and political allies: the portrait collection of Margaret of Austria

Dagmar Eichberger

Among the early sixteenth-century collections in the Netherlands the art collection of Margaret of Austria was exceptional in terms of its size and quality.(1) It included paintings such as the Arnolfini Wedding by Jan van Eyck and the Passion cycle by Juan de Flandes, as well as contemporary works such as the Metamorphosis of Hermaphrodite and Salamacis by Jan Gossaert. While individually these works have frequently been the subject of thorough investigation, the collection as a whole has not hitherto received much attention.(2)

This paper sets out to investigate one section of the collection, the portraits which Margaret of Austria kept in the more public areas of her palace in Mechelen (Malines), the Premiere Chambre and the library.(3) The Premiere Chambre emerges from this investigation as a dynastic portrait gallery with a distinctly political agenda, its display of pictures carefully shaped and constructed by Margaret of Austria to reinforce the importance of the Burgundian-Hapsburg family and their allies. The display in the library differs in certain aspects from that of the official portrait gallery. Portraits in this room were represented in a variety of media, most notably painting and sculpture, and formed part of a diverse collection which included ethnographic material. In 1523-24 painted portraits were hung together with religious images and battle scenes. Although the sitters in these portraits did not form a homogenous group, the manuscripts and genealogical charts in the library provide a key to the reading of the portraits in both public areas of the palace.

Archduchess Margaret of Austria [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED], daughter of Emperor Maximilian I and Mary of Burgundy, was born on January 10, 1480, and died on November 30, 1530, in Mechelen. The time frame covered by this paper is the period between 1507 and 1530, when she lived in Mechelen as regent of the Netherlands and acted as foster-mother to the children of her brother Philip the Handsome.

Soon after the death of her second husband the archduchess answered her father's call to become regent of the Netherlands and decided to establish herself permanently in Mechelen, which formed part of her personal power base.(4) The court she created in this town fulfilled an important political function within the Burgundian Hapsburg empire. She was an active patron of the arts, collecting and maintaining a large number of artworks as well as retaining several artists at her court. She employed sculptors and architects such as Conrad Meit and Loys Van Boghem to undertake individual commissions, among them her main architectural project, the church of St.-Nicolas at Brou in Bourg-en-Bresse.(5) She also fostered literature and music, making a major impact in the sphere of courtly patronage in Northern Europe.(6) These wide-ranging interests were reflected in her extensive collection of books and illuminated manuscripts, which she kept in a richly decorated library,(7) visited by Erasmus of Rotterdam and others.

The Collection

The collection of Margaret of Austria ranged in scope from jewelry, paintings, sculpture, liturgical objects, and precious gold and silver plate to corals, gems, and ethnographic objects from the New World. Like her Burgundian ancestors she also had a large collection of tapestry sets,(8) some of the most lavish of which were given to her by her first mother-in-law, Queen Isabella of Castile, during her stay at the Spanish court. Also listed in the inventories are several scientific instruments, furniture, chess sets, and medals. No clear distinction is made between "art" and "nonart" objects; instead they are listed according to the distribution of objects throughout the various rooms within the palace. From this it appears that most of Margaret's collection was integrated into her living quarters rather than being kept in a separate, purpose-built space.(9)

The two main categories to emerge from an analysis of the art in her collection are religious objects and secular portraiture, both represented in a wide variety of media. Her large collection of paintings consisted almost exclusively of these two categories with only a few mythological or historical paintings.(10) By 1523-24 Margaret of Austria owned in total eighty portraits, not counting the six devotional diptychs and triptychs which also included likenesses of herself and her close family.(11) If these religious images and the later portraits by Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen are included, her collection of portraiture came close to one hundred items.(12) It is apparent from a comparison with other Netherlandish collections such as that of Philip of Cleve, who owned thirty-three portraits, that this was one of the strengths of her collection.(13)

The unusually rich set, of inventories and court accounts that exist make it possible to reconstruct the nature and growth of Margaret's collection from 1493 to the time of her death in 1530. Most of our information concerning the portraits derives from two key inventories of 1516 and 1523-24. While they overlap to a certain degree, a number of the paintings, sculptures, and other objects listed in 1516 do not reappear in the later inventory.(14) The two inventories frequently provide complementary information on the same object, almost suggesting that they were written by two different groups of court officials, who noted down different aspects of the same work when preparing the inventory. The fragmentary inventory of 1516 is more specific in regard to artists' names, storage, and maintenance of specific objects. The 1523-24 document is more informative as far as the location and display of items are concerned, and individual entries are more descriptive.(15) For example, a portrait of Charles the Bold by Rogier van der Weyden is described in 1516 as "Ung tableau de chief du duc Charles, ayeul de Madame. Fait par la main de Rogier."(16) In 1523, the same painting is described: "Item, un aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de Monseigneur le duc Charles de Bourgogne, habille de noir, pourtant la Thoison d'or pendant a une chayne, et ung rolet en sa main dextre, ayant le chiefz nuz."(17) One of the major strengths of the 1523-24 inventory is the emphasis placed on the distribution of items throughout the various rooms of the palace. Apart from the small number of portraits and other paintings added later to the original list of artifacts and household items, all objects can be located with a high degree of certainty. In fact, the location of the various items within the palace has been of the utmost importance in establishing the purpose and function of each specific room and consequently of the paintings and sculptures therein.

Portraiture: General Concerns

Portraiture produced in the Netherlands in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was characterized by the prolific use of replicas and copies, often based on an original model but not always of the same high artistic quality. In relation to official court portraiture it is well established that the Burgundian dukes, especially Philip the Good, required large numbers of copies of a particular type. Such multiple copies were frequently produced by tracing the features of an authorized image.(18) Thus, the increasing demand for portraits of important political figures led to a considerable dissemination of specific images. In this extensive copying process careful attention was paid to a set of key features which established the type.(19) It was considered essential to depict the face of the ruler consistently from the same angle, and he was often shown gazing into the distance. The insignia as well as the dress had to be rendered faithfully. The position of the hands and the attributes held by the sitter were variable and could be altered according to the intended use of the image. In a recent article dealing with a slightly later Hapsburg commission, Joanna Woodall comments on the practice of copying in the early sixteenth century, stating:

Indeed, in the innumerable copies and prints of such images, there is often little to identify of the original model but the iconographic formula. Yet the popularity and extensive distribution of these derivations suggests that they had important functions in society. It seems possible, therefore, that the iconography per se communicated something significant about the sitter.(20)

The frequent use of the terms au vif and apres le vif in contemporary descriptions of portraits may allude to a general problem faced by those who commissioned or collected portraits, namely, the difficulty of assessing the quality of a likeness. In this context, "quality" relates not only to the artistic merit, of a product but also to the reliability of an image, especially of an individual who was no longer alive. The 1521 record of a gratuity to the painter Jan Mostaert in return for a portrait he presented as a New Year's gift to Margaret of Austria specifies the following: "a ung painctre, qui a presente a Madame une paincture de feu Monseigneur de Savoye fait au vif, nomme Jehan Masturd, 20 phil."(21) From the record it is evident that Mostaert painted this portrait of Margaret's second husband, Duke Philibert of Savoy, some sixteen years after the sitter's death [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. In this particular case, Jozef Duverger explained the words "fait au vif" as a reference to the realistic size of the image, meaning a life-size representation of Philibert.(22) While this is one possible reading, the terms au vif and apres le vif could also be interpreted as qualitative statements, indicating in this case that the portrait was a faithful representation of Philibert of Savoy.

Margaret of Austria's concern about faithful representations in relation to portraiture becomes apparent in her dealings with her court artist Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen. On the occasion of the Imperial Diet she sent Vermeyen to Augsburg to the emperor and the king and queen of Hungary "pour tirer et pourtraire leur philozomie au plus pres du vif que possible luy seroit, ensemble les enffans dudict sieur roy, et luy appourter icelles pourtraitures pardeca ce qu'il a fait."(23) In this record of payment dating from May 25, 1530, Margaret of Austria specifically instructs Vermeyen to portray her relatives as close to life as possible. Her encounter with Albrecht Durer in 1521 lends further weight to the notion that the regent had a very clear idea of how she wanted her family to be portrayed. An entry in Durer's diary records that she took such a dislike to his gift, a portrait of the late emperor Maximilian, that the artist derided to take it back with him.

The above examples indicate that Margaret of Austria was a discerning patron who had a strict idea of what constituted a good likeness. This was also reflected in the way in which she carefully monitored the distribution of her own portrait. She followed the example of her ancestors and other contemporary rulers by commissioning a large number of copies of a specific image of herself, which was designed as her official portrait by her court artist Bernard van Orley. Accounts from the 1520s show that Margaret gave away at least nine copies of this portrait to men and women linked to her court.(25) For diplomatic reasons she probably also sent copies to some of the ruling families of Europe; certainly one is listed in the inventories of the collection of Henry VIII.(26) This official portrait exists in several versions with slight variations in the position of the hands. In some examples, Margaret of Austria is depicted with a rosary [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]; in others she is shown with one hand close to her chest, probably holding a concealed pendant [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. She did not, however, keep a copy of the portrait in her palace.

The Palais de Savoie in Mechelen

As soon as Margaret of Austria returned to Mechelen in 1507, extensive renovations of Margaret of York's old living quarters began, as well as the planning and construction of new sections of the palace. In her youth Margaret had already spent several years at the court of her relative Margaret of York, the third wife of her grandfather, Charles the Bold. As Margaret of York's former apartments were deemed too small, adjoining properties were acquired for the extension of the existing living quarters.(27) The first building campaign under the supervision of Antoon Keldermans the Younger came to an end by 1516. A second campaign followed soon after under the leadership of Rombout Keldermans, who completed the gateway and the side wing between 1517 and 1530. The so-called Palais de Savoie, named after the domain of Margaret of Austria's second husband, Duke Philibert of Savoy, was probably not completely finished in her lifetime, but was nevertheless ready to be used as her main residence and court.(28) The inventory of 1523-24 makes detailed references to the living quarters of the regent,(29) which is further evidence that she lived in the newly built palace at least from that time onward.(30) From this inventory and civic records, eight rooms containing her private possessions can be identified: the chapel, the library, the "premiere chambre," the "riche cabinet," the "seconde chambre a chemynee," the "petit cabinet," the "cabinet empres le jardin," and a strong room for jewels and gold and silver plate.

At this point it is critical to establish how private or public the various rooms listed in the inventories were and who was permitted access to them. Krisia de Jonge's research on the infrastructure of Burgundian residences in Bruges, Brussels, and Lille has brought to light some interesting information on the function of the personal rooms of the high nobility and on the development of Burgundian court ritual in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.(31) De Jonge argues that different degrees of privacy applied to different parts of the ducal/imperial apartments. The ruler and his consort inhabited separate sections of the palace, which in each case consisted of a sequence of private rooms. In these palaces a clear distinction was made between sections reserved predominantly for official functions such as receptions or formal banquets, and other parts which had a more intimate character and were reserved for the ruler or his spouse. In Philip the Handsome's lifetime, his apartments in the Brussels palace were arranged in sequential order, moving gradually from the public to the semipublic to the private. The first area was open to general visitors, the so-called gentilhommes. The second, which included the bedroom, was an area of limited access reserved for high-ranking courtiers such as the varlet de chambre or the maitre-d'hotel. The so-called retraite or cabinet of the ruler was the most private section of his apartments, and he granted access to it only in exceptional cases.(32)

Margaret's apartments in the Palais de Savoie may well have been governed by similar principles, and here too a distinction was marie between different degrees of privacy. Among the rooms described under the general heading "Cabinetz," the "premiere chambre dudit cabinet" is listed first, followed by the "riche cabinet" and the "seconde chambre a Chemynee" with the adjoining "petit cabinet." The last room mentioned under this heading is the "cabinet empres le jardin," which, in contrast to the other rooms, was probably located on the ground floor. Unfortunately, the terms applied do not always indicate the function of each of these rooms. In some instances it is necessary to deduce the purpose of a room from its contents. The "seconde chambre a chemynee," for example, is the only room which contained a bed and a private altar, as well as a desk and several cupboards.(33) It therefore seems probable that this was the bedroom. The adjoining Petit Cabinet contained several desks and writing tables, as well as writing utensils and books, and can be identified as Margaret's study. Her Petit Cabinet as well as the Seconde Chambre were probably her most private rooms. The Premiere Chambre is the first space mentioned in the sequence of rooms, and consequently is likely to have been a relatively public area.

The Premiere Chambre

Both the Premiere Chambre and the Riche Cabinet contained very little furniture.(34) For that reason, their original function is not immediately obvious. According to the first entries of the Premiere Chambre, this room was decorated with ten hangings of blue and yellow taffeta. These were matched by eight curtains of the same material, which served to cover some of the paintings mentioned in this section.(35) In the Premiere Chambre most of the paintings were secular portraits. Apart from one image of Christ and one of the Virgin Mary, thirty single portrait panels were displayed on the walls of this room.(36) In only one case was the sitter's identity unknown to those taking the inventory.(37) The remaining twenty-nine portraits were of well-known members of European ruling families, past and present.(38) Nearly all these sitters were related to Margaret of Austria, by blood or marriage. From the large number of portrait paintings and the scarcity of furniture it becomes apparent that this room was intended to be a portrait gallery. Given that there were eighty portraits in the palace at the time, it appears that a substantial part of her collection was kept in the Premiere Chambre. All seem to have been single panels without shutters or lids. Only four of the panels are referred to as being small.(39) In other words, most of them were oil paintings on wood of average size. It is not unlikely that some of the panels were painted on both sides. Decorating the back of a portrait with the sitter's motto and coat of arms had become a standard feature of single portrait panels in the course of the fifteenth century.(40) A good example of this practice is the portrait of Anthony of Burgundy in Chantilly, the back of which provides substantial information on the sitter.(41) These portraits were sometimes hung from long chains,(42) in order that they could be turned and viewed.

The Burgundian Line

Most prominently and comprehensively portrayed on the walls of this room were the Burgundian dukes, who had ruled the Netherlands since the end of the fourteenth century (see genealogical table). As the daughter of Mary of Burgundy, Margaret of Austria herself was a direct descendant of this line. The portraits chosen for the Premiere Chambre document the succession of Burgundian rulers with only minor gaps. The earliest to be represented was John the Fearless, Margaret's great-great-grandfather, who was characterized by his emblem, the carpenter's plane.(43) Also present was Philip the Good, Margaret's great-grandfather, wearing the chain of the order of the Golden Fleece [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED]. The description of the portrait in the inventory leaves no doubt that Margaret owned a copy of Philip's official court portrait,(44) corresponding closely with one of the likenesses by Rogier van der Weyden, of which there still exist fifteen primary copies.(45) This portrait clearly underlines Philip the Good's social rank as duke of Burgundy and sovereign of the order of the Golden Fleece, with his formal Burgundian attire and his other symbols of authority.(46) Of the three portraits of Philip the Good listed in the inventory of 1523-24, this was by far the largest and most formal.(47)

In the case of Margaret's grandfather Charles the Bold, it was again his official portrait that was chosen for the Premiere Chambre.(48) The description suggests that it was a copy of the prototype developed by Rogier van der Weyden [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5 OMITTED].(49)

This systematic and comprehensive display of Burgundian rulers did not extend to the female members of the family. Isabella of Portugal, the third wife of Philip the Good,(50) and one of his illegitimate daughters, Mme de Charny, were represented, although Mary of Burgundy, Margaret of Austria's mother, was absent, as was the regent herself.(51)

The House of Hapsburg and Emperor Maximilian I

In contrast to the excellent coverage of the Burgundian lineage, the paternal Hapsburg line was less well represented in the Premiere Chambre. When Maximilian married the only daughter of Charles the Bold, Mary of Burgundy, in 1477, the Burgundian and Hapsburg lines merged. The marriage produced three children: Francois, who died at a young age,(52) Philip the Handsome, and Margaret of Austria. Emperor Frederick III and Emperor Maximilian I, both dead by 1523, were certainly the two most prominent Hapsburgs represented in the Premiere Chambre.(53)

Margaret owned three portraits of her father, which were carefully distributed throughout the palace. One was kept in the library. Its description is so general that an identification with an existing portrait has not been possible.(54) The two other paintings were both versions of the same prototype by the Netherlandish artist Joos van Cleve. The detailed descriptions in the inventory of 1523-24 make it possible to link them to paintings now in Vienna [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED] and Brussels [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED].(55) In 1523-24 one of the two portraits by van Cleve was kept in Margaret's study,(56) while the other was displayed in the Premiere Chambre. These two portraits deserve greater attention for the light that they shed on the program underlying the portrait display in the Premiere Chambre.

Joos van Cleve probably executed two paintings of this kind during Maximilian's visit to the Netherlands in 15089.(57) One is a more formal image showing the emperor with a scroll [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED], the other a seemingly more intimate representation which depicts him holding two carnations in his right hand [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED]. The portrait with the two carnations follows the well-established tradition of marriage portraits, an iconographic detail which is puzzling, as Maximilian was not in the process of making new wedding arrangements at that time. In fact, his second wife, Bianca Maria Sforza, whom he had married in 1494, was still alive. John Hand has suggested that Maximilian commissioned the portrait to commemorate the wedding with his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, the heir to the Burgundian empire.(58) He argues that in 1507, shortly after the death of Maximilian's son Philip the Handsome, there was a need to strengthen his family's political claims to the Burgundian territories. Thus, the revived marriage portrait, which must have been painted some thirty years after the wedding between Mary and Maximilian took place, visually reinforced the dynastic link between the house of Burgundy and the house of Austria.(59) By 1523-24, however, this portrait was relegated to the regent's study, as its message was no longer relevant in the era of the new emperor, Charles V.

In the second portrait by Joos van Cleve [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED], Maximilian is shown wearing the same dress and hairstyle, but the flowers have been replaced by a scroll.(60) It was this image that was kept in the Premiere Chambre. The sheer number of copies of this portrait type clearly confirms its acceptance as one of the official portraits of the newly elected emperor. Yet the image deviates markedly from contemporary German portraits, which generally emphasize Maximilian's status as ruler of the Holy Roman Empire by the inclusion of the imperial insignia, crown, scepter, and eagle.(61) Joos van Cleve obviously refrained from making any references to Maximilian's newly gained position. Instead, he adopted the official iconography of the Burgundian dukes. Why then did the emperor, who was well known for his astute use of art as a means of political propaganda, employ this portrait type as his official likeness in the Burgundian Netherlands?

An almost identical portrait in the slightly later statute book of the order of the Golden Fleece may provide the answer [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED].(62) This manuscript, which was produced in the Netherlands shortly after 15 19,(63) contains five full-page portraits of the first sovereigns of the Burgundian chivalric order, each with his coat of arms and a brief description of his merits on the opposite page. The half-length portraits of Philip the Good [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 9 OMITTED], Charles the Bold [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 10 OMITTED], Maximilian I, Philip the Handsome, and Charles V [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 11 OMITTED] are all modeled on official portrait types. Significantly, four of these portraits seem to be based on the same prototypes as the portraits in Margaret's gallery.(64) Hans Gerstinger, taking into account the provenance and the specific content of the manuscript in Vienna, has suggested that this statute book was made for a high-ranking member of the Burgundian Hapsburgs, most likely for Charles V.(65) The resemblance between the framed, panel-like portraits in this manuscript and the equivalent pictures in the Premiere Chambre of Margaret of Austria's palace makes it even more likely that this statute book was to be presented to Charles V. If so, the manuscript could have been commissioned by Maximilian or even by Margaret of Austria herself.(66) Both had access to the portrait collection in Mechelen and the authority to suggest these panels as possible models to a manuscript illuminator.

The portrait of Maximilian in the statute book in Vienna [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED] is one of the most striking examples of the close links between the portrait panels in Margaret of Austria's collection and the representations in the manuscript. The images created by Joos van Cleve show Maximilian primarily as sovereign of the order of the Golden Fleece and not as emperor.(67) By adopting local iconography rather than imperial symbolism, Maximilian expresses his claims to the Burgundian Netherlands in a Visual language which would have been understood by the Netherlandish aristocracy. The question of succession had been a continuing point of contention after Mary of Burgundy's death in 1482 and was not resolved until 1503.(68) By choosing this particular iconography, Maximilian thus clearly aligned himself with the Burgundian ruling family rather than asserting himself as Holy Roman Emperor. For Margaret of Austria there were obvious advantages in representing her father as part of a seamless succession of sovereigns of the Burgundian order rather than as a foreign ruler.

Because of the early death of her brother Philip the Handsome and the mental illness of her sister-in-law, Joanna of Aragon-Castile, Margaret was not only appointed regent of the Netherlands but also bore the title of "Gouvernante." Just as Margaret of York had acted as a kind of foster-mother to her and her brother, so too did Margaret of Austria look after the next generation after 1507.(69) Four of the six children of Philip and Joanna were represented on the walls of the Premiere Chambre: Charles, Ferdinand, Eleonor, and Mary.(70) Although their second daughter, Isabella, was absent, her husband, Christian II, king of Denmark, was included, wearing the order of the Golden Fleece.(71) As befitted his status as the new emperor, there were two portraits of Charles V in the Premiere Chambre, both versions of his official court likeness, designed by Bernard van Orley [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 12 OMITTED].(72)

The Spanish Branch

Of the utmost importance to the Burgundian-Hapsburgs was the Spanish family of Aragon-Castile. The marriage of the siblings Margaret of Austria and Philip the Handsome to the Spanish heir to the throne, John, and one of his sisters, Joanna, took place in 1497 and 1496 respectively.(73) As a consequence of these alliances, the Spanish line merged with that of the Hapsburgs, causing Charles V, Philip's oldest son, to become heir to the Spanish, Burgundian, and Hapsburg territories. For Maximilian, this double marriage insured a strong defensive alliance against France, effectively surrounding it on several sides. For Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon it was an important part of an overall strategy to strengthen their position in Europe and to found a joint dynasty of their own.(74) As a result, the Spanish feature strongly in the portrait gallery and play a crucial role in Hapsburg genealogies.

The Spanish were represented in the Premiere Chambre by five portraits, not counting the children of Philip the Handsome already mentioned. These included two of Margaret of Austria's father-in-law, Ferdinand of Aragon,(75) and one of his wife, Isabella of Castile.(76) Two of their children were also represented: their first daughter, Isabella,(77) and their third daughter, Catherine of Aragon.(78) Pictures of the Spanish family were placed throughout the palace: a small devotional diptych featuring Margaret and her first husband, Prince John, was kept in her private study,(79) a portrait of Joanna of Aragon-Castile in the library.(80)

The Tudors: Political Allies

One of the most striking features of the Premiere Chambre was the inclusion of the Tudor family, which was not directly related to the Hapsburg-Burgundian line. Diplomatic contacts between Henry VII and the Hapsburgs increased in the first years of the sixteenth century. There must have been an exchange of membership of their respective orders, as in 1502 Philip the Handsome was given the order of the Garter by Henry VII.(81) The portrait of Henry VII [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 13 OMITTED] shows him wearing the order of the Golden Fleece, signaling his role as a major political ally.(82) In this context it is important to stress that membership of an order as exclusive as that of the Golden Fleece was not just an honor, but also represented a form of political alliance which had its obligations.(83) For example, when Charles the Bold accepted the order of the Garter from the York family, the French king, Louis XI, interpreted this correctly as the formation of an alliance between England and Burgundy against him.(84) The importance of the order of the Golden Fleece is attested to by those taking the inventory, as in some instances it is the only or the most significant attribute mentioned in relation to a painting.

In this portrait Henry VII is also shown holding a carnation, the traditional symbol of marriage. Marriage negotiations concerning Margaret of Austria began between Philip the Handsome and Henry in 1505. Philip bought a portrait of Margaret from Pieter van Coninxloo in October of that year to be sent to the king of England.(85) The portrait of Henry by Michiel Sittow in Margaret of Austria's collection seems to have been the other painting in this ritual exchange.(86) The marriage negotiations never advanced beyond this point, as Margaret ultimately refused to marry again, preferring to return to Mechelen. The proposed marriage may explain why the portrait entered Margaret's collection in the first place. It does not, however, fully account for the representation of the Tudor family in the Premiere Chambre.

Apart from the image of Henry VII, there was also a portrait of "la fille du roy Henry d'Aingleterre moderne,"(87) and one of "Madame Mairie d'Angleterre."(88) These appear to have been pictures of Henry VIII's daughter Mary I and of his sister, Mary Rose, respectively. The latter was linked in marriage negotiations with Charles V from as early as 1512 and may have stayed at the court of Mechelen around 1509-10.(89) In addition, a terra-cotta portrait of her was on display in the library.(90)

In total at least seven portraits of the Tudors were distributed throughout the palace, confirming their status as highly valued political allies rather than as family members, although their exclusion from the latter category was not for want of trying on both sides. The close contact between the Tudors and the Burgundian Hapsburgs was expressed not only through marriage negotiations but also through trade and defense agreements. In 1513, for example, Maximilian and Henry VIII, who succeeded his father in 1509, waged a joint campaign, the Tournai campaign, against France.(91) While Henry VIII was not depicted in the Premiere Chambre, his portrait was added to the library display during Margaret's lifetime. His collection at Windsor Castle equally demonstrated the strong diplomatic ties between the two houses through its complementary collection of portraits, including as it did representations of Philip the Good, Philip the Handsome, Margaret of Austria, and Joanna of Aragon-Castile.(92)

An analysis of the panel paintings in the Premiere Chambre reveals a clear logic behind the choice of images and their display. The regent intended the portraits in this room to convey very specific messages to her visitors. The systematic representation of Margaret's family, in both its core and satellite branches, clearly demonstrates one rationale behind the display. By showing her Burgundian ancestors and other important relatives, this portrait gallery provided support and justification for her position of authority in the Netherlands.

As regent, Margaret represented not just her own interests and ambitions, but first and foremost the concerns of the emperor.(93) Until 1519 she corresponded constantly with her father, Emperor Maximilian, about current political issues, and from 1519 onward she represented the cause of her nephew Charles V. The prominent position of the young emperor in this portrait gallery is underlined further by the multiple copies of his likeness elsewhere in the Palais de Savoie. After 1526, Charles was the only person represented twice in the Premiere Chambre.(94)

The second rationale behind the display in the Premiere Chambre was to confirm political alliances, the most obvious example being the, alliance with the Tudors. The newly established links between the Hapsburg-Burgundian family and the English court were expressed not only in Margaret's portrait gallery, but also in the various artistic projects undertaken by Maximilian, such as the large, composite woodcut known as the Triumphal Arch or Arch of Honor [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 24 OMITTED].(95) The political implications of the display are further confirmed by the conspicuous absence of the French royal family from the Premiere Chambre. The matter will be investigated in more detail in the discussion of the portraits in the library.

The majority of portraits in the Premiere Chambre fit well into the suggested reading of the portrait gallery as a visual family tree for Margaret of Austria and her relatives. Her motivation for establishing a portrait gallery was perhaps less one of self-aggrandisement - as was so often the case with male patrons - as an attempt to glorify the dynasty in a broader sense. This premise is supported by the absence of her own portrait from the Premiere Chambre. The strong emphasis on the younger generation in this room and in the library further reveals her identification with the ambitions of the dynasty.

The Growth and Formation of the Portrait Collection

Of the thirty portraits in the Premiere Chambre, twenty-eight consisted of sitters identified by name.(96) Of these, nineteen were still alive in the first quarter of the sixteenth century. In other words, the majority of these sitters were contemporaries or near contemporaries of Margaret and in most cases we can assume that she knew them personally. Of the remaining paintings, only six were of relatives long deceased and were presumably inherited.(97)

Although it is difficult to establish how many of these portraits Margaret actively acquired or commissioned for the Premiere Chambre, the figures reveal that a large number entered the collection in her lifetime. There is firm evidence for a number of incidences when she received, purchased, or commissioned work herself. One of her letters to her father in 1512 acknowledges the receipt of two portraits he had sent, one of himself and one of his mother, Eleanor of Portugal.(98) The acceptance of the portrait of Philibert of Savoy as a New Year's gift from Jan Mostaert has already been discussed. More important, in 1513 Margaret commissioned Pieter van Coninxloo to paint a portrait of the children of Philip the Handsome.(99) This is the earliest documented example in a long list of family portraits commissioned by the regent.

How instrumental Margaret was in shaping and constructing her collection can be determined by analyzing those portraits which entered it after the 1523-24 inventory was written. In addition to the eighty recorded initially, some eighteen were added between 1524 and 1531. A large number of these were by Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen, one of her court artists, whom she had sent to Augsburg and Innsbruck to paint her nephew Ferdinand I and the imperial family.(100) In a petition submitted in 1533, Vermeyen requested payment for materials used in the execution of nineteen portraits commissioned by the regent.(101)

By sending her court artist to Augsburg with a mission to paint a set of family portraits, Margaret may have been intending to fill in some of the gaps she perceived in the collection.(102) The later additions clearly indicate that she tried to upgrade this by adding up-to-date images of the next two generations. The list included two portraits of Emperor Charles V [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 14 OMITTED], one on wood and one on linen,(103) as well as a portrait of his first wife, Isabella of Portugal.(104) There were two portraits of Margaret's niece Mary of Hungary, who had returned to the Netherlands in 1526 to live at the court in Mechelen after the death of her husband, Louis of Hungary. As far as the children of Margaret's nephews and nieces were concerned, the list of later commissions and purchases is even more comprehensive. She acquired likenesses of the three children of her deceased niece Isabella,(105) as well as two sets of portraits of the four children of Ferdinand and Anna of Hungary.(106) In his petition of 1533, Vermeyen referred to three portraits of Charles V's illegitimate daughter, the future Margaret of Parma, which had been requested by the regent. Two of these were intended as gifts for the pope and Charles V; the other was earmarked for the collection in Mechelen.(107)

Vermeyen's petition clearly reveals Margaret of Austria's commitment to enlarging her portrait collection and is proof of her determination to further the cause of the Hapsburg family through the display and dissemination of portraits.

The Library

The second main public area of the palace which contained portraits was the library, an area to which artists and visiting scholars were given access.

Portraits played a far less prominent role in this room than in the Premiere Chambre. As Marguerite Debae's preliminary study of the manuscripts in Margaret of Austria's collection has shown, there were 379 manuscripts in the library when the inventory was drawn up in 1523-24.(108) These, along with charts, maps, and a few printed books, were obviously the main feature of the room, and they were kept on approximately twenty neatly labeled shelves. Apart from the books, the library contained a variety of artworks in a range of media, including a small number of secular sculptures such as a copy of the Spinario and a naked man with a dog.(109) Perhaps equally important was the display of a large collection of ethnographic material from the New World, which had been presented to Margaret of Austria by Emperor Charles V on August 20, 1523.(110) This collection demonstrated the recent expansion of the empire into the Americas.

In all Margaret kept twenty-three portraits in her library, consisting of a few sculptures and a considerable group of paintings, both on wood and linen. Of the eight sculptures recorded, four were likenesses - a category not represented in the Premiere Chambre at all.(111) The two most important pieces were marble busts of Margaret of Austria and her late husband Philibert of Savoy. Given the preciousness of the material and their three-dimensionality, these busts must have assumed particular importance in this space.(112)

Rather than forming part of the regent's personal apartments, the library together with the chapel is listed in a different section of the inventory and must be treated as a separate entity. Within the palace it was the only place consistently singled out for comment by those visiting the court of Margaret of Austria. It appears that the library was accessible to diplomatic and other official visitors and to distinguished artists and scholars, such as Antonio de Beatis, Albrecht Durer,(113) and Erasmus of Rotterdam.(114) In 1517, the Italian diplomat de Beatis, who accompanied the cardinal of Aragon on a journey through the Netherlands, visited the palace in Mechelen and recorded his impression of the beautiful things he had seen:(115)

at Mechelen one sees the house of Madame Margaret, which is very beautiful and ordered, although it does not have much of a view, where there is a very ornate and well-stocked library for women. . . . And there are beautiful paintings and other varied pictures and all in a good hand. And in marble there is the head of the duke of Savoy, her deceased husband, who is shown as a very handsome young man, as he is said to have been, and of her Serene Highness herself, when she was young, done with great skill and of naturalistic proportions.(116)

It is significant that de Beatis described in such detail the two marble busts he saw displayed in the regent's library. Although Margaret of Austria chose not to include her own portrait in the Premiere Chambre, in this room her presence was strongly felt. The pair of busts was one of several sculptures of Philibert and herself which Margaret commissioned from her court artist Conrad Meit long after the death of her husband.(117) Apart from the life-size tomb sculptures in St.-Nicolas in Brou, the only existing portraits by Meit to have survived are four smaller wooden busts, two of Philibert and two of Margaret.(118) While the portraits of Philibert of Savoy in Berlin [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 15 OMITTED] and London [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 16 OMITTED] more or less follow the same model, the two of Margaret of Austria represent different types. The Munich bust [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 17 OMITTED] shows her dressed as a widow, whereas the boxwood sculpture in London [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 18 OMITTED] represents her as a young woman in a very courtly, low-cut dress. It is extremely improbable that she would have chosen to be portrayed next to her husband as a widow. It is likely, therefore, that the London sculpture more closely approximates to the portrait type used for the marble bust in the library. De Beatis's description of the sitters as a young couple lends further weight to this supposition. If we take into account that the two marble busts were carved well after the death of Philibert, Margaret of Austria obviously intended to project herself as a woman who was spiritually and emotionally attached to her former husband. She also chose to be portrayed as a wife rather than a widow in other public commissions, for instance, the stained-glass windows in St.-Nicolas.(119) To judge from the portraits listed in the inventory of 1523-24, Margaret of Austria did not opt for Bernard van Orley's Official court portrait of her as a widow in this room. On the other hand, whenever she presented foreign dignitaries with a portrait of herself, she preferred to stress her marital status as a devout widow. An investigation of the underlying motives behind this unusual pair of marble sculptures is necessary, given the careful orchestration of her public image through portraiture.

According to the writings of the Spanish humanist and educator Juan Louis Vives, a contemporary of Margaret of Austria who taught at the University of Louvain, it was the duty of every Christian woman to keep the memory of her dead husband alive. In Vives's De institutione feminae Christianae, which was first published in Antwerp in 1524, he advised women to devote themselves to the memory of their dead husbands rather than marry again.(120) This advice suited Margaret well, as at a very young age she had already been married, and widowed, twice. We know from her private correspondence that she vigorously resisted all further attempts by her father to marry her off once more. The seriousness of Margaret's intention to honor the memory of Philibert of Savoy is further demonstrated by the large number of portraits of him in the library and in other parts of the palace. In all there were three portraits of Philibert in the library, one portrait in the Premiere Chambre, one (a painting) in the Seconde Chambre,(121) and one ("carved in wood") in the Petit Cabinet.(122)

The marble bust of Duke Philibert is the first entry in the inventory after the section listing the books in the library and is immediately followed by a description of his complete armor.(123) Philibert's appearance in this space was therefore established not only by the three-dimensional bust, but also by his full body armor, making for an almost tangible presence. After the death of Philibert, Margaret was involved in an ongoing conflict with the Savoy family over her claims to the dowry and other territorial issues.(124) This dispute provided her with an additional reason for emphasizing her strong allegiance to her former spouse.

In the section of the inventory which details the contents of the library, the fireplace becomes an important point of reference. In the library twenty paintings are described as "hanging around the fireplace,"(125) including seventeen portraits, one battle scene, and two devotional images. They were arranged around wood carvings of a stag's head with antlers and a crucifix, which the regent had commissioned from Conrad Meit in 1518.(126) In addition to the panel paintings surrounding the fireplace, the inventory lists nine paintings on canvas - five portraits, two battle scenes, and two religious images.(127)

Family members who appeared here as well as in the Premiere Chambre included Maximilian, Ferdinand of Aragon, Philip the Handsome, and Christian II of Denmark. Joanna of Aragon-Castile and Henry VIII were both absent from the Premiere Chambre, but were included in the library. This display of likenesses was far less systematic and comprehensive than that of the Premiere Chambre. The inclusion of portraits of unidentified and unrelated sitters around the fireplace contributed to its fragmented nature. An examination of the inventory of 1516, however, suggests that this was not always the case.

The Library in 1516

In 1516, twenty-six paintings were listed under the heading "Les paintures estans dans la librairye de Madame" and were a significant feature of the library at that time.(128) Apart from Joos van Cleve's picture of the Infant Jesus and Saint John,(129) all these paintings seem to have been portraits. At that time, the main core of the display focused on members of the Burgundian-Hapsburg family. While a few of these portraits were of important ancestors, such as John the Fearless, Philip the Good, and the emperors Frederick and Charlemagne, the majority consisted of Margaret of Austria's immediate family: her father, Emperor Maximilian, her mother, Mary of Burgundy, Maximilian's second wife, Bianca Maria Sforza, as well as Philip the Handsome and Joanna of Aragon-Castile.

The youngest generation of the Burgundian-Hapsburg family was particularly well, represented in both single and group portraits. Charles and Ferdinand were each depicted singly, reinforcing the line of succession. They also appeared in a number of group portraits with three of their sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. In 1516, all but Isabella were eligible for marriage, and negotiations were taking place concerning their future. A good example of the use of children's portraits in marriage negotiations is the diptych of Margaret of Austria and her brother Philip as minors, which was kept in the library in 1516 [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 19 OMITTED].(130) This double panel had figured in the discussions concerning the union between the house of Aragon-Castile and Margaret's family.(131)

A close analysis of the inventories of 1516 and 1523-24 reveals that very few of the images listed in the earlier document were still to be found in the library in 1523-24.(132) Many of the portraits had been transferred to other parts of the palace; the Premiere Chambre,(133) the Seconde Chambre,(134) and the adjoining Petit Cabinet.(135) Some were no longer in the collection. This suggests that a major reconstruction of her portrait collection was undertaken by Margaret of Austria in the intervening period. The nucleus of the idea for a portrait gallery appears to have originated in the library, only to reemerge in a stronger and more sophisticated form in the Premiere Chambre in 1523. Eventhough Margaret of Austria still kept numerous portraits in her library at that date, the selection criteria had changed.

The Antagonists

In 1523-24, the most significant difference between the Premiere Chambre and the library was the representation in the latter of the French royal family, pictures of whom were conspicuously absent from Margaret's official portrait gallery. Portraits of King Louis XII and his daughter Claude, queen of France, were included in the library display around the fireplace.(136) The French had for a long time been the main political enemies of the Hapsburgs and were generally seen as the biggest threat in their fight for supremacy in Europe.(137) Their absence from Margaret's portrait gallery in the Premiere Chambre must have been noteworthy, as they were the only leading royal family excluded from it. Margaret's interest in collecting portraits of her political opponents was not limited to the French, as is indicated by the presence of another painting in the library, a portrait of the so-called "Grant-Turc," Suleiman the Magnificent, who fought successfully against King Louis of Hungary in 1521 and 1526.(138) The inventory descriptions are too brief to allow identification with an existing work, but a woodcut by Erhard Schon [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 20 OMITTED], which shows a near-contemporary representation of Suleiman, indicates the general interest taken at the time in the physical appearance of the "Turkish Emperor."(139)

In addition to the two portraits of the French king and queen, Margaret accumulated in her library a wealth of material on the French and all matters concerning the French court. She owned, for instance, La Genealogie de tous les Roys de France,(140) as well as a book about "Madame Claude, royenne de France, en la cite de paris."(141) Books entitled Les Louemges du roy Loys XIIe de ce nom,(142) L'entree du roy Lois a Paris,(143) or Le trespas et service de la Royenne de France clearly demonstrate that Margaret was eager to be informed about her adversaries.(144) The manuscript chronicling the life of "Madame Claude," the reigning French queen, was part of a small collection of books kept in her study while the inventory was being compiled, which suggests that she was reading it at the time.(145) After the Battle of Pavia in 1525, Margaret added a painting of it [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 21 OMITTED] to the library display.(146) This scene commemorated the engagement in which the imperial troops defeated the French forces and captured Louis XII.

Genealogies and Portraiture

In addition to the French genealogy already mentioned, Margaret possessed test other genealogies. These featured the respective lineages of the house of Burgundy, the house of Savoy, the English royal family, and the emperors, as well as the succession of the popes; there was also a volume entitled Une aultre genealogie de Nre Sgr, ou le roy David est painct de chief.(147) These genealogies are listed separately from the books, possibly because of their different format; genealogies were often presented in the form of scrolls or illustrated charts.(148) Succession to the throne as well as hereditary claims to particular territories frequently constituted the origin of major disputes, so it was vital for the leading families to keep detailed records of their genealogies in order to clarify the often complex relationships between them. Issues of kinship and family relations were of central concern to Margaret of Austria, as can be seen from a genealogy which was added to her collection after 1527. The content of the so-called Genealogie abregee de Charles V is summarized on the title page:

the Royal and very ancient lineage of his sacred, imperial, and Catholic Majesty Charles V, King of Spain, etc., of the very honorable Prince Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, and of the illustrious lady Madam Margaret, their aunt, Archduchess of Austria, duchess of Burgundy, of Brabant, etc. and all the other archdukes and dukes of Austria, and counts of Hapsburg, their ancestors for some two thousand years, listed by name and in the order described, divided into three books.(149)

This manuscript, which was written by Jean Franco, the secretary of Charles V, was dedicated to Margaret of Austria,(150) and her coat of arms appears prominently on folio 1v. It not only contained detailed descriptions of Margaret's lineage, but also illustrated important ancestors through twenty-seven richly decorated portrait medallions; Margaret of Austria is the only woman included among them [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 22 OMITTED].(151)

Margaret's strong interest in portraiture and genealogies was part of a pattern of patronage at both the Burgundian and Hapsburg courts which manifested itself in the commissioning of illustrated family trees, genealogies, and heraldic displays. Her activities in this area complement many of the commissions generated by Maximilian and Charles V and need to be seen in this wider context.

One of the genealogies of Charles V, illustrating the paternal family tree, consisted of four scroll-like pieces of parchment filled with portrait medallions, heraldic shields, and long passages of text, which had been mounted onto a wooden triptych.(152) To judge from both its unusual format and size, it appears to have been constructed specifically for display in his palace at Brussels. The triptych presented the lineage of the imperial family in a kind of portrait gallery en miniature [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 23 OMITTED].(153) The political implications of genealogies and portrait displays have long been recognized. Woodall, for example, comments:

Family genealogies and. . . . iconographic traditions in portraiture were thus no mere aristocratic foibles, but crucial elements of an ideology which proposed that wealth, social privilege, physical superiority and political power were the natural and inseparable consequences of illustrious ancestry. This was a society based on precedent, in which inherited status was synonymous with inherent superiority.(154)

The Triumphal Arch of Emperor Maximilian was one of the most ambitious projects undertaken to further the cause of the Hapsburg family. This enormous composite woodcut, which recorded in printed form Maximilian's ancestry, his territories, deeds, and political accomplishments, was devised by the emperor himself with the help of his court historian, Johannes Stabius. The artistic realization of the Arch was delegated to Albrecht Durer and his workshop and was completed by 1517.

A close look at the section on genealogies in Margaret of Austria's library reveals that she, possessed a copy of the Triumphal Arch. The entry reads as follows: "Item, another large genealogy, called Gate of Honor, on paper, given by the late emperor Maximilian to Madame, being in a large leather case."(155) Not only did the regent of the Netherlands receive one of these sets of prints from her father, but, more important, she also corresponded with him about a painted "porte d'honneur" between 1516 and 1518.(156) In his letter of January 18, 1516, Maximilian asked his daughter for her advice, inviting her to correct and comment on the version he had sent her earlier, revealing Margaret's role in this major printing project, undertaken to increase the honor of the Burgundian-Hapsburg family.(157) The Triumphal Arch was produced by Maximilian as a piece of imperial propaganda for distribution among members of the family and important political allies.

While the Triumphal Arch of Maximilian represents a far more complex program than the concept behind Margaret of Austria's portrait gallery, there were similarities between the two projects.(158) The central axis of the Arch contains a detailed representation of Maximilian's closest family and his Hapsburg ancestry ([ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 24 OMITTED]). The upper half of the family tree is occupied by key members of the ruling dynasty: Maximilian himself; his first wife, Mary of Burgundy; their daughter, Margaret of Austria; their son Philip the Handsome and his wife, Joanna of Aragon-Castile, as well as the six children of Philip and Joanna. Throughout the program the importance of the Burgundian inheritance is stressed. The marriage between Maximilian and the heir of the Burgundian territories, Mary of Burgundy, is depicted in a separate scene as one of the cornerstones of the growing empire.

Maximilian's use of Burgundian iconography has already been mentioned as an important feature of his portrait in the Premiere Chambre. Prominently displayed throughout the Triumphal Arch are the chains of the Burgundian order of the Golden Fleece and the Spanish order of the Lily Pot,(159) in order to demonstrate the incorporation of these ruling houses into the Hapsburg dynasty.(160) Individual historical scenes have been carefully chosen to illustrate the emperor's political alliances in Europe, emphasizing the English as his major allies,(161) and the French as his adversaries.(162) The meeting between Emperor Maximilian and King Henry VIII on the field of the Battle of the Spurs commemorates their joint victory over the French in 1513 and is located in a prominent position to the right of the main portal.(163) The future of the dynasty and the line of succession are also stressed in various parts of the Triumphal Arch. References are made, for instance, to the most recent marriage arrangements undertaken on behalf of two of Maximilian's grandchildren, Ferdinand and Mary.

Although the iconographic program of the arch was directed toward a celebration of Maximilian's princely magnificence, the main political statements were in harmony with Margaret's program for her portrait gallery in Mechelen. Both schemes stressed the political significance of the family based on a strong network of blood relations and political allies.

As regent of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria played a crucial political role in the Hapsburg empire and was fully aware of the importance of the Burgundian territories. During her time in Mechelen, she created and shaped a tightly structured portrait display intended to demonstrate not only the importance of her own family, but also the network of alliances formed throughout Europe. The strength of her portrait gallery lies in the clarity and consistency of its program, which promotes the cause of Emperor Maximilian and Emperor Charles V, while also justifying her own right to govern. Margaret of Austria's portrait gallery and Maximilian's Triumphal Arch both aspired to the same goal, a goal expressed by Maximilian in a letter he wrote to his daughter. He stressed the importance of the Arch to the family, "so that in perpetuity it will live on for our and your perpetual glory."(164)

1. This paper is part of a more comprehensive study of the art collection of Margaret of Austria in Mechelen undertaken by Dagmar Eichberger. We are grateful to the Australian Research Council for supporting this long-term research project. For their helpful comments and their assistance in tracing material we would like to thank Eric Duverger, Markus Horsch, Larry Silver, Hugh Tait, and Dora Thornton. Our warm thanks to Lisa Zerbe for her assistance in preparing this paper. Translations are ours unless otherwise indicated.

2. See Bruchet; De Boom; J. Baux, Histoire de l'eglise de Brou, 2nd ed, Bourg-en-Bresse, 1862; and G. Konigsberger, "Erzherzogin Margarethe in politischen Dienst ihres Vaters Kaiser Maximilian 1, von 1506-1515," Ph.D. diss, University of Graz, 1980. While these studies comment in some detail on Margaret's involvement in the arts and discuss individual works from her collection, their aim is not an exhaustive analysis of her collection at Mechelen but a chronological account of her life and political achievements. The most important scholar in the field is without doubt Jozef Duverger, who has published extensively on individual artists attached to the court of Margaret of Austria. Unfortunately, it has not proved possible to refer directly to his doctoral thesis "Margareta van Oostenrijk en de kunstenaar," University of Ghent, 1930. For a complete list of Duverger's various articles and notes, see both Miscellanea Jozef Duverger: Bijdragen tot de Kunstgeschiedenis der Nederlanden, Ghent, 1968, I, 13-23; and Artes Textiles, x, 1981, 13-17. We would like to thank Duverger's son, Eric Duverger, for his generosity and his kind support in our search for some of the material published by his father.

3. The portraits in the more private areas of her palace, the bedroom and study, are being dealt with in a separate article by Dagmar Eichberger.

4. In 1523, her official title was "Archiducesse d'Autriche et de Bourgoigne, ducesse de Savoye, contesse de Bourgoigne, de Charrolais, de Romont, de Baugey, de Villars, dame de Salins, de Malines, de Chastelchinon, de Noyer, de Chaulcins, de la Parriere, des pays de Bresse, de Vaulx, de Faucigny" (Lille, Archive du Nord, B 2312, no. 81524; Bruchet, 57, n. 1).

5. See M. Horsch, Architektur unter Margarethe von Osterreich, Regentin der Niederlande (1507-1530), Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academic voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, Klasse der Schone Kunsten, jaarg. 56, no. 58, Brussels, 1994.

6. See De Boom, 117-34; J. Strelka, Der Renaissancehof Margarethes von Osterreich und seine literarhistorische Bedeutung, Vienna, 1957; Margareta van Oostenrijk en haar Hof, exh. cat., Stedelijk Museum Hof van Busleyden, Mechelen, 1958; G. Moens-Haenen, ed., "Muziek aan het hof van Margaretha van Oostenrijk," Jaarboek van bet vlaamse Centrum voor oude muziek, III, 1987, 1-119; and K. Pomian, Der Ursprung des Museums: Vom Sammeln, Berlin, 1993.

7. Debae, XVI.

8. See G. Delmarcel, Golden Weavings: Flemish Tapestries of the Spanish Crown, exh. cat., Amsterdam, Nieuwe Kerk, Mechelen, 1993; and idem, "De passietapijten van Margareta van Ostenrijk (ca. 1518-1524)," Revue Belge d'Archeologie et d'Histoire de l'Art, LXI, 1992, 127-60. See also D. Eichberger, "Burgundian Tapestries - Art for Export and for Pleasure," Australian Journal of Art, x, 1992, 23-44.

9. In the North the notion of a museum as a separate entity within the palace emerged only in the second half of the 16th century, as, e.g., with Ferdinand II's collection at Schloss Ambras and the collection of Albrecht V in Munich; see O. Impey and A. MacGregor, The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth-Century Europe, Oxford, 1985, 78-81.

10. Her group of mythological paintings was very small, and one of the most important images, Jan Gossaert's Metamorphosis of the Hermaphrodite, was given to her by Philip of Burgundy; see Michelant, 110.

11. Margaret's possessions were dispersed after her death in 1530 and only a small number of portraits from the former collection in Mechelen still exist. Most of the portraits were inherited by her niece. Mary of Hungary, but few of them can be traced much further than the third quarter of the 16th century. We have utilized those that have survived, and refer, in some cases, to copies or versions of lost originals.

12. The portraits by Vermeyen were commissioned in May 1530; they arrived after Margaret's death and were subsequently added to the inventory of 1523-24 by one of the keepers.

13. G. Denhaene, "Les Collections de Philippe de Cleves, le gout pour la nu et la Renaissance aux Pay-Bas," Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome, no. 45, 1975, 311.

14. Portraits of the French king Charles VIII, Isabella of Bourbon, and, strangely enough, Mary of Burgundy all fail to reappear in the later inventory; Le Glay, 482.

15. Duverger (1971, 115, n. 34) attributes this to the fact that the inventory of 1516 was made under the direct supervision of Margaret of Austria. He refers to Finot, 209: "Inventoire des painctures fait a Malines le XVII juillet XVc XVI en presence de Madame, monseigneur le conte de Montrevel et Monseigneur de Montbaillion."

16. Le Glay, 481.

17. Michelant, 68.

18. M. Sonkes, "Note sur des procedes de copie en usage chez les Primitifs Flamands," Bulletin du Patrimoine Artistique, XI, 1969, 142.

19. Her Nederlands Staatsieportret, exh. cat., The Hague, 1973, 18-19.

20. J. Woodall, "An Exemplary Consort: Antonius Mor's Portrait of Mary Tudor," Art History, XIV, no. 2, June 1991, 204.

21. Duverger, 1971, 114.

22. Ibid., 115. Duverger relates Mostaert's/painting to a similar portrait by Jan van Roome described as "ungvisaige de feu mon dict seigneur de Savoye sur ung tableau a l'uille aussi grand que le vif." The portrait by Mostaert has been identified with one in Toledo, Museo de Santo Cruz, on loan from the Prado; see M. J. Friedlander, Early Netherlandish Painting: X. Lucas van Leyden and Other Dutch Masters of HIS Time, Brussels, 1973, 12. This portrait [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE OMITTED] corresponds quite well to the description of a picture hanging in the Premiere Chambre: "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de feu Monsgr de Savoie, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy, et seon de satin gris, tenant une paire de gand en sa main senestre, le bors dud. tableau painct ny dore" (Michelant, 67). There was a similar portrait in the Seconde Chambre in which Philibert's dress is described as being more sumptuous: "Item, ung tableau de la pourtraiture de feu Mons(gr) de Savoie, mary de Madame, qui Dieu pardoint, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy, fourre de martre, prepoint de drap d'or et seon de satin brouchier, tenant une paire de gand en sa main" (Michelant, 83). De Boom (148, n. 2) correctly points out that this second description does not match up with the picture now in Toledo, but she does not refer to the entry for the Premiere Chambre. For the locations in the palace, see "The Palais de Savoie in Mechelen" below.

23. H. J. Horn, Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen: Painter of Charles V and His Conquest of Tunis, Dornspijk, 1989, I, 60, n. 49: "A maistre Jehan Vermay, la somme de lxxv livres vj solz que deue luy estoit pour, le xxve de may XVc trente, estre party de la ville de Malines et par l'expresse ordonnance de Madame alle a Ausbourg, en Allemaigne, devers lempereur et le roy d'Hongrie et la royne d'Hongrie, vers lesquelz madicte dame l'envoyoit pour tirer et pourtraire leur philozomie au plus pres du vif que possible luy seroit, ensemble les enffans dudict sieur roy, et luy appourter icelles pourtraitures pardeca, ce qu'il a fait."

24. H. Rupprich, Durer: Schrifilicher Nachlass, Berlin, 1956, I, 173: "Jch bin auch bey frau Margareth gewest und hab sic mein kayser sehen lassen vnd ir den schenken wollen. Aber do sic ein solchen missfall darinnen hett, do fuhret ich ihn wieder weg."

25. A. Wauters, "Bernard van Orley," in Biographie nationale de Belgique, XIV, Brussels, 1901, col. 265. Wauters refers to a payment for eight portraits that Margaret gave to friends, acquaintances, and influential courtiers. Among the seven known recipients we find Claude de Poligny, archdeacon of Poligny and member of the Conseil Prive; the countess of Hornes; the wife of her treasurer Jean de Marnix; Jean Ruffault, the treasurer of the emperor; the bailiff of Termonde; Madame Praet, nun at the convent at Galilee, Bruges; and an unknown gentleman from Bruges. In 1518-19 Margaret paid van Orley "XX philippus" for a portrait of herself, which she gave to Alonce d'Argueille from Spain; see F. Baudson, ed. Van Orley et les artistes de la cour de Marguerite d'Autriche, exh. cat., Musee de l'Ain, Brou, 1981, 16-17.

26. Now in the Queen's Collection at Windsor Castle; see L. Campbell, The Early Flemish Pictures in the Collection of Her Majesty the Queen, Cambridge, 1985, 105-7.

27. See Bouwen door de eeuwen been: Inventaris van her cultuurbezit in Belgie, Ghent, 1984, 262-69 (Architectuur/deel 9n: Stad Mechelen/Binnenstad). The most detailed study is still F. Steurs, Het Keizerhof en her Hof van Margareta van Oostenrijk te Mechelen, Mechelen, 1897. As to the errors in Steurs, see L. Devliegher, "Guyot de Beaugrant: Waarheid en Legende," Biekorf, no. 87, 1987, 389-92. On the Keldermans family of architects, see H. Janse and J. H. van Mosselverd, Keldermans: Een architectonisch netwerk in de Nederlanden, The Hague, 1987.

28. Opinions are divided as to whether the facade on Keizerstraat was actually finished before 1530 or not. See Devliegher (as in n. 27), 390.

29. The inventory of 1516 is much less specific with regard to the location of individual objects. This is partly due to the fragmentary nature of the inventory. It may also be a reflection of the temporary nature of the storage and display conditions which were bound to change after the completion of the construction work. References to two rooms are made as follows: "le petit cabinet de decus l'oratoyre" and "Les painctures estans en la librairye de Madame" (Finot, 208, 211). No location is given for the tapestries or the textiles (Finot, 215-19, 225-27).

30. Her move into the new quarters may have been the catalyst for undertaking this inventory, which seems to have superseded that of 1516 and was meticulously kept up to date by her two keepers, Richard Contault and Etienne Lullier.

31, K. de Jonge, "Der herzogliche Palast zu Brussel und die Entwicklung des hofischen Zeremoniells im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, "Jahrbuch des Zentralin-stitutes fur Kunstgeschichte, V-VI, 1989-90, 253-82. See also idem, "Het Paleis op de Coudenberg te Brussel in de vijftiende Eeuw: De verwenen hertoglijke Residenties in de zuidelijke Nederlanden in een nieuw Licht geplaatst," Revue Beige d'Archeologie et d'Histoire de l'Art, LIX, 1990, 5-38.

32. De Jonge, 1989-90 (as in n. 30), 260.

33. See D. Eichberger, "Devotional Objects in Book Format: Diptychs in the Art Collection of Margaret of Austria and Her Family," in Margaret Manion and Bernhard Muir, eds., Art, Worship and the Book (forthcoming).

34. The Riche Cabinet contained only two Chairs and a small table. It appears to have been a reception room and was decorated with fabric which was kept in some cupboards: "Tappisseries de draps de soie et aultres pieces servans auparement du riche cabinet, estans audits armaires" (Michelant, 73).

35. Apart from a large number of paintings distributed throughout the room, some pieces of furniture are mentioned. In addition to several smaller items of lesser importance, the inventory lists eight chests, several pieces of crystal, and two candlesticks.

36. "Premier, ung tableau de la prinse Nre Sgr, a VII personnaiges, le font dudit tableau gris" (Michelant, 66); this painting may have been The Arrest of Christ mentioned in the list of objects received by the prior of Brou in 1532. "Item, ung aultre tableau de Nre Dame ayant ung manteau rouge; es bors dudit tableau il a quatre A et quatre E" (ibid., 67); this was given to the countess of Meghem in July 1526.

37. "Item, ung aultre petit tableau d'une femme habillee a l'enticque, sa robbe rouge fouree d'armines, saincte d'une large couroie tissue verde" (ibid., 71). We cannot identify one sitter among the other twenty-nine, but she appears to have been known to the inventory takers: "Item, ung aultre tableau qui s'appelle l'Infante de Fortune a un hault bonnet rond, habille d'une robbenoire, sans manches et sans fante devant, le fond de marbre tirant sur pourpre" (ibid., 66).

38. The consistent nature of the imagery on display in the Premiere Chambre is even mentioned by Michelant, who states in a footnote: "Il est a remarquer que les tableaux de cette piece etaient pour la plupart portraits de famille; cette collection presente, a ce point de vue, un interet tout particulier" (ibid.).

39. The small paintings are all listed toward the end, and are portraits of the countess of Charny, Emperor Frederick III, Mary of England, and an unidentified woman; see ibid., 70-71.

40. See L. Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sixteenth Centuries, New Haven/London, 1990, 65.

41. Musee Conde, Chantlily, 15th-century copy after H. Memling. See M. Comblen-Sonkes, Les Musees de l'Institut de France, Brussels, 1988, 58-76.

42. For example, in 1404 Anthony of Burgundy, duke of Brabant, was supplied with a chain, hook, and reel "pour pendre les tableaulx de la portraiture dudit seigneur"; see Campbell (as in n. 40), 66 and 254, n. 120, quoting H. David, Philippe le Hardi: Le Train somptuaire d'un grand Valois, Dijon, 1947, 132.

43. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de feu Monsgr le duc Jehan de Bourgogne, a l'entour duquel sont six raboz dorez" (Michelant, 67).

44. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de feu Monsgr le duc Philippe, habille de noir et ung chapperon boureler sur sa teste, portant le colier de la Thoison d'or, ayant un rolet en sa main" (ibid., 68).

45. Twenty-five copies after a lost original by van der Weyden are listed in M. Comblen-Sonkes, Le Musee des Beaux-Arts de Dijon, Brussels, 1986, 225-27.

46. Roger van der Weyden, Duke Philip the Good, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. The order of the Golden Fleece was founded by Philip the Good in 1430, on the occasion of his marriage to Isabella of Portugal. The order was very exclusive in spirit; at the time of its foundation there were only twenty-four members, which increased shortly afterwards to thirty-one, including the duke as their sovereign. See H. Fillitz, Der Schatz vom Orden des Goldenen Vlies, Salzburg/Vienna, 1988, 5-9.

47. The two other likenesses of Philip the Good in Margaret's collection were both small ivory reliefs, which Margaret kept in her study; see Michelant, 92-93.

48. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de Monseigneur le duc Charles de Bourgogne, habille de noir, pourtant la Thoison d'or pendant a une chayne, et ung rolet en sa main dextre, ayant le chiefz nuz" (ibid., 67-68). A slightly different version in the Gemaldegalerie in Berlin shows Charles holding a sword instead of a scroll.

49. Gemaldegalerie Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Katalog der ausgestellten Gemalde des 13.-18. Jahrhunderts, Berlin-Dahlem, 1975, 476, no. 545.

50. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de feue Madame Ysabeau de Portugal, habille d'une robbe de satin verd, double de damas cramoisy, sainte d'une large saincture blanche" (Michelant, 69).

51. See Finot, 210, n. 3. In addition, neither Margaret's grandmother Michele of France nor her foster-mother, Margaret of York, was represented in the Premiere Chambre.

52. DeBoom, 110-11.

53. "Item, ung aultre petit tableau de la portraiture du feu empereur Frederic, ayant une croix pendant au col, a VII parles, ayant aussi ung bonnet noir et long cheveux, le fond dudit tableaul d'asul." (Michelant, 70).

54. "Celle de l'Empereur trespasse" (ibid., 58). Perhaps it was this painting listed in the library in the inventory of 1516, and described as: "Aultre tableau plus grant de l'Empereur, habille en son accoustrement imperial" (Le Glay, 482).

55. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la pourtraicture de l'empereur Maximilien, tenant deux fleurs d'ulletz en sa main, habille de drapt d'or, pourtant la Thoison" (Michelant, 92; Petit Cabinet). "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de l'empereur Maximilien, pere de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille d'une robbe de drapt d'or, fouree de martre, a ung bonnet noir sur son chief, pourtant le colier de la Thoison d'or, tenant un rolet en sa main dextre" (Michelant, 68; Premiere Chambre).

56. Only three years later, she culled her collection and gave this painting to her illegitimate sister (Zimerman, el, n. 76).

57. See G. Heinz and K. Schutz, eds., Portratgalerie der Geschichte Osterreichs von 1400 bis 1800: Katalog der Gemaldegalerie, Vienna, 1976, 140. See also J. O. Hand, "Joos Van Cleve: The Early and Mature Paintings", Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1978, 58-59.

58. Hand (as in n. 57), 58.

59. The fact that Margaret gave the picture to her illegitimate sister in 1527 (see n. 56) further suggests that it was no longer required for the purpose which Maximilian may have had in mind. The more formal portrait with the scroll was obviously considered to be the appropriate one for the portrait gallery.

60. M. J. Friedlander, Early Netherlandish Painting: IX. Joos van Cleve, Jan Provost, Joachim Patinier, Leyden/Brussels, 1973, 347. Copies of Cleve's portrait of Maximilian holding a scroll exist in the Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED], the Prado, Madrid, and the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. In addition to the portrait of Maximilian holding two carnations in the Kunsthis torisches Museum, Vienna [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE OMITTED], there is a version in the Music Jacquemart-Andre, Paris, which shows him with one carnation only. See Hand (as in n. 57), 55-57.

61. Contemporary German portraits such as those by Maximilian's court painter Bernard Striegel often include a representation of the imperial eagle, the scepter and the crown. See E. Egg et al., Ausstellung Maximilian I, Innsbruck, exh. cat., Innsbruck, 1969, nos. 547-49.

62. See D. Thoss, Flamische Buchmalerei: Handschrifi-enschatze aus dem Burgunderreich, exh. cat., Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, 1987, 95. See also the facsimile with commentary by H. Gerstinger,. Das Statutenbuch des Ordens yore Goldenen Vlies (O.N. Hs. 2606), Vienna, 1934.

63. Gerstinger (as in n. 62), 45.

64. Only the portrait of Philip the Handsome cannot be so closely linked to his image in the statute book.

65. Gerstinger (as in n. 62), 48-53.

66. The giving of illuminated books to family members was a widespread practice at the Burgundian and imperial courts. Maximilian gave a choir book to his daughter Margaret and she commissioned a psalter for Charles V: "idem, de l'archiduchesse Marguerite prescrivant au garde-joyaux Diereck de Heetvelde, de delivrer a son neveu: 'un psaultier'" (J. Finot, "Mandement de l'archiduc Philippe le Beau reconnaisant avoir recu de Wouters de Huesden, son garde-joyaux," B.3510, July 10, 1507, Inventaire sommaire des archives departmentales du Nord, anterieures a 1790, Lille, 1895, B, VIII, 222).

67. His adoption of Burgundian symbols and devices is also apparent in the Triumphal Arch, which displays the chain of the order of the Golden Fleece and the cross of Saint Andrew in prominent places. The steel and flint stone and the Saint Andrew's cross also appear repeatedly on the banners of the imperial army; see below for further information on the Triumphal Arch.

68. Initially Maximilian was not accepted by all knights of the order as sovereign in lieu of his son, who was too young to fulfil his duties as head of the order; see Gerstinger (as in n. 62), 22. In the text accompanying Maximilian's portrait his role as legitimate sovereign of the order is made perfectly clear: (fol. 77) "la XXIe feste dudit ordre de la thoison dor fut tenue en la dite ville de Bruges en la dessusdite eglise de saint sauveur le premier jour de may. lan mille IIIIc XXVIII par ledit tresexcellent et trespuissant prince Monsr Maximilian archi duc daustrice Et duc de lothrie de brabant de luxembourg etc. bail et mary de madicte dame marie fille et heretiere dudit feu duc Charles apres quil avoit le Jour precedent emprins ledit ordre et receu le colier pour en estre le chief et sovereign ou lieu dicellui (fol. 77v) feu duc Charles son beaupere comme dit estcy devant."

69. The children lived in the old palace of Margaret of York, the so-called Keizerhof (court of the emperor), from about 1497 onward; see Steurs (as in n. 27), 1-24.

70. Portraits of Charles V have been discussed earlier. The others are described as follows: Eleanor, then wife of Emmanuel, king of Portugal: "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de Madame Lionard, royenne de Portugal, habille d'une robbe de drapt d'or, les manches daringne, ayant ung carquant au col et une enseigne devant sa poitrine, sus cramoisy" (Michelant, 69); Mary, then queen of Hungary: "Item, ung aultre portrait de la portraiture de Madame Marie, royenne d'Ongrie, habillee d'une robbe de drapt d'or, bigarre de velour noir a losaignes, a ung colier au col et une bague y pendant a trois parles, a ung bonnet richement painct sur son chief" (ibid., 70); and Ferdinand: "Item, ung aultre de la portraiture de Monsgr l'archduc Don Fernande, habille d'une robbe de drapt d'or, fouree de martres et ung prepoint de satin cramoisy, a une chaine d'or au col, y pendant la Thoison" (ibid., 69).

71. "Aultre tableau fait apres le roy de Dannemarque tenant une lettre en sa main, ayant une chemise a hault collet, pourtant la Thoison d'or pendant a ung courdon de sole, le fond vert" (ibid., 66).

72. The inventory description matches this image from the Music de Brou, Bourg-en-Bresse, fairly closely: "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de l'empereur moderne, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy, fouree de martres, les manches coppees de deux boutons et ung prepoint de drapt d'or, pourtant le colier de la Thoison d'or" (ibid., 69). See Baudson (as in n. 25), 14-15, who mentions at least four replicas by van Orley of this portrait.

73. Reyas y mecenas : Los Reyes Catolicos, Maximiliano I y los inicios de la Casa de Austria en Espana, exh. cat., Museo de Santa Cruz, Toledo, 1992, 502-3. Margaret of Austria arrived in Spain on Mar. 8, 1497, and the wedding between her and John of Castile took place on Apr. 3. For details of this period, see N. Rubin, Isabella of Castile, New York, 1991, 360-61. On Oct. 6, 1497, Prince John died, but Margaret of Austria remained at the Spanish court until 1499 before returning to the Netherlands. During this time she received a large number of gifts, mostly tapestries and gold jewelery, from Ferdinand and Isabella. For a list of these gifts, see R. Beer, "Acten, Regesten und Inventare aus dem Archivo General in Simancas, Reg. 8347," Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, XII, 1891, CX-CXXIII.

74. The political nature of such arrangements is reflected in the letter written by Isabella and Ferdinand to their ambassador before the marriage, stating that "their intention to marry one of their daughters to a son of Maximilian and another to a son of Henry will be the best security that a treaty between Henry [VII] and Maximilian will be fulfilled"; see Rubin (as in n. 73), 349.

75. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture du feu roy Don Fernande, roy d'Aragon, ayant une chayne d'or a son col, Y pendant une croix" (Michelant, 67); "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture du feu roy d'Aragon, semblable a la precedente, reserve qu'il n'y a point de croix pendant a sa chayne" (ibid., 68). The first of these two portraits was given to the count of Hoogstraten in 1526; see Zimerman, XCIV, n. 3.

76. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de la feue royenne d'Espaigne, Done Ysabel, que dieu pardoint, a ung colier d'emeraudes, parles et aultres pierres precieuses, et une bague du coustel de son chief, a une parley pendant" (Michelant, 68).

77. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de l'aisnee fille du feu roy d'Arragon, qu'il fust marie en Portugal, habille de noir et d'ung couvrechief a la mode d'Espaigne en maniere de deul" (ibid., 70).

78. "Item, ung aultre tableau bien fait apres la royenne d'Angleterre, a nuz chief, ayant une robbe de velours cromoisy, une chaine d'or au col, y pendant une baguette" (ibid., 67).

79. "Item, ung aultre petit tableau de Nre Dame d'ung costel et de sainct Jehan l'Evangeliste et de saincte Marguerite, tirez apres le vif du feu prince d'Espaigne, mary de Madame, aussy apres le vif de Mad. Dame" (ibid., 93).

80. The fact that she was not represented in the Premiere Chambre is quite puzzling, since she was the mother of Emperor Charles V. Her mentalillness, which made it impossible for her to fulfil her normal duties, may be the explanation.

81. R. Lightbown, Medieval European Jewellery, London, 1990, 263.

82. The link between the two houses is also emphasised in the Triumphal Arch of Emperor Maximilian. One of the scenes depicts the meeting between Maximilian and Henry VII; see C. Dodgson, Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts in the British Museum, I, London, 1903, 324-25.

83. Fillitz (as in n. 46), 5-9.

84. Ibid., 9.

85. "A Pierre de Coninxloo, pointre demourant a Bruxelles, la somme de XII livres, pour un tableau fait a la pourtraicture de Madame de Savoye, que le roi a fait prendre et acheter de lui, icellui envoye par Thoison d'or, au roy d'Angleterre" (Registre no. 191 de la chambre des comptes, Archives du Nord, Lille. et collection des Acquets des Comptes de la recette generale des finances, aux Archives du royaume), see A. J. wauters, "Marguerite d'Autriche, Gouvernante des Pays-Bas, et Pierre van Coninxloo, Bruxellois," Bruxelles, Bulletin des Musees Royaux de Cinquantenaire, XIII, 1914, 7.

86. The portrait of Henry VII in the National Portrait Gallery, London [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 13 OMITTED], is generally regarded as the panel listed in Margaret of Austria's inventory; see J. Triszna, Michel Sittow, peintre revelais de l'ecole brugeoise (1468-1525/6), Brussels, 1976, 36. According to Trizna, Michiel Sittow may have been in England in 1503-5, possibly sent by Isabella of Castile to paint a portrait of her daughter Catherine of Aragon. Certainly, after 1502 Sittow no longer appears in Spanish court accounts. Trizna (36-37) believes that the portrait was commissioned by Hermann Rinck, envoy of Maximilian I. It is also possible that Henry VII commissioned the painting himself. It is dated Oct. 29, 1505.

87. This can only have been Mary, as Elizabeth was not yet born. "Item, ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de la fille du roy Henry d'Aingleterre moderne, habille de velours noir et une cotte de toile d'or, tenant un papegay sur sa main senestre" (Michelant, 66).

88. In all probability this was Mary, the sister of Henry VIII.

89. This projected stay is discussed by Margaret and Maximilian in their correspondence; see Le Glay, 240, esp. letters 165 and 181 where Maximilian discusses the need for a "chevalier d'honneur" for "dame Marie d'Angleterre, a sa venue par deca.,"

90. In 1510 Margaret commissioned the sculptor Pietro Torrigiani to restore it; see Lowenthal, doc. 1, 144.

91. See G. W. O. Woodward, King Henry VIII, Ditchling, 1993, 9.

92. See O. Millar, The Tudors, London, 1977, 17. The relevant inventories date from 1542 and 1547.

93. In this context it is interesting to note that there was no portrait of the regent herself in this particular room.

94. See Fig. 12 and n. 72. The second portrait of Charles V is described as follows: "Item, ung aultre tableau de l'empereur moderne, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy, double de satin noir, a ung seon de drapt d'or et ung prepoint de velours gris, pourtant le colier de la Thoison" (Michelant, 70).

95. See L. Silver, "Power of the Press: Durer's Arch of Honour," in I. Zdanowicz, ed., Albrecht Durer in the Collection of the National Gallery of Victoria, exh. cat., Melbourne, 1994, 45-62. Henry VIII also promoted his alliance with the Burgundian Hapsburgs. He owned a painting, The Meeting with Maximilian I, commemorating their joint campaign against France in 1513.

96. The two unnamed portraits are described in n. 37 above.

97. This seems to be the case with the pictures of John the Fearless (d. 1419), Philip the Good (d. 1467), and Charles the Bold (d. 1477), Which appear to represent older portrait types. Also included in this group were Wenceslas, duke of Brabant (d. 1383), Margaret's grandfather Emperor Frederick III (d. 1493), and Isabella of Portugal, her great-grandmother (d. 1471).

98. "Monseigneur, j'ay par le porteur receu les tableaux des portraictures qu'il vous a pleu m'envoier: assavoir le vostre et celle de feue l'empererix ma grant mere" (Le Glay, letter no. 471, 112).

99. "... pour ses paines et sallaires d'avoir, par ordonnance de Madame, contrefait en painture, en quatre tableaux, les personaiges de Monseigneur et Mesdames ses soeurs" (Wauters [as in n. 85], 9). At this time four of the six children lived in the Netherlands and it was probably these who were portrayed: Eleonor (b. 1498), Charles (b. 1500), Isabella (b. 1501), and Mary (b. 1505). This painting does not correspond with any group portrait of children in Margaret's collection, so it is likely to have been used as a gift or for diplomatic purposes.

100. Horn (as in n. 23), 7-9.

101. Ibid., 61, n. 52. Two of these portraits, those of Erard de la Marck, were diptychs with corresponding panels of the Virgin.

102. Unfortunately, as she died before Vermeyen returned, we cannot be sure about the location she had in mind for these paintings, which were subsequently added in different sections of the inventory of 1523-24.

103. These may be identical with the following descriptions in the inventory: "Item, ung tableau de I'empereur moderne," (Michelant, 97); and "Plus, receu a Bruxelles par les mains de Symonet, varlet de chambre de l'empereur, les parties de peintures qui s'ensuyvent. Premier la pourtraicture de l'empereur moderne, Charles Vme, de ce nom, tiree apres le vif et faict par compas sur toille, fort bonne" (ibid., 116).

104. This was probably the painting described in the following entry: "Item, ung tableau de l'imperatrice" (ibid., 97).

105. "Item, autre du prince de Dannemarck"; and "Deux de Mesdames ses seurs" (ibid., 97).

106. "Ung double tableau ou sont pourtraitz les quatre enffans du roi d'Ongrie" (ibid., 97); "Ung tableau double de cyprez deans lequel sont pourtraitz les premiers filz et fille du roy des Romains"; and "Aultre semblable tableau ou sont aussi pourtraiz les seconds filz et fille dudit Sgr roy des Romains" (ibid., 116).

107. "Pour l'estoffe, couleurs et bois de trois tableaux faicts a la figure de la fille bastarde de l'empereur, lesquels ma dite dame a envoye, assavoir: ung au pape, ung a l'empereur, et l'autre ell l'a retenu et mis en son cabinet" (Horn [as n. 23], 61, n. 52).

108. Debae, XXII; see also idem, "La Bibliotheque de Marguerite d'Autriche, duchesse de Savoie," in A. Paravicini Bagliani, ed., Les Manuscrits enlumines des comtes et ducs de Savoie, Turin, 1990, 147-70.

109. The naked man with a dog appears to have been an image of Hercules: "Item, ung petit homme nuz, taille en bois, qu'il tien ung chien en l'une de ses mains, et ung groz baston en l'autre" (Miche-lant, 58).

110. This collection comprised more than fifty pieces: "Accoustrement de plumes venuz des Indes, presentees de part l'empereur a Madame, a Bruxelles, le XX jour d'aoust, XV XXII, et aussi de part Monsr. de La Chaulx, le tout estant en ladite Librairie" (ibid., 61). See also P. Vandenbroek, "Amerindiaanse Kunst en Siervoorverpen in Adelijke Verzamelingen: Brussels, Mechelen; Duurstede," in America - Bruid van de zon, exh. cat., Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp, 1992, 99-119.

111. One of these was of the sculptor Conrad Meit, who was responsible for creating at least two of the other sculptures in this group.

112. "Premier, la representation de feu Monsr de Savoie, que Dieu pardoint, fete de mabre blanc, de la main de Me Conrat"; and "La representacion de Madame, fete de mesme main et mabre que la precedente" (Michelant, 58). See also Duverger, 1934, 44-46. The two marble busts no longer exist, but two extant small wooden busts by Melt may resemble this pair [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 16 and 18 OMITTED]. In 1523-24 these wooden busts were kept in the Petit Cabinet (Michelant, 94).

113. "Also sahe ich viel ander kostiches dings, ein kostlich libereg" (Rupprich [as in n. 24], 173).

114. It is known that Erasmus studied books in Margaret of Austria's library, notably the Codex Aureus. See Debae, XVI; and Erasmus en zijn tijd, exh. cat., Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam, 1969, 1, cat. no. 223, n. p.

115. Duverger, 1934, doc. no. IX, 71; and Lowenthal, doc. 12, 150.

116. The Italian quote reads: "Lli te Mechelen se vedde la casa di madamma Margarita, quale e molto bella et assai in ordine, benche non di molta vista, dove e una libraria per donne assai ornata et riccha .... Et vi sono de belle tavole et altre picture de diverse et tucte bone mane. Et di marmore vi sono le teste del duca di Savoya di fe. me. suo marito, che mostra essere stato bellissimo giovene como dicono che era, et de sua S. illma quando era jovenecta con molto artificio facte et secondo la relatione naturalissime."

117. See Duverger, 1934, 44-46; and Lowenthal, doc. 5, 147, which quotes from a letter of ca. 1512 in which Margaret writes of her desire to have Philibert portrayed in stone. See also Lowenthal, doc. 13, 150, and doc. 37, 161.

118. These consist of a pair [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 16, 18 OMITTED] in the British Museum, London, and discrete busts of Philibert of Savoy [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 15 OMITTED] and Margaret [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 17 OMITTED] in the Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Skulpturensammlung), Berlin, and the Bayrisches Nationalmuseum, Munich, respectively.

119. F. Mathey, Brou, La Guerche-de-Bretagne, 1986, 14.

120. The latter option Vives mentions disdainfully as the last resort for women who could not bear to remain single. See A very fruteful and pleasant Booke called the Instruction of a christen woman, made first in latyne, by the right famous clerke mayster Lewes Vives, and tourned into Englishe by Rycharde Hyrde, London, 1557, fol. Nn IIIIV.

121. "Item, ung tableau de la pourtraiture de feu Monsgr de Savoie, mary de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy, fouree de martre, prepoint de drapt d'or et seon brouchier, tenant une paire de gand en sa main" (Michelant, 83).

122. "Item, la pounraiture de feu Monsgr de Savoye, taille en bois, bien fete" (ibid., 94).

123. "Son harnas complet" (ibid., 58). A portrait of Duke Philibert in full armor can be found in the stained-glass windows of the church in which he was buried, St.-Nicolas in Brou, which was built according to Margaret of Austria's instructions; see Mathey (as in n. 119), 19.

124. See Bruchet, 91-142. By stressing her union with the head of the Savoy family, she may have attempted to justify the fact that she had taken the Savoy family jewels with her and kept them until her death in 1530. For information on the jewels, see ibid., 88-89.

125. These portraits are listed as follows: "Item, vingt tableaux des painctures estans a l'entour du manteau de la chemynee et ailleurs assavoir: La portraiture du roy d'Angleterre, celle de feu Monsgr de Savoie, celle du roy Loys de France, celle de l'Empereur trespasse, celle de la royenne de France, celle du roy de Dannemarque, celle de Grant-Turcq, celle d'ung vieux homme et une vielie femme, ung Sainct Francois, un personnaige en maniere d'ung docteur, la royenne d'Espaigne moderne, le roy Philippe, la portraiture dudit feu Monsr de Savoie, trois visaiges de gens d'eglise, dont l'ung est habille en cardinal, ung tableau de Nre Dame, ung petit tableau figure de certaine bataille ou il y a ung empereur sur ung cheval ousser, la ousse semee de fleur de liz sur azul et la portraiture de Mitelze" (Michelant, 58-59). The number of twenty panels given at the outset of this paragraph suggests that the picture listed as a portrait of "an old man and an old woman" was, in fact, a diptych and had been counted as two separate panels.

126. "Item, une teste de cerf avec sa ramure, estant au milieu du manteau de la chemynee, a ung cruxifis en chief" (ibid., 59). Margaret's payment order to Meit for several items mentions this head: "et une teste de cerf servant dessoubz la cheminee de notre librairie" (Lowenthal, doc. 14, 151).

127. Michelant, 59; whether these were hung on the walls or kept in chests is not specified in the original text.

128. The other section of the 1516 inventory in which a large number of portraits are listed comes under the heading "Inventoire des painctures fait a Malines" with no specific reference to the location in which the paintings were kept (Le Glay, 479).

129. "Premierement ung tableau de deux petitz josnes enffans qui se baisent l'ung l'autre" (Le Glay, 482).

130. "Ung petit double tableaul en l'ung des coustez duquel est le feu roy dom Philippe, et en l'autre est Madame ayant ung beguin en sa teste, du temps qu'ilz estoient petitz enffans" (Le Glay, 482); see also Finot, 211.

131. By 1523-24 this painting had been shifted to another part of the palace, the Seconde Chambre. In the later inventory it is described as follows: "Item, ung petit double tableau vieux ou la representation de feu le roy Dom Philippe et de Madame, du temps de leur mynorite et portraiture, habillez de drapt d'or" (Michelant, 86).

132. Portraits of Joanna of Aragon-Castile, Emperor Maximilian, and Philip the Handsome were in the library in 1523 as well as 1516, although it is not clear whether they were the same images; see ibid., 59.

133. The portraits of John of Burgundy and Duke Philip the Good and one of the two of Emperor Frederick seem to have been moved to the Pre-miere Chambre; see ibid., 67-68.

134. The portrait of Philip the Handsome and Margaret of Austria as children (see n. 130) was moved from the library to the Seconde Chambre in 1523-24.

135. The portrait of the duke of Berry is clearly the same work that was in the library in 1516. In 1523 it is described as follows: "Item, ung aultre petit tableau carre, d'argent dore, le fond d'esmail rouge, a ung personnaige ayant le visage fait d'ung camehu, derrier lequel tableau est escript le duc de Berry" (Michelant, 93).

136. In 1523 the visual representation of the French royal family was rather scant throughout the palace. Neither Margaret's first fiance, Charles VIII, nor the reigning king, Francis I, was present.

137. In addition to these more general concerns, Margaret may have borne a personal grudge, as she had been repudiated as future queen of France in 1493. When her betrothed, the dauphin, later Charles VIII, renounced her in favor of a more useful match with Anne of Brittany, she was forced to leave the court in Amboise, where she had spent a major part of her youth in preparation for the role of French queen. In 1516 there was a portrait of Charles in the library but by 1523 it was no longer there; see Le Clay, 482.

138. "Ung petit tableaul de la pourtraicture du Grant-Turc" (Le Glay, 483). This portrait was still in the library in 1523-24; "celle du Grant-Turcq" (Michelant, 59). A portrait of Louis of Hungary was also kept in the palace: "Ung autre tableau de Paincture du roy d'Ongrie moderne, fait apres le vif, ayant en son chief ung bonnet noir a la mode de Flandre, a ung cranselin et une plume blanche dessus, habille d'une chemise, a au collet prepoint cramoisy et une robe noir avec la thoison pendant a son col, le fond bleu" (Zimerman, XCIX). For the identification of this portrait, see Maria van Hongarije, exh. cat., Rijksmuseum Het Catharijneconvent, Utrecht, Zwolle, 1993, no. 34, 52.

139. On the woodcut by Schon see Maria van Hongarije (as in n. 138), no. 61, 80. Karen Hearn has brought a slightly later portrait of a Turkish ruler to my attention: in 1549, the Antwerp painter Hans Epworth painted a portrait of an Ottoman dignitary identified by some as Suleiman the Magnificent, see G. Sievernich and H. Budde, eds., Europa und der Orient, 800-1900, exh. cat., Martin-Gropius-Bau, Berlin, Guthersloh, 1989, 739.

140. Michelant, 30.

141. Ibid., 92.

142. Ibid., 45.

143. Ibid., 51.

144. Ibid., 32.

145. Further evidence that Margaret saw the French as enemies and a major threat to the Burgundian Netherlands can be found throughout the correspondence between her and her father. A letter she wrote in 1513 states: "Monseigneur, entre le roy catholique et France il y a de grandes montaigues, et entre France et Angleterre est la met; mais entre ses pays et France il n'y a point de separation; et vous scaves la grande et inveteree inimitie que les Francois portent a ceste maison" (Le Glay, letter no. 555, 227).

146. "La bataille de Pavye" (Michelant, 65), clearly a later addition to the original inventory in a different hand; see fol. 53v. This appears to refer to the library, rather than being a random addition, as the entry immediately after it, also an addition, reads: "Un navyere pendante en ladite librairie" (ibid.).

147. Ibid., 60.

148. These genealogies are listed after the books, in the same section as the paintings and sculptures under the heading "Autres pieces estans en la librairie dont la declaracion s'ensuyt" (ibid., 59-60).

149. Debae, 156: "la Royale et tresanchienne lignee de la sacree imperiale et catholicque Majeste Charles cincquiesme, Roy des espaignes, etc., de tres illustre prince Ferdinant Roy de Boheme, et de la tres clere dame madame Marguerite, leur [t]ante Archi-ducz claustrice ducz de Bourgoigne de brabant etc., et de tous aultres archiducz, dues d'austrice. et contes de habsburg leurs progeniteur depuis environ deux mil arts encha par noms et ordre y escriptz, distingue en trois livres."

150. Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS fr. 5616, fols. 3r-4v. See also Debae, 160-64.

151. There were in all only five contemporary portraits: Emperor Maximilian (fol. 45r), Margaret of Austria (fol. 52r), Philip the Handsome (fol. 53r), Charles V (fol. 54r), and Ferdinand (fol. 62r).

152. Brussels, Bibl. Roy. Albert Ier MS 14569; see Maria van Hongarije (as in n. 138), 27.

153. Charles V was by no means the first ruler to employ genealogies for political ends. By displaying his family tree in public he presented to the viewer his justification for being in a position of power. Even in the 14th century, Emperor Charles IV of Bohemia had commissioned his court artists to decorate his palace in Karlstein with a painted genealogy. The popularity of such imagery has been discussed in more detail: Vorstenportretten uit de eerste helfi van de 16de eeuw: Houtsneden als propaganda, exh. cat., Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1972, 28-29; and Het Nederlands Staatsieportret (as in n. 19), 7-21.

154. Woodall (as in n. 20), 208.

155. "Item, une aultre genealogie grande, nommee Porte d'honneur, en papier, donnee par le feu empereur Maximilien a Madame, estant en une grant custode de cuyr" (Michelant, 60).

156. Le Glay, letter no. 634 of Jan. 18, 1516, 339-42, and letter no. 661 of Feb. 17, 1518, 374.

157. "Nous vous avons puis aucun temps envoye en painture la porte d'honneur que avons faite et conceute a celle fin que la corrigiez, augmentez ou diminuez de ce que vous sembleroit y estre bon, propice et duysable. Si vous requerons de rechief nous mander la correction et amendement que sur ce il vous semblera estre a faire, pour en aprez avoir eu iceluy vostre adviz, la faire mectre et rediger en belle et ample forme, telle que a perpetuite elle devra demourer pour nostre et vostre perpetuelle gloire" (Le Glay, letter no. 634 of Jan. 18, 1516, 341).

158. Apart from a detailed documentation of Maximilian's ancestors and important rulers of the past, additional emphasis is given to his political triumphs.

159. This order, also known as the order of the Griffin and the order of the Baldric, was founded in 1403 by Don Fernando of Castile; see Lightbown (as in n. 81), 261.

160. An even more detailed genealogy, this time in the form of an illuminated manuscript, was commissioned by Emperor Maximilian from Jacob Mennel in 1512 (Furstliche Chronik, genannt Kayser Maximilians Geburtsspiegel, Vienna, Ost. Nat. cod. Vind. 3075). Two of its six volumes stress the links between Maximilian's family and other ruling dynasties; see Maria van Hongarije (as in n. 138), no. 6, 26.

161. See Dodgson (as in n. 82), no. 21, 327.

162. See ibid., no. 11, 325; Maximilian invaded the Franche-Comte late in 1492 and by the peace of Senlis, May 23, recovered the greater part of Margaret's dowry - Artois, Charolais, and the Franche-Comte - for his son Philip.

163. A panel painting in the collection of Henry VIII illustrated exactly the same event in a more elaborate form and suggests that he too saw the propaganda value of this image. The composition of these two scenes is so similar that one must be modeled on the other; see O. Millar, The Queen's Pictures, London, 1977, 20.

164. See n. 150. Margaret's likeness and biography feature prominently in a family tree more than 26 ft. (8 m) long, which was produced for Charles V by Robert Peril in 1535. Here, the new emperor officially acknowledged Margaret's contribution to the administration of his vast realm by giving her a prominent role in his own woodcut genealogy. Her regency is described: "[Elle] fut Regente et Gouvernante des pays de pardeca pour l'Empereur son nepueu / Lesquelz elle gouverna sagement et resista aux ennymys par armes mettant en l'obeissance de la Maieste les pays de Frise / Dutrecht et Doultreyssel"; see Antwerp, Story of a Metropolis: Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century, exh. cat. (under the direction of Jan van der Stock), Hessenhuis, Antwerp, Ghent, 1993, 222-23.

Frequently Cited Sources

Bruchet, M., Marguerite d'Autriche, duchesse de Savoie, Lille, 1927.

Debae, M., La Librairie de Marguerite d'Autriche, exh. cat., Bibliotheque Royale Albert Ier, Brussels, 1987.

De Boom, G., Marguerite d'Autriche-Savoie et la Pre-Renaissance, Brussels, 1935.

Duverger, J., 1934, "Conrad Meyt," Academie Royale de Belgique, Classe des Beaux-Arts, Memoires, ser. II, 5.2, Brussels, 1-123.

-----. 1971, "Jan Mostaert, Ereschilder van Margareta van Oostenrijk," Aachener Kunstblatter, no. 41, 113-17.

Finot, J., "Fragment d'un inventaire de tableaux et d'objects d'art," Inventaire sommaire des archives departmentales du Nord, anterieures a 1790, Lille, 1895, ser. B, VIII, 208-12.

Le Glay, A., ed., Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien Ier et de Marguerite d'Autriche, sa fille, gouvernante des Pays-Bas de 1507 a 1519, publiee d'apres les manuscrits originaux, Paris, 1839, II.

Lowenthal, C., "Conrat Meit," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1976.

Michelant, H., "Inventaire des vaisselles, joyaux, tapisseries, peintures, manuscrits, etc. de Marguerite d'Autriche, regente et gouvernante des Pays-Bas, dresse en son palais de Malines, le 9 juillet 1523" [Paris, Bibl. Nat. Cinq Cents de Colbert 128], Academie Royale des Sciences des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Bulletin de la Commission royale d'histoire, ser. 3, XII, 1871, 33-75, 83-136.

Zimerman, H., "Inventoire des parties de meubles estans es cabinetz de Madame en sa ville de Malines" [Vienna, Habsburg-Lothringisches Familienarchiv, Familienurkunden no. 1174], Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhochsten Kaiserhauses III. 2, Vienna, 1885, XCIII-CXXIII.

Dagmar Eichberger received her Ph.D. from the University of Heidelberg. She has written on fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Netherlandish and German art and is currently preparing a book on the collection of Margaret of Austria. [Kunsthistorisches Institut der Universitat des Saarlandes, Fachr. 7.7, Postfach 151150, 66041 Saarbrucken, Germany].

Lisa Beaven received her M.A. from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. She is currently working on her doctorate, a study of seventeenth-century Italian art patronage in Rome and the collections of Cardinal dei Massimi and Queen Christina of Sweden [Department of Fine Arts and Cinema Studies, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria 3052, Australia].

COPYRIGHT 1995 College Art Association
COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale Group

联系我们|关于我们|网站声明
国家哲学社会科学文献中心版权所有