13th century AD

Anne Derbes

In the 1260s, Humbert of Romans, former master general of the Dominican order, wrote an instruction book, De predicatione crucis, for aspiring preachers of the crusades.(1) His manual includes several passages of interest to art historians. Chapter 16--"On examples of ancestors, which inspire war against the Saracens"--documents the power of images to inflame the crusading passions of a medieval audience. First, Humbert advises, preachers should cite the valiant deeds of earlier Christian warriors. This recommendation is no surprise; from the beginning, when Pope Urban II launched the First Crusade at Clermont in 1095, crusading churchmen had exhorted their listeners with tales of the heroic ancestors of the Franks, back to the ancient Israelites. Evoking Scripture, and especially the Old Testament, was a particularly useful strategy for preachers of the crusades. In citing these biblical predecessors, crusade proponents wrapped themselves in the mantle of sacred authority, and claimed divine sanction for their enterprise; in advocating this strategy, Humbert was drawing on a time-honored tradition.(2) Humbert next makes a most interesting suggestion: to prod men "promptly to wage this important war," he recommends that preachers should refer to works of art. He argues that examples of the illustrious deeds of their predecessors "are painted on the walls of the palaces of the nobles, where many knights are accustomed to gather"; preachers should note these paintings "to stir [the knights] to similar deeds." Similarly, he continues, "the deeds of the soldiers of Christ are painted in the church, and recalled in the Scriptures, and cited again by preachers to rouse the faithful."(3)

In advocating the use of images to spur crusading fervor, Humbert confirms an assumption that lies behind much recent scholarship concerning art and the crusades. Beginning in 1944 with the publication of Adolf Katzenellenbogen's article on the tympanum at Vezelay, a number of scholars have associated Romanesque and Gothic works--both painting and sculpture--with the crusades of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.(4) Some have discussed images that openly depict the crusades; others have addressed works that evoke crusading ideology less overtly, through metaphor.(5) Linda Seidel in particular has done much to clarify our understanding of the meanings embedded in Romanesque art, elucidating the crusading ideology of the facades of Aquitaine and the portico at Moissac.(6) More recently, Michael Camille has convincingly argued that contemporary anti-Muslim propaganda is often encoded in the recurring images of idols in Gothic art.(7) Examples of painting and sculpture like these--some explicitly representing the "deeds of the soldiers of Christ," others more subtly evoking crusading rhetoric--are presumably the sorts of images that Humbert was recommending to his readers. Though Humbert does not state that twelfth-century preachers of the crusades similarly invoked art to stir their listeners, his manual establishes an important link between crusading propaganda and visual culture in medieval Europe.

Logically, most of the images previously linked with holy warfare are found in France, birthplace of the crusades. But neither the crusading movement, nor the art that both helped to inspire it and was inspired by it, was confined to France. In the discussion that follows, I will argue that crusading rhetoric similarly informs a twelfth-century fresco cycle in Italy, specifically at the church of S. Maria in Cosmedin in Rome.

Calixtus II and S. Maria in Cosmedin

S. Maria in Cosmedin was consecrated in 1123 by Pope Calixtus II (1119-24).(8) Calixtus, the former Guy of Vienne, came from a family that was "ferociously committed" to holy warfare.(9) Three of his brothers played prominent roles in the Crusade of 1101, in which all died; a fourth brother, Raymond of Burgundy, took part in the Reconquista in Spain.(10) In the early 1120s the pope himself was preparing to launch a major crusade, a two-pronged attack against the forces of Islam in both Spain and the Levant. Though Calixtus's crusading efforts have received little notice, this massive undertaking was the most ambitious move against Islam since the First Crusade.(11)

In the same years that Calixtus was organizing his crusade, he singled out S. Maria in Cosmedin for special attention, associating it closely both with his family and with the Holy Land. In June 1120, not long after he arrived in Rome, Calixtus elevated six men to the cardinalate; among them was his nephew, Stephen of Berry, whose father had died in the Crusade of 1 101. Calixtus named Stephen cardinal deacon of S. Maria.(12) Calixtus also presented the church with relics of the Holy Sepulcher--the goal of all crusaders, and their battle cry, from the inception of the movement.(13) The frescoes in S. Maria further attest to the pope's preoccupation with the Levant: executed just at the time of Calixtus's crusade, they were carefully constructed to promote the ideology of holy warfare.

What remains of the frescoes in question is found in the upper register of the nave arcade; the two lower registers depicted New Testament scenes (see plan and elevation, Figs. 1, 2). All are dated by scholarly consensus to 1123, the year of the consecration of the church. The frescoes would have originally have been clearly visible to visitors to S. Maria and to members of the congregation; they are large enough to be seen even from the entrance of the church. Today, however, only vestiges of the originals can be discerned. Whitewashed in the mid-seventeenth century and uncovered in the late nineteenth during renovations, the frescoes are in such poor condition that they are almost illegible. Fortunately, Giovanni Giovenale, the architect presiding over the renovations, had the frescoes photographed and made line drawings from the photos.(14) The drawings show that the frescoes depicted scenes from the vision of Ezekiel on the north wall, opposite scenes of Daniel and the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar on the south wall.(15)

[ Figures 1 to 2 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

We are fairly well informed about the history of the church itself.(16) Its origins are early Christian; it began as a fourthcentury loggia, which was enclosed, probably in the sixth century, to create a church. The church, later greatly expanded by Hadrian I (772-95), was by the eighth century known also as S. Maria in Schola Graeca, the "ecclesia graecorum." The Schola Graeca, along the east bank of the Tiber, was one of twelve regions of Rome, and was home to Greeks as early as the seventh century; in the eighth century Orthodox refugees fleeing from the Iconoclastic Controversy settled there.(17) The area was also the home of Calixtus's wealthy supporters, the Pierleoni family, which may account in part for the special attention he lavished on S. Maria.(18) Not long after he appointed his nephew as its cardinal deacon, Calixtus, working with his agent, Alfanus, initiated substantial renovations to the church; surviving inscriptions provide some information about the project.(19) The renovations were presumably financed by Alfanus, whose name figures prominently in the inscriptions. The statement "Alfanus fieri tibi fecit Virgo Maria" (Alfanus had [this] made for you, Virgin Mary) appears twice, on the bishop's chair and on a marble panel, perhaps from a chancel barrier. A third inscription, on the high altar, mentions Alfanus again; this inscription records the date of consecration (May 6, 1123) by Pope Calixtus II and explains Alfanus's role: he was the papal camerarius, or chamberlain.(20) Alfanus stressed his papal affiliation again in the fresco above his tomb, which is in the narthex of the church; here two popes, presumably Calixtus II and his predecessor, Gelasius II, flank an image of the Virgin.(21) Finally, an inscription on the apse wall, which does not mention the camerarius, again records the consecration by Calixtus II in 1123 and states that the pope donated relics of the Holy Sepulcher to the church.(22)

These references to Calixtus have led most scholars to conclude that he had some involvement with the iconographic program of the frescoes.(23) Mary Stroll is particularly emphatic about Calixtus's participation, asserting that the pope "took a direct hand in reconstructing and decorating" the church.(24) Most concur, as well, on the meaning of the cycle: the frescoes comment on the struggles between pope and emperor that culminated with the Concordat of Worms in 1122. This interpretation of the program originated when Giovenale mistook the Ezekiel frescoes for a Charlemagne cycle; he assumed that they contrasted the evil emperor, Nebuchadnezzar, with the virtuous ruler, Charlemagne. Though Fernanda De' Maffei and Ian Short rectified this long-accepted error, the traditional interpretation, linking the frescoes with the Investiture Controversy, has generally remained unquestioned.(25)

The argument that papal interests shaped the frescoes is almost certainly correct; Stroll rightly insists that ".Alfanus was not an independent entity."(26) Further, Calixtus's victory over the emperor very probably was one theme of the frescoes. But proclaiming the papal victory over the emperor was not the sole impetus for the narrative program. At least as important in shaping the content of the frescoes was the pope's struggle with a different foe: the forces of Islam. To grasp the multivalence of the program requires, first, a closer look at the frescoes themselves and at their probable sources, and second, an examination of the images in the context of the pontiff s campaigns against both adversaries.

The Ezekiel Cycle

The iconographic program at S. Maria has few precedents in medieval art. Ezekiel and Daniel cycles appear rarely even in manuscript painting, and are still rarer in monumental art. The only extant earlier works to include extensive cycles of both Ezekiel and Daniel are two eleventh-century Catalonian manuscripts, the Ripoll Bible and the Roda Bible.(27)

The Ezekiel cycle in S. Maria consisted originally of eleven narratives, ten of which are known through Giovenale's line drawings. Of the ten, six depict or allude to idolatry or the punishment of those who despoil holy sites. This emphasis on idolatry and the pollution of holy places is not typically present in Ezekiel cycles. The vision--comprising all fortysix chapters of the book of Ezekiel--is richly detailed, and dozens of different episodes were represented in medieval art.(28) But most of the scenes depicted in S. Maria occur only rarely. The first two frescoes merely set the stage by showing Ezekiel before God and the beginning of the vision; the third, which is damaged, may represent the siege of Jerusalem (Ezek. 4:1-2), as De' Maffei has suggested.(29) She and Short agree on the identification of all the other images; their arguments are compelling, as a close look at the frescoes will reveal. The references to idolatry begin with the fourth fresco (Fig. 3). It clearly depicts the first verse of Ezekiel, chapter 5: "And thou, son of man, take thee a sharp knife that shaveth the hair: and cause it to pass over thy head, and over thy beard: and take thee a balance to weigh in, and divide the hair."(30) To the left, the seated prophet holds a knife before his beard; to the right, he gestures toward the scale he will use to weigh his hair. The prophet is then instructed to divide his hair into thirds, and to burn onethird, cut up one-third, and scatter one-third to the wind (Ezek. 5:2). This episode is an allusion to the desecration of the holy places and to the ultimate destruction of the enemy, as the text makes clear:

[Figure 3 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Therefore as I live, saith the Lord God: Because thou hast

violated my sanctuary with all thy offenses, and with thy

abominations: I will also break thee in pieces, and my eye

shall not spare, and I will not have any pity. A third part of

thee shall die with the pestilence . . . and a third part of thee

shall fall by the sword round about thee: and a third part of

thee will I scatter into every wind. (Ezek. 5:11)

This subject is extremely unusual. One of the very few earlier works to include it is the Roda Bible (Fig. 4).(31) Notwithstanding certain obvious differences, the composition (on the lowest register of folio 45r) bears some resemblance to the scene in S. Maria. The stance and gesture of the standing prophet, holding the scales, are similar, as is the architectural form, consisting of a pair of gabled towers connected by an arch. Both the occurrence of the scene in this manuscript and the kinship of its composition with that at S. Maria are significant. Many of the S. Maria images find virtually their only precedents in Catalonian Bibles, and the only earlier Daniel cycles comparable to the one in the church, are found in the same manuscripts. The painters responsible for the frescoes in S. Maria probably had access to a Catalonian manuscript similar to the Roda Bible.(32)

[Figure 4 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The fifth fresco (Fig. 5), partially destroyed even in Giovenale's day, develops the reference to "abominations" by providing a key example--the worship of idols. Here a bearded man, presumably Ezekiel, wields a mallet and is about to smash a now unseen object; an unidentified man stands to the right. As both De' Maffei and Short have argued, the fresco depicts the destruction of an idol, illustrating the text: "I will throw down your altars, and your idols shall be broken in pieces: and I will cast down your slain before your idols" (Ezek. 6:4).33

[Figure 5 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The following scene (Fig. 6), like that of the weighing of the hair (Fig. 3), is a continuous narrative. To the left, the prophet kneels before a three-storied wall, and peers through a round hole on the first story, gesturing in wonder. A group of standing men similarly gesticulate. This portion of the image illustrates the text:

[Figure 6 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

And he brought me in to the door of the court; and I saw,

and behold a hole in the wall. Then he said to me: Son of

man, dig in the wall. And when I had digged in the wall,

behold a door. And he said to me: Go in, and see the

wicked abominations which they commit here. And I went

in and saw, and behold every form of creeping things, and

of living creatures, the abomination, and all the idols of

the house of Israel. (Ezek. 8:7-10)

The image seems to conflate two moments of the vision; here the prostrate prophet peers through the hole he has made in the wall, and gestures in reaction to the "wicked abominations" taking place within. The figure to the right, pointing toward the sanctuary and altar, presumably indicates the site of the various "abominations," for the text (Ezek. 3:13-18) continues with a guided tour of the evils within: "And he said to me: If thou turn thee again, thou shalt see greater abominations which these commit." Although the subject occurs in both the Roda Bible and the Ripoll Bible, neither renders it in this way.(34)

The next three scenes illustrate a critical moment of the vision: the massacre of the idolaters who defiled the Temple. The first (Fig. 7)--again badly damaged--depicts Ezekiel 9:2-3: "And behold six men came from the way of the upper gate . . . and each one had his weapon of destruction in his hand: . . . and they went in, and stood by the brazen altar. And the glory of the Lord of Israel went up from the cherub." As the prophet gestures in wonder, the cherub descends; below are fragments of two of the six men specified by the text. To the right is the "brazen altar." The next fresco is so fragmentary that it is not reproduced in this article; it almost certainly depicted those to be spared being marked with a sign, as Short proposed:(35)

[Figure 7 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

And the Lord said to him: Go through the midst of the

city, through the midst of Jerusalem: and mark Thau

upon the foreheads of the men that sigh, and mourn for all

the abominations that are committed in the midst thereof.

And to the others he said in my hearing: Go ye after him

through the city and strike: let not your eyes spare, nor be

ye moved with pity. Utterly destroy old and young,

maidens, children and women: but upon whomsoever you

shall see Thau, kill him not. (Ezek. 9:4-6)

The last fresco in this group of three (Fig. 8) shows the climactic massacre. As the prophet gestures to the left, four of the six men raise their swords to kill those crouching before them; a fifth checks the forehead of one of the potential victims to see if he has been marked with the Tau.

[Figure 8 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Like the preceding scenes in the cycle, these three subjects occur very rarely in earlier medieval art. Neither the first subject (the six men) nor the third (the massacre) appears even in the extant Catalonian Bibles. The marking with the Tau is included in these manuscripts, but I know no other instance of this scene before the twelfth century.(36) All three do, however, appear in the Lambeth Bible, of about 1 140-50 (Fig. 9); according to C. M. Kauffmann, the Ezekiel and Daniel cycles in this manuscript were probably derived from a now-lost Catalonian source.(37) The third scene in the Lambeth Bible, the massacre of the godless, depicts the six men checking for the sign of the Tau, and raising their swords to slaughter those not marked. Though this scene is sharply compressed--the six are tightly compacted, and even stand on the corpses of their victims--it nevertheless resembles the fresco fairly closely. Compare, for instance, the stances of the sword-wielding executioners, the gestures with which they check foreheads for the Tau, and the left arm of the foremost victim.

[Figure 9 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The Roman cycle concludes with the prophet being carried away (Ezek. 12:6).(38) Like the scenes that opened the vision, it has no direct bearing on the theme of idolatry, and serves to signal the end of the sequence.

The Daniel Cycle

The cycle on the opposite wall depicts scenes of Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar--again, uncommon subjects in earlier medieval art outside of Spanish illumination.(39) Though we have Giovenale's line drawings for only six of the eleven narrative scenes originally depicted, these six continue the obsession with the evils of idolatry. The theme is introduced in the scene of Nebuchadnezzar's first dream (Fig. 10), a lengthy tale that occupies the entire second chapter of Daniel. The fresco shows the king asleep to the left, dreaming (Dan. 2:1); on the right is the subject of his dream, an idol with head of gold and feet of clay (Dan. 2:31-33). The idol appears twice: once intact, standing, to the right; then, farther to the right, shattered, smashed by a stone "cut out of a mountain without hands" (Dan. 2:34). The mountain appears twice as well, its jagged contours framing the standing idol. To the left, it is about to drop the stone--here a rectangular mass--that has been hewn from it; on the right, the stone is gone, and the idol has been destroyed.

[Figure 10 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The identity of this scene is beyond question, since it appears similarly in the Roda Bible, in the illustrations to the book of Daniel. Folio 64 (Fig. 11) presents five narratives; the first in the top register is the dream of Nebuchadnezzar. As in the fresco, the king appears on the left, reclining in bed; as in the fresco, his bedchamber is indicated by two towers supporting a roof Here both the idol and the mountain appear only once. The idol--huge and rather thickset, unlike the more classically proportioned statue in the Roman fresco-stands in the center; the mountain, on the right, is similar to that in the fresco in its curiously jagged contour.(40) The rock in the manuscript--here resembling a giant amoeba rather than a piece of quarried stone--is shown in its descent, presumably about to smash the idol.

[Figure 11 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The next two scenes in S. Maria are more problematic. The first (Fig. 12) depicts the seated Nebuchadnezzar gesturing excitedly, both hands extended, before three younger men; an Ionic colonnade indicates the architectural setting. The second (Fig. 13) is only partially preserved: in front of another Ionic colonnade, a sprawling figure collapses on top of a second, who crouches, head down, as if in selfprotection. To the left are the head and shoulders of a bearded man facing the scene. Giovenale identified the first of these frescoes as the king assigning the Three Hebrews, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, to administer the province of Babylon (Dan. 2:49), and the second as the massacre of the priests of Bel and the destruction of their idol (Dan. 14:1-21).(41) Neither identification, however, appears to be correct. In the biblical text, the two episodes are entirely unrelated. The first comes at the end of the second chapter of Daniel, after the other scenes illustrated in the fresco cycle, and the second does not occur until twelve chapters later. Because of the sharp violation of narrative sequence, Giovenale's description of the second episode in particular has raised questions.(42)

Consulting the text of Daniel and the comparable cycles in the Catalonian manuscripts clarifies the identity of both images. The first (Fig. 12) must depict the king summoning "the diviners and the wise men, and the magicians and the Chaldeans" to interpret his dream (Dan. 2:2-11)--the episode that directly follows the description of the king's dream in the biblical text (Dan. 2:1-2). The narrative is similarly presented in the Roda Bible (Fig. 11): the scene of the king's dream is followed directly, in the right portion of the upper register, by an image of the king, seated below an arch, gesturing to a group of men.(43) The next scene in the Roda Bible--the first in the middle register--clearly depicts an execution: Nebuchadnezzar gestures in command, and the executioner raises his sword to behead the first of three men. In the fresco, the subject is more ambiguous because of the poor state of preservation, but it is clearly a scene of violence. The biblical text clarifies the episode, for it describes an execution not long after the wise men were summoned: as Wilhelm Neuss noted, the victims here are the unfortunate "diviners and wise men" who failed to interpret the king's dream correctly.(44) This episode follows just after the description of the king's dream and his fruitless consultations with the wise men. The text continues: "the king in fury, and in great wrath, commanded that all the wise men of Babylon should be put to death. And the decree being gone forth, the wise men were slain: and Daniel and his companions were sought for, to be put to death" (Dan. 2:12-13). The Roda Bible thus renders Daniel's account exactly: we see, in the top register, on the left, the dream of Nebuchadnezzar; next to it, the king summoning the wise men; and, in the first image of the middle register, the king commanding the slaying and his executioner raising a sword to dispatch three victims.(45) The frescoes of S. Maria present us with precisely the same three-part sequence: the dream of the king (Fig. 10), the king summoning the wise men (Fig. 12), and their execution (Fig. 13). The fresco and the manuscript differ somewhat in their depiction of each part of the narrative. In the scene of Nebuchadnezzar questioning the magicians, the manuscript shows five men being interrogated; only three appear in the fresco. In the scene of the execution, the manuscript represents three, still living victims, in contrast to the two slain bodies in the fresco; the fragmentary figure to the left of these may represent either the king or the executioner. Though the scene is not one of idolatry as such, it vividly exemplifies the cruelty of the idolater Nebuchadnezzar.

Giovenale's identification of the next fresco (Fig. 14) is unquestionably correct. As he stated, it illustrates Daniel, chapter 3:

King Nabuchodonosor made a statue of gold, of sixty

cubits high, and six cubits broad, and he set it up in the

plain of Dura of the province of Babylon. Then

Nabuchodonosor the king sent to call together the nobles, the

magistrates, and the judges, the captains, the rulers, and

governors, and all the chief men of the provinces, to come

to the dedication of the statue which king Nabuchodonosor

had set up.... And they stood before the statue.... Then a

herald cried with a strong voice . . . in the hour that you

shall hear the sound of the trumpet, . . . ye fall down and

adore the golden statue which king Nabuchodonosor hath

set up. (Dan. 3:1-5)

On the left, the seated king gestures as the figures assembled on either side of a plinth-based statue dutifully worship and a trumpeting man plays to the right (Dan. 3:7). The scene also appears in the Roda Bible (Fig. 11), where it occupies the lowest register; here only a few details--the kneeling worshipers and the man sounding a trumpet to the right--anticipate the fresco.(46) If the fresco painter worked from a model similar to the Roda Bible, he greatly simplified the composition and transformed the knock-kneed idol of the manuscript into a classical statue befitting the Roman renovatio.(47)

The next fresco (Fig. 15) was again correctly identified by Giovenale. On the left, the king orders the punishment of the Three Hebrews (Dan. 3:19-20). They are cast into the fiery furnace for refusing to worship, and are joined by a fourth figure, as the text specifies: "Behold I see four men loose, and walking in the midst of the fire, and there is no hurt in them, and the form of the fourth is like the Son of God" (Dan. 3:92). To the right are the unlucky soldiers-- "the strongest men that were in his army"--who took the Three Hebrews to the furnace, but could not withstand its heat (Dan. 3:20-22). The image again recalls the Roda Bible in some respects: in the middle register of folio 65 (Fig. 16), Christ joins the Three Hebrews, though only the heads of the four are shown inside a small furnace; further, the flames, which billow to both left and right, also engulf the king's army.

[Figure 15 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Finally, Nebuchadnezzar appears again with the Three Hebrews (Fig. 17). The king is seated to the left, and raises his left hand as if in wonder. Giovenale described this scene as Nebuchadnezzar ordering the Three Hebrews to worship,(48) but both the sequence of the frescoes and Nebuchadnezzar's gesture--clearly not a gesture of command--argue against it. The scene most probably depicts the moments after the king commands the Hebrews to leave the furnace; his raised hand suggests his amazement that they have survived:

And immediately Sidrach, Misach and Abednago went out

from the midst of the fire. And the nobles, and the

magistrates, and the judges, and the great men of the king being

gathered together, considered these men, that the fire had no

power on their bodies, and that not a hair of their head had been

singed, nor their garments altered, nor the smell of fire had passed

on them. Then Nabuchodonosor . . . said: Blessed be the God of

them, to wit, Sidrach, Misach and Abednago. (Dan. 3:93-95)

Like many of the Old Testament frescoes at S. Maria, this scene is extremely rare in medieval art. One of the few comparable examples occurs in the Roda Bible, in the lowest register of folio 65r (Fig. 16). There the king appears twice. On the left, he stands and confronts two men in short tunics, representing the courtiers who confirm that the Three Hebrews have been thrown into the furnace (Dan. 3:91); to the right, he is shown with the three (wearing long robes) after they emerge from the fire, and as he points upward to the mysterious fourth figure in the furnace, whom he has identified as "like the Son of God" (Dan. 3:92).(49)

[Figure 17 ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

In summary, the frescoes in S. Maria, juxtaposing Ezekiel with Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar, comprise a highly unusual program; the only known precedents for the two cycles are eleventh-century Catalonian Bibles. The rarity with which the subjects were depicted and the resemblances between the frescoes and the miniatures suggest that the painters in Rome had access to a manuscript similar to the Roda Bible.

Idolatry, Investiture, and Islam

The Ezekiel cycle in S. Maria in Cosmedin stresses idolatry, the desecration of the holy places, and the punishment of those who defile them; the Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar cycle is still more emphatic in depicting the evils of idolatry and idolaters. Idol worshop is, then, the key to the interpretation of the frescoes, and thematically, it works on more than one level. First, this overarching theme lends support to the traditional reading of the frescoes as references to the Investiture Controversy. Burdinus, the antipope Gregory VIII, was captured at Sutri by the papal army on April 17, 1121. Calixtus capped his victory with a triumphal procession through Rome in which Burdinus was mocked by the hordes who greeted the pope. In a letter written in the same month--April 27, 1121--to the clergy of Gaul, Calixtus referred to Burdinus as the "idol of the king of the Germans."(50) Camille has demonstrated how often accusations of idolatry were leveled at "alien cultures" of many stripes.(51) Calixtus's reference to Burdinus seems a variation on a widespread discourse, in which he both branded the German emperor an idolater and reduced his general to an object of loathing and derision. The frescoes in Calixtus's church--especially the image of the destruction of an idol--might well allude to Calixtus's victory over the emperor and to his derisive characterization of the man he defeated, figuratively smashed by the triumphant pope.

Further support for the reading of the frescoes as references to the Investiture Controversy can be found in The Two Cities, written by Otto, bishop of Freising, between 1143 and 1147.(52) According to Otto, Nebuchadnezzar's dream of a smashed idol foretold the pope's triumph over the emperor. The bishop first discusses the subject in book 6, 36, noting that the idol, with feet "part of iron and part of clay," signified the empire, and the stone "cut out of the mountain without hands" signified the Church. Otto continues:

The Church smote the kingdom in its weak spot when the

Church decided not to reverence the king of the City as lord

of the earth but to strike him with the sword of

excommunication as being by his human condition made of

clay. All can now see to what a mountainous height the

Church, at once small and lowly, has grown.(53)

Otto returns to the image later, in book 7, 16:

The emperor ... resigned the right of investiture of bishops

to Lambert, a legate of the holy see.... After this, since the

Church was now fully restored to freedom and peace was

secured anew, we find that under Pope Calixtus II it

"became a great mountain." Hence it was written

concerning him at Rome:

See Calixtus, the pride of his country, the Empire's glory!

Bourdin the Base he condemns, and peace once more he

restores.(54)

Otto, then, explicitly links the smashing of Nebuchadnezzar's idol with Calixtus's defeat of Burdinus. Though Otto wrote some twenty years after the frescoes were executed, his comments provide an example of contemporary thinking that corroborates the traditional interpretation of the frescoes. It is even possible that Otto saw the frescoes in S. Maria in Cosmedin. He was certainly in Rome; the couplet he quotes is an inscription on the frescoes in the Lateran Palace, another of Calixtus's projects.(55)

Thus, both Calixtus's reference to Burdinus as an "idol" and Otto's association of the pope's victory with the smashing of Nebuchadnezzar's idol provide fresh support for the traditional interpretation of the frescoes. But such a reading does not exclude others; the polysemy of many medieval narrative programs characterizes this cycle as well. While Calixtus was embroiled in the Investiture Controversy for much of his brief reign, he was simultaneously enmeshed in another long-standing conflict, the struggle against Islam. This simultaneity is felt in the frescoes in S. Maria, which are informed by the ideology of both papal engagements. In fact, the twin campaigns, against the emperor and against the Moslems, were not unrelated. As Frederick Russell has noted, crusades could be sanctioned against "infidels, heretics, and those who contemptuously disputed the exercise of papal authority";(56) the last category would seem to have encompassed the emperor. Furthermore, the imagery of the two Old Testament cycles supports both the traditional interpretation and the one that I propose here. The two readings, in fact, are mutually reinforcing: both enemies of the pope are here construed as idol-worshiping Other.

The link of the frescoes with Calixtus's crusade against Islam, like the link with the Investiture Controversy, lies in their subjects. The very choice of themes from the books of Ezekiel and Daniel is suggestive: for centuries, these books had been thought to foretell the coming of Islam. This interpretation of the two prophets can be found first in Spain, as early as the ninth century. For instance, in 854 the Spanish priest Paulus Alvarus linked the book of Daniel with the coming of Islam, and in 883 an anonymous editor of the Cronica profetica wrote: "That the Saracens were going to possess the land of the Goths was stated in the book of the Prophet Ezekiel."(57) By the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, preachers of the crusades likewise turned to the two prophets, especially in reference to the themes of idolatry and the pollution of sacred sites. Just as Ezekiel in particular decried the "abominations" of those who defiled the holy places, Calixtus's papal predecessors, especially Urban II, sounded similar themes in preaching the crusades. According to Robert the Monk's account, Urban, preaching at Clermont in 1095, lamented the "pollution" of the holy places, which were "treated with ignominy and irreverently polluted with filthiness."(58) For another chronicler, Baldric of Dol, even Urban's language seems to have been close to the language of Ezakiel. Baldric quoted Urban as saying "polluerunt templum sanctum meum" ("they have polluted my holy temple"). The words echo Ezekiel 23:38, "polluerunt sanctuarium meum," ("they have defiled my sanctuary"), and similar statements recur in the biblical text.(59) Urban specifically cited Ezekiel 13:5, urging the faithful to form themselves "as a wall around the house of Israel" and "stand in battle on the day of the Lord." His predecessor, Oregory VII, had used exactly that passage to justify holy warfare.(60)

We cannot, of course, be certain of Urban's precise language. As Colin Morris has observed, most of the various accounts of his sermon were written about 1110 rather than immediately following its delivery. Though these accounts are fairly consistent in describing the thrust of the sermon, they are not a literal transcript of the pope's words.(61) Nevertheless, they preserve the gist of the sermon, and they are valuable further as a record of the recurring themes of crusading rhetoric. In fact, as Penny Cole has recently stressed, the theme of the infidel's defiling of the holy places became a dominant topos of crusader propagandists.(62) Chronicles of the crusades routinely refer to the Saracens' "pollution" of the Temple, the Holy Sepulcher, and the holy places in general. For instance, Ordericus Vitalis, in his Historia ecclesiastica, opens book 9, on the First Crusade, with references to the Saracens, who "defiled the holy things" ("sacra polluerunt"). Later in book 9, he returns to the same language, asserting that the crusaders slaughtered their foes with such zeal "because they had polluted . . . the temple of God" ("templum Domini . . . polluerunt)."(63) Later sermonists often followed Urban by citing Ezekiel in particular. Bernard of Clairvaux, preaching the Second Crusade, repeatedly decried the "pollution" of the holy places perpetrated by the Moslems, and the themes of Ezekiel reverberate in his sermons; statements such as "polluerunt templum sanctum tuum" ("they have polluted your holy temple") and "polluant loca sancta" ("they pollute the holy places") appear in his writings again and again.(64) Such declarations continued well into the thirteenth century. Humbert of Romans, in his De predicatione crucis, included a list of appropriate biblical passages; Ezekiel appears three times.(65)

The despoiling of the holy places was seen as especially "abominable," to use the prophet's term, because the Moslems were thought to worship idols. At Clermont, Urban is said to have deplored the "idols" erected in the Temple by "barbarous nations."(66) As Camille has noted, when the crusaders took Jerusalem in 1099, they found an item that seemed to vindicate the pope: a huge silver statue that they took to be "the pristine Antichrist, depraved Muhammed, pernicious Muhammed." They promptly destroyed the offending statue--"executing this order more willingly than any other order."(67) More legends of idol smashing by heroic crusaders surfaced in the Crusade of 1101. Archbishop Thiemo of Salzburg was said to have been captured by the Turks, who ordered him to restore an idol of Mohammed. When Thiemo was taken to the idol, it began to blaspheme, at which point Thiemo destroyed it; he was martyred for this virtuous act.(68) By the early twelfth century, the fiction of idolatrous Saracens had become a staple of anti-Islamic rhetoric; Ordericus Vitalis, for instance, referred to Moslems as "raging idolaters against Christ."(69) Such accusations were leveled at Moslems repeatedly in crusading sermons, chronicles, and chansons de geste; these tales continued well into the thirteenth century.(70)

The notion of idol-worshiping Moslems despoiling holy sites was not confined to the realm of the verbal. In twelfthand thirteenth-century art, we find visual equivalents of these sermons: pictures of idol worship and of the desecration of the holy places. Camille has pointed to several instructive examples of this visual propaganda.(71) One occurs in a thirteenth-century manuscript produced by Western artists in the Holy Land, a copy of William of Tyre's History of Outremer: Urban preaches the crusade above, and a Saracen worships an idol below.(72) Equally suggestive is the ploy of Conrad of Montferrat, a leader of the Third Crusade (1189-1192). To generate crusading fervor, Conrad produced a huge image of the Holy Sepulcher being desecrated by the horses of the Saracens.(73) Perhaps most pertinent is a Bible Moralisee that specifically identifies Old Testament idolaters as Moslems: the idol-worshiping Philistines are labeled in the caption, "li sarazin."(74) Though the Ezekiel scenes in S. Maria in Cosmedin predate these examples, some by more than a century, the discourse that construed Moslems as idolaters was well established by the 1120s.

Other scenes in the Ezekiel cycle reinforce the reading of the frescoes as propaganda pieces for the crusades. For instance, the fresco in which the angel of the Lord instructs those whom he has sent to punish the idolaters (Fig. 7) would have been a pointed message to potential crusaders. The marking of the forehead of the elect with the sign of the Tau--a scene now missing at S. Maria, but very probably present originally, as noted above--would also have been suggestive. At Clermont, Urban II alluded to this episode in Ezekiel: "Whoever, therefore, shall determine upon this holy pilgrimage and shall make his vow to God to that effect and shall offer himself to Him as a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, shall wear the sign of the cross of the Lord on hisforehead, or on his breast" (emphasis added).(75) Crosses on foreheads also figure prominently in Ekkehard's chronicle of the First Crusade, written in the early twelfth century; Ekkehard states that these signs appeared as portents of the crusades.(76) Again, the reference to Ezekiel's elect, signed on the forehead with the Tau, seems unmistakable, for twelfthcentury commentators on Ezekiel explicitly identified the Tau as the cross. From the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, crusaders were described as signati, signed, with the cross; Pope Calixtus, in a letter appealing for help against the Saracens in Spain, referred to crusaders as having the signum crucis, the sign of the cross.(77)

Finally, the bloody fate of those not signed would have evoked the ultimate victory of holy warriors and perhaps the ultimate fate of those who did not enlist--as the fresco depicting the massacre of the unsigned suggests (Fig. 8).(78) Humbert of Romans urged preachers of the crusades to cite precisely this episode, the signing with the Tau, to rouse their audiences; he recommended that they note in particular this passage: "upon whomsoever you shall see Thau, kill him not."(79) Humbert thus made explicit the more subtle reference by Urban II. Urban and Humbert were presumably not the only preachers of the crusades to recognize the utility of this biblical passage.

The Ezekiel frescoes, with their insistent emphasis on the pollution of the holy places, the punishment of the idolaters desecrating them, and the salvation of those signed with the Tau, thus echo themes used repeatedly by the propagandists of the crusades, from Urban II on. The fresco cycle on the opposite wall, depicting scenes of Daniel and the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar, complements the Ezekiel cycle by dwelling on the same theme: the evils of idolatry. Specific scenes here are, in fact, still more potent as visual propaganda for the crusades. For instance, the emphasis on the Three Hebrews, who appear twice (Figs. 15, 17), is an extremely unusual occurrence in Romanesque art outside of manuscript illumination.(80) The subject was, of course, very important in Early Christian art; before the Edict of Milan, images of the virtuous who refused to worship false gods were potent exemplars for the Christian community, and the theme continued to be popular even after Constantine. Its prominence in S. Maria in Cosmedin, whose origins went back to the Early Christian era, was probably not coincidental.(81) Just as it did for Early Christian viewers, the subject here appears to have had topical relevance. According to a particularly inflammatory bit of anti-Islamic propaganda circulating in the early twelfth century, crusaders who fell into the hands of the enemy were ordered to worship an idol of Mohammed, and threatened with torture or beheading if they refused. Ordericus vitalis, referring to the capture of a prominent crusader, states that the whole church prayed for God to deliver him, just as he had delivered Daniel "and the three children and the other sons of the Babylonian Captivity under Nebuchadnezzar."(82)

Nebuchadnezzar loomed as a particularly heinous character for another reason too; his army razed the Temple of Jerusalem (Jer. 52). It is true that Nebuchadnezzar was not always perceived in negative terms; some books of the Bible describe him as a just conqueror. Increasingly, however, medieval commentaries portrayed him as the archetypal enemy, a satanic figure.(83) This characterization was especially often found in crusader chronicles; their writers--among them William of Tyre, Fulcher of Chartres, and Albert of Aix--often reminded their readers that Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians destroyed the Temple.(84)

The demonizing of Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians grew as well with their link with the Babylon of Revelations, "mother of the . . . abominations of the earth" (Apoc. 17:5), and the legend of Antichrist, born in Babylon according to popular lore.(85) Babylon was associated with unbelievers quite early in Spain--in Isidore of Seville's commentary on the book of Daniel, Babylon is the symbolic kingdom of heretics(86)--and references equating Babylon specifically with Islam had surfaced elsewhere in Western Europe by the early years of crusading. For instance, at the end of the eleventh century and beginning of the twelfth, Sibylline prophesies identified Babylon as the "mystical capital of the infidel";(87) in the mid-twelfth-century Ludus de Antichristo, Babylon "obviously represents the Saracens."(88) The term "Babylonian" also appears in regard to Moslems in crusader chronicles; one chronicler, referring to the Moslem control of Jerusalem, called it her "Babylonian captivity."(89)

In the early twelfth century, a still more specific link between Nebuchadnezzar and the Moslems threatening the Holy Land appears in Lambert of Saint-Omer's Liber Floridus. The text was written in 1 120--just three years before the consecration of S. Maria in Cosmedin. As Penelope Mayo has shown, Lambert connected Daniel's interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's second dream with the triumph of the First Crusade.(90) The second dream, described in Daniel, chapter 4, featured a huge tree that was to be hewn down by a "holy one." One miniature accompanying Lambert's text depicts the tree hewn down as in Nebuchadnezzar's dream--but here, the "holy one" chopping the tree is identified as a crusader king.(91) Thus Nebuchadnezzar, who destroyed Jerusalem, is symbolically destroyed by the crusaders. Though we cannot be certain that this precise text was known to Calixtus or his advisers, Lambert's work circulated fairly widely. Further, it drew on long-established traditions equating Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians with the Anti christ, and the Antichrist with the Moslems.(92) Nebuchadnezzar's men would be explicitly identified as proto-Moslems, emblazoned with the star and crescent of Islam, in manuscripts produced in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem for a crusading clientele.(93)

To recapitulate: crusader propagandists of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries identified Nebuchadnezzar as the idol-worshiping destroyer of Jerusalem, claimed that the Moslems had erected idols in Christian holy places, and spread rumors of Moslems forcing Christians to worship their false gods. To anyone familiar with the crusading lore and rhetoric of the early twelfth century, the images in S. Maria in Cosmedin--images of the pollution of the holy places, of Nebuchadnezzar and the Babylonians worshiping idols and tormenting the virtuous who refused to worship-- would have powerfully conveyed the threat of Islamic "idolaters" to Christendom.

Calixtus's Crusade

The relevance of the frescoes to the early 1120s is, however, still more precise: at that time, Pope Calixtus was planning to launch a major crusade, directed in part against Moslems known more specifically as "Babylonians." Babylon did not merely signify the home of the infidel and Antichrist; it was also a geographic term, designating Egypt, for Cairo was then known as Babylon.(94) When Calixtus assumed the papacy in 1119, the Egyptians in particular posed a critical danger to crusader Palestine. In March 1118, Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem, had invaded Egypt, reaching the Nile before illness forced him back. By the summer of 1118, the Egyptian vizier Al-Afdal, outraged by this attack, formed an alliance with the emir of Damascus, and for several months a massive Egyptian army was poised to invade the Latin Kingdom. In June 1119, the Syrians routed the crusader army at the Field of Blood, and the Egyptian naval fleet further threatened the Franks.(95) In January 1120, Baldwin I's successor, Baldwin II, appealed to Calixtus and to the doge of Venice for help.(96)

At this point, the pope decided to launch an ambitious new crusade. When the Venetian armada embarked in August 1122, it set sail under the papal standard, the vexillum of Saint Peter.(97) Calixtus did not limit himself to the Levant, however; at the same time, he also set his sights on Spain. Pope Urban II had worked to restore the archbishopric of Tarragona, south of Barcelona, to Christendom, and Calixtus, with Ramon Berenguer III, focused new efforts on the city.(98) In his equal concern for the two endangered sites, Calixtus resembled Urban, and in the early 1120s the pontiff consciously emulated his illustrious predecessor. Calixtus's letters of these years attest both to his growing concern for Spain and the Holy Land and his increasing identification with Urban II.(99) For instance, in one letter Calixtus granted protection to the crusaders and their families--"just as had been done by pope Urban."(100) In the First Lateran Council--March 1123--Calixtus reiterated his support for those fighting both in Spain and in the Levant, and granted the same indulgence to all defending Christendom against the "tyranny of the infidel."(101) The Venetians finally reached the Holy Land in May 1123, and by the end of the month had destroyed the Egyptian fleet. This victory came in exactly the month and year in which Calixtus consecrated S. Maria in Cosmedin. The chronicler William of Tyre described the events of 1123: "When Calixtus was ruling . . . in the same year when ... a council was held in Rome, peace was concluded.... The doge of Venice ... came as a conqueror.... He had come directly from his victory over the pagan fleet of the king of Babylon."(102)

In fact, the important role of Egypt in the events of 1118-23 may have contributed further to the choice of imagery in S. Maria. Camille has noted that Egypt in particular was notorious for the worship of idols throughout the Middle Ages.(103) He argues that falling idols in images of the Flight into Egypt in the early thirteenth century "would have been significant to maker and viewer because from 1204 until 1250, the Crusades were directed against the Ayyubid sultans of Egypt."(104) The idol-worshiping Babylonians in S. Maria in Cosmedin may have been similarly inspired in part by the long association of Egypt/Babylon with idolatry.

In the context of crusading ideology, the many points of similarity between the frescoes in S. Maria and the Catalonian Bibles are also significant. I have argued that a Spanish manuscript like one of the Catalonian Bibles probably served as the source for the frescoes; no other extant pictorial cycle includes the rare scenes of Ezekiel and Daniel, and there are many specific similarities linking the frescoes with the corresponding scenes in the Bibles. The pope had extensive ties with Spain that might explain how he came to possess such a manuscript. His older brother, Raymond of Burgundy, went to Spain to battle the Saracens, and remained there, marrying the daughter of Alfonso VI in 1091.(105) Though Raymond died in 1107, Calixtus maintained a correspondence with Raymond's son, Alfonso Raimundez, who would become king of Leon in 1126. Another papal ally was the bishop of Compostela, Diego Gelmirez; Calixtus elevated Compostela to an archepiscopate in 1120, and conceded the bishop rights to Merida the same year.(106) Most suggestive, however, are the pope's ties with Catalonia--the specific site in Spain to which he directed his crusading efforts. Calixtus was a forceful advocate of Bishop Olleguer of Barcelona, and appointed him archbishop of Tarragona, though the city was still in Moslem hands. He referred to Olleguer as "our dearest brother" in an impassioned letter of the early 1120s in which he urged "all bishops, kings, counts, princes, and the rest of the faithful of God" to come to Olleguer's aid in securing Tarragona.(107) Though there are many ways in which Calixtus might have acquired a Catalonian Bible, Olleguer--based in Catalonia, and the recipient of much papal support in the early 1120s--seems a likely source.

In fact, the decision to base the frescoes at S. Maria on a Catalonian Bible may have been a conscious attempt to signal papal support for the crusading effort in this region. As several scholars have argued, earlier Spanish manuscripts, specifically copies of Beatus of Liebana's commentary on the Apocalypse, were often freighted with anti-Islamic ideology. (108) Most of the Beatus manuscripts include, after the text of Beatus, Jerome's commentary on the book of Daniel, with images of Nebuchadnezzar and the Three Hebrews in the fiery furnace.(109) These illustrations of the book of Daniel were interpreted in light of the struggle with the Moslems; as John Williams has noted, "Inevitably, . . . the Muslims . . . came to be identified with the anti-Christian forces of the Apocalypse and the Book of Daniel."(110) Although the eleventh-century Catalonian Bibles have not, to my knowledge, been interpreted in this context, the importance of the Beatus manuscripts as a source of the Bibles,(111) and the powerful local tradition construing Babylon as the kingdom of the infidel, suggest that the images of Babylonians in the Bibles are likely to have been similarly read--especially by those engaged in the struggle against Islam. To such an audience, the Catalonian Bibles and the frescoes of S. Maria would share not only imagery but also ideology. Given Calixtus's intense support for a Spanish crusade specifically in Catalonia, the choice of Catalonian images for the frescoes in S. Maria seems quite deliberate.(112)

Audience and Ideology

Reading the frescoes as anti-Islamic propaganda raises questions about the audience for which they were intended. There can be little question that the newly refurbished S. Maria would have drawn a crowd. The lavish redecoration of the church and the extra lure of relics from the Holy Sepulcher must have enticed a flood of visitors. There is little question, too, that Calixtus often turned to art to generate support for issues important to him. Stroll has rightly stressed the pope's shrewd promotion of his own causes, noting his adroitness "in marshalling art, architecture, and ceremony for conveying his views and molding public opinion. "(113) But why would the pope select any church in Rome, and why this church in particular, to rally support for his crusading efforts? In general, the citizens of Rome seem to have resisted the crusading fervor that inflamed so much of Western Europe. We have little evidence that they took part in earlier crusading efforts, though some did become involved later in the twelfth century.(114) Would a Roman audience even have heard the tales of idolatrous, murderous Moslems and idol-smashing crusader heroes that were well known in much of Western Europe in the early twelfth century? The majority of these tales found their widest circulation in France; the First Crusade and the Crusade of 1101, which gave rise to most of them, were dominated by the French, and the early chroniclers were largely, if not exclusively, French as well. Though Calixtus--himself Burgundian, from a family long involved in crusading--must have been thoroughly versed in such lore, what about the Roman populace?

Despite the apparently cool local reception of the early crusading movement, it is likely that these stories would have been known in Rome as they were elsewhere. Though Romans did not hasten to enlist in the crusades, many other Italians--Tuscans, Venetians, Genoese, Lombards, Normans--did. Rome cannot have been entirely insulated from these crusaders and their reports of holy warfare. Further, in Calixtus's Rome, the presence of the French grew.(115) Members of prominent Roman families--the Frangipani, the Pierleoni--traveled to France on personal and papal business.(116) And Rome was a perennial hub for international travelers, such as pilgrims, merchants, and emissaries. With these visitors came news, rumors, and stories of more distant parts of the world. We know, for instance, that pilgrims brought word of the Holy Land to Rome.(117) All of these sources would have helped spread knowledge of the "abuses" allegedly perpetrated by the Moslems, and thus would have made the references in the frescoes of S. Maria clear to a Roman audience.

Moreover, in generating support for his crusade, Calixtus cast a wide net. Jonathan Riley-Smith has argued that the pope's recruiting efforts ranged well beyond Venice, and that he enlisted crusaders from "France, Bohemia, and Germany, and perhaps elsewhere in Italy."(118) The letter urging support for the Catalonian crusade was addressed even more globally, to "all bishops, kings, counts, princes, and the rest of the faithful of God." A pope who issued such allencompassing solicitations would presumably not overlook a local audience.

Furthermore, there are several ways in which the choice of S. Maria as a locus for crusading propaganda was particularly shrewd. As a parish church and as the titular church of a cardinal deacon, S. Maria served the local community in the Schola Graeca region as well as visitors to the city. As Stroll has noted, among this local community were some of Calixtus's wealthiest and most powerful backers, such as the Pierlioni family.(119) The pope may have viewed the Pierlioni and others as potential sources of funding for his military ambitions. Also worth pondering is the financial interest of the residents of this region in subduing the Moslems. People in the Schola Graeca had been involved with trade along the Tiber for some time; by the twelfth century, Roman merchants extended their interests to overseas trade and shipping.(120) Peter Partner has stressed Calixtus's work to secure the maritime interests of the wealthy, particularly the families whose support he was trying to gain.(121) For such families, the threat of the "Babylonians" may have extended beyond religious ideology; the Moslems could also have endangered a source of income.

The Schola Graeca, for centuries the Greek quarter of Rome, was also home to an international community. Stroll, noting that Calixtus hoped to heal the schism between the Greek and Latin churches, proposed that his decision to decorate a Greek church was a signal of reconciliation.(122) But reuniting the churches was closely tied to the call for a crusade; since the late eleventh century both the papacy and the Orthodox had linked attempts at union with the need for a common Christian effort against Islam.(123) Thus, the decision to decorate a church in the Greek district with frescoes detailing the "abominations" of proto-Moslem idolaters seems a singularly shrewd choice; residents of the Schola Graeca with continuing ties to Greece would be all too aware of the dangers posed by the Turks, and so, one assumes, especially receptive to Calixtus's message.

Finally, it is probably not fortuitous that Urban, too, had singled out S. Maria in Cosmedin for special notice: he "exalted the deaconry of Rome, popularly called S. Maria in Cosmedin, . . . above all others."(124) Though we do not know the reasons for Urban's high regard, the pope's concern with international issues, and especially with Greece and the Holy Land, might have drawn his attention to S. Maria. It is fitting that Calixtus--who explicitly and self-consciously emulated Urban in launching a crusade--would select this church, in the Greek district, lauded by Urban, for a fresco cycle designed to signal his commitment to crusading. Other papal actions also seem especially apt if we consider S. Maria in Cosmedin as a locus for the pope's crusading efforts, such as his gift to this church of relics of the Holy Sepulcher. These papal decisions and choices are fully consistent with the crusading ideology that seems encoded in the frescoes.

To conclude, the frescoes of S. Maria in Cosmedin comprise a tightly unified program. Both the Ezekiel scenes, which evoke the pollution of the holy places by idolaters, and the scenes of the Babylonian ruler Nebuchadnezzar, with his idol-worshiping men and their threat to the virtuous, powerfully convey the multiple dangers posed by contemporary "Babylonians" in the early 1120s; they depict precisely the perceived abuses that preachers of the crusades had railed against since the inception of the movement. And the stirring images of ultimate victory--the massacre of the godless, the triumph of the Three Hebrews--would have offered beacons of hope to aspiring crusaders. Thus, Stroll's observation that Calixtus was "a master in creating art and pageantry to mobilize people to his causes" is particularly astute in the context of this church.(125) The frescoes at S. Maria-like the "deeds of the soldiers of Christ . . . painted in the church" noted by Humbert of Romans--probably functioned just as Humbert would later recommend: "to rouse the faithful" to holy warfare.(126) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Twenty-seventh International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1992, in a session sponsored by the International Center of Medieval Art. I am grateful to Carol Pendergast, the organizer of the session, for her astute comments, and to several anonymous readers for much assistance. Many thanks also to Jonathan Riley-Smith, whose work on Calixtus's crusade was essential for the paper, and who generously shared his knowledge of Calixtus with me; to Judy Feldman and to Frank Frankfort for their careful reading of a draft; to Michael Camille, Louis Jordan, Genevra Kornbluth, Clark Maines, and Julia Miller for constructive suggestions; to Bella Schauman for generous paleographical assistance, and to Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Library in Washington and the Newberry Library in Chicago. A Beneficial-Hodson Faculty Fellowship from Hood College funded the research for this project. Unless otherwise attributed, translations are mine.

(1.) On Humbert and De predicatione, see J. Brundage, "Humbert of Romans and the Legitimacy of Crusader Conquests," in The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar, Proceedings of the Second Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Jerusalem, 1992, 302-13; for the date (between 1266 and 1268), 303. Cole, 202-17, published a detailed summary of one of the earliest manuscripts, Vat. lat. 3847; she is currently preparing a critical edition of the text. On the numerous manuscript copies of De predicatione see Cole, 202-3. The text was apparently printed only once, in Nuremberg cat 1495; I am grateful to the Newberry Library in Chicago for granting me access to this volume. On Humbert, see also E. T. Brett, Humbert of Romans: His Life and Views of Thirteenth-Century Society, Toronto, 1984.

(2.) See, e.g., P. Alphandery, "Les Citations bibliques chez les historians de la premiere croisade," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, XCIX, 1929, 139-57, P. Rousset, Les Origines et les caracteres de la premiere croisade, Geneva, 1945, esp. 93-98; A. Derbes, "A Crusading Fresco Cycle at the Cathedral of Le Puy," Art Bulletin, LXVII, 1991, 561-76, esp. 573. D. Weiss, "Biblical History and Medieval Historiography: Rationalizing Strategies in Crusader Art," MLN, CVII, 1993, 710-37, puts this phenomenon aptly: "It is not surprising that such a totalized expression of religious ideology would, from the outset, be described in biblical terms. The medieval West constructed its rationale for propagating religious wars in the Holy Land in large part by appropriating biblical precedent--especially that of the Old Testament" (712).

(3.) The full passage in chap. 16, "De exemplis antiquorum que inducent ad bellum contra saracenos," reads: "Circa sextum notandum quod inter multa que solent animare homines ad strennue bellandum precipuum solent esse exempla precentium propter quod in pallaciis nobilium ubi solent multi nobiles convenire depinguntur in parietibus gesta fortia antiquorum bellatorum, et etiam in cantilenis et neomeniis ibidem conventientibus eadem referuntur, ad animandum eosdem ad similia. Similiter modo eadem de cause in ecclesia et gesta militum christi depinguntur et rediguntur in scripturis et a predicatoribus recitantur ad animandum fideles" (ll. 1-8).

(4.) A. Katzenellenbogen, "The Central Tympanum at Vezelay," Art Bulletin, XXVI, 1944, 141-51. Katzenellenbogen argued that the tympanum reflected the preaching of the crusades at Vezelay. Though some have questioned his thesis, it is now generally accepted; for references, see Derbes (as in n.2), 561, n.2.

(5.) For works of art that treat crusading themes directly, see P. Deschamps, "Combats de cavalerie et episodes des Croisades dans les peintures murales du XII et du XIII siecle," Orientalia Christiana Periodica, XIII, nos. 1-2, 1947, 454-74; and E. A. R. Brown and M. W. Cothren, "The Twelfth-Century Crusading Window of the Abbey of Saint-Denis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XLIX, 1986, 1-40. For works that treat crusading themes metaphorically, see (in addition to Katzenellenbogen [as in n. 4] and L. Seidel [as in n. 6]), C. Maines, "The Charlemagne Window at Chartres Cathedral: New Considerations on Text and Image," Speculum, LII, 1977, 801-23, C. F. O'Meara, The Iconography of the Facade of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard, New York, 1977; D. Denny, "A Romanesque Fresco in Auxerre Cathedral," Gesta, XXV, no. 2, 1986, 197-202; Derbes (as in n. 2); Derbes, 141-54; and J. Fox-Friedman, "Messianic Visions: Modena Cathedral and the Crusades," Res, XXV, 1994, 77-95.

(6.) See L. Seidel, "Holy Warriors: The Romanesque Warrior and the Fight against Islam," in T. P. Murphy, ed., The Holy War, Fifth Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Ohio State University, 1974), Columbus, 1976, 33-54; eadem, Songs of Glory: The Romanesque Facades of Aquitaine, Chicago, 1981; and eadem, "Images of the Crusades in Western Art: Models as Metaphors," in The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss and C. V. Bornstein, Studies in Medieval Culture XXI, Kalamazoo, Mich., 1986, 377-92. (7.) Camille. esp. chap. 3. See also the cogent review by M. Caviness Speculum, LXVII. no. 1. 1993, 120 22. Though Caviness raises questions about aspects of the study, she does not challenge Camille's fundamental analysis of the anti-Islamic polemic embedded in many images of idolatry.

(8.) The basic study on Calixtus is still Robert. See also U. Robert, Etude sur les artes du Pap, Calixte II. Paris, 1874; and idem, Bullaire du Pape Calixte II, 2 vols., Paris, 1891. For recent discussions of Calixtus, see Stroll, esp. chaps. 16, with bibliography; and M. Stroll, The Jewish Pope Ideology and Politics in the Papal Sohism of 1130, Leiden/New York, 1987, esp. 10-20. See also L. Pellegrini. "Cardinal e curia sotto Callisto II (1119-1124)," in Contributi dell'Istituto di storia medioerva. Milan, 1972, 507-56.

(9.) The phrase is Jonathan Riley-Smith's (correspondence, Feb. 20, 1994).

(10.) Of the three w-o fought in the Crusade of 1101-Reginald, Stephen, and Hugh of Besancon-Stephen was the most important. For Stephen's role in the Crusade of 1101. see J. Cate, "The Crusade of 1101," in Setton, ed. 349 50. For the death of the three brothers, see the pope's letter, in Robert 3; and Cate, "The Crusade of 1101, 364, n. 32. For the importance of family involvement in crusading, see J. Riley-Smith, "Family Traditions and Participation in the Second Crusade, in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. M. Gervers, New York, 1992, 101 -8.

(11.) Riley-Smith is one of the few historians to call attention to Calixtus's role; he rightly describes the events of these years as "remarkable but little-known" (J. Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A Short History New Haven/ London, 1987, 91). See also idem, "The Venetian Crusade of 1122-24," in I Comuni italiani nel Regno Crociato di Gerusalemme, eds. G. Airoldi and B. Kedar, Genoa, 1986, 339-50; and M.-L. Favreau-Lille, Die Italiener im Heligen Land, Amsterdam, 1989, esp. 138 - 42. There is still no thorough treatment of Calixtus's crusade. It is generally minimized, as in Runciman 166; R. Nicholson, "The Growth of the Latin States, 1118-1144," in Setton ed., 410 47, does not mention Calixtus in connection with the events of the early 1120s. For some reasons for this neglect, see Riley-Smith, 1986 (as above), 348-50. Calixtus's concern for the Holy Land and Spain was examined in some detail by Robert, 189-92- for briefer comments, see H. K. Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, VIII, London, 1925, 221.

(12.) See Robert, 12, for the six men appointed to the cardinalate and the churches to which Calixtus assigned them; Stephen was Calixtus's only relative in the group. On Stephen, see Stroll, 5. A letter by Calixtus, dated Sept. 24, 1120, lists the pope's various appointments; there he refers to the church as S. Maria "de Scola Graeca" (Pat. Lat., CVXIII, colt 1183).

(13.) The significance of the Holy Sepulcher for crusaders is well known; Urban II exhorted his listeners to "begin the journey to the Holy Sepulcher!" at Clermont (according to Robert the Monk; see RHC Occ., III, 727-30, and J. Brundage, The Crusades: A Documentary Survey, Milwaukee, 1962, 19), and "Holy Sepulcher" became the war cry of crusaders (Brundage, 19). In fact, as Brundage has shown elsewhere (idem, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader, Madison, Wis., 1969, 116, 122-24), all who took the crusading vow were obliged to visit the Holy Sepulcher.

(14.) G. M. Crescimbeni, L'istoria della basilica diaconiale, collegiata, e parrocchiale di S. Maria in Cosmedin, Rome, 1715, 105, tells us that the frescoes were whitewashed in 1649-60. Giovenale's monograph is still the fundamental study of the church. For the date of the frescoes, see Giovenale, 171; Short, 229, and De' Maffei, 353. For the New Testament scenes, see Giovenale, 235-40. For a bibliography of the church and a summary of its architectural history, see Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett. For Calixtus and the church, see Stroll, chap. 1. For the growth of Rome in the early 12th century and the redecoration of many churches at this time, see Krautheimer, 161 ff.

(15.) Some confusion has surrounded the north-wall frescoes, caused by Giovenale's mistaken identification of them as scenes from the life of Charlemagne (209-35). For the convincing argument that the scenes depict the vision of Ezekiel, see De' Maffei and Short, with whom most writers now agree. C. R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts of the West, 800-1200, New Haven, 1993, 174, however, continues to describe the frescoes as a Charlemagne cycle. In so identifying the frescoes, Giovenale was influenced by the attribution of the Codex Calixtinus, or the Liber Sancti Jacobi, to Calixtus; the text glorifies the role of Charlemagne in fighting the Saracens. For the text, written after Calixtus's death, see the recent translation by W. Melczer, The Pilgrim's Guide to Santiago de Compostela, New York, 1993. On the false attribution of the text to Calixtus, see Melczer, 28-29, n. 3, 134 35; C. Hohler, "A Note on Jacobus,"Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxxv, 1972, 31-80; and Maines (as in n. 5), 804, n. 4.

(16.) Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, 299-304.

(17.) 0n the Schola Graeca region and the church as "ecclesia graecorum," see Giovenale, 5Y-53; Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, 304-5; and Stroll, 1-3. The term comes from the 8th-century itinerary of Einsiedeln, see C. Diehl, Etudes sur l'administration byzantine dans l'exarchat de Ravenne, Paris, 1888, 278-79. See also G. Massimi, S. Maria in Cosmedin (in Schola Graeca) Rome, 1953, II, n. 12, 25-26; I am grateful to Genevra Kornbluth for helping me obtain a copy of this volume.

(18.) Stroll, 2-3. For a detailed discussion of the pope's alliance with this family, see eadem, 1987 (as in n. 8), chap. 2. See also Krautheimer, 156, on the Pierleoni as financiers of the papacy.

(19). For these inscriptions, see Crescimbeni (as in n. 14),52-53; Giovenale, 63-64; Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, 280; J. Osborne, "The Tomb of Alfanus in S. Maria in Cosmedin, Rome, and Its Place in the Tradition of Roman Funerary Monuments," Papers of the British .School at Rome, LI, London, 1983, 242 43; and Stroll, 5-8.

(20.) On the office of camerarius, see Osborne (as in n. 19) 243, and Stroll 5-6. May 6 is the feast of Saint John the Evangelist; in view of the apocalyptic tenor of the frescoes, the choice of this day may not have been coincidental. I am grateful to Julia Miller for this suggestion.

(21.) On the tomb, see Giovenale, 172-74; Osborne (as in n. 19), 240 47;J. Osborne, "From Turtura to Alfanus: Funerary Monuments in Early Medieval Rome," R4C4R: Revue d'Art Canadienne, IX, nos. 1-2,1982,3-8; and Stroll, 7. The identification of the popes as Gelasius II and Calixtus II originated with G. Ladner, I ritratti dei papi nell'antichita e nel medioevo, Vatican City, 1941, I, 251-52.

(22.) Giovenale, 63, no. 10; and Krautheimer, Frankl, and Corbett, 280.

(23.) Giovenale, 214-19; R. Lejoune and J. Stiennon, La Legende de Roland dans l'art du moyen age, 2 vole., Brussels, 1966, I, 43-50; G. Matthiae, Pittura politica del medioevo romano, Rome, 1964, 41-52; O. Demus, Romanesque Mural Painting, New York, 1970, 301; H. Toubert, "Renouveau paleochretien a Rome au debut du Xlle siecle," Cahiers Archeologiques, xx, 1970, 105; F. Gandolfo, "Aggiornamento scientifico e bibliografia," in G. Matthiae, Pittura romana del medioevo, Rome, 1988, 259; and Stroll, 6-8.

(24.) Stroll, 6 8. However Short (238) has raised questions about the pope's involvement. M. Miller, in her review of Stroll (Speculum, LXVIIl, 1993, 265-66), also questions the assumption that the church was a papal enterprise.

(25.) For Giovenale's identification, see n. 15. Lejoune and Stiennon, 43-50; Matthiae, 41-52; Demus, 301; and Toubert, 105 (for all, see n. 23)-all writing before Short and De' Maffei--described the frescoes as scenes of Charlemagne, and read them as a reference to the Investiture Controversy. While Gandolfo (as in n. 23), 259, and Stroll, 10, acknowledge the work of De' Maffei and Short, they continue to read the program in the context of the Investiture Controversy. Miller (as in n. 24) is one of the few dissenters; she also questions the identification of the frescoes (on which see n. 39). As I argue above, there is reason to accept the traditional reading, despite the new identification of the subject matter. It is true, however, that far more explicit references to the Concordat of Worms occurred in the paintings done under Calixtus in the Lateran Palace; see C. Walter, "Papal Political Imagery in the Medieval Lateran Palace," Cahiers Archeologiques, xx, 1970, 155-76; I. Herklotz, "Die Beratungsraume Calixtus' II. im Lateranpalast und ihre Fresken Kunst und Propaganda am Ende des Investiturstreits," Zeitschrifi fur Kunstgeschichte, LII, 1989, 145-214; and Stroll, chap. 2.

(26.) Stroll, 8.

(27.) For both the Ripoll Bible (once thought from Farfa, now believed to come from S. Maria of Ripoll), Vat. Iat. 5729, and the Roda Bible, from S. Pere de Roda, now in Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 6, see Neuss; W. Cahn, Romanesque Bible Illumination, Ithaca, N.Y., 1982, 70-80, 292-93; and P. Klein, "The Romanesque in Catalonia," in Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Art of Medieval Spain:A.D. 500-1200, exh. cat., New York,1993, 306 9. Klein (306 7) places the Ripoll Bible in the second quarter of the 11th century, and the Roda Bible in the mid- to late 11th century; for the dating, see also Cahn, 70, 292. For the later Lambeth Bible, one of the only known manuscripts of the period to contain both cycles, see below and n. 37. In monumental Romanesque art, l know no examples of both Daniel and Ezekiel cycles other than those in S. Maria.

(28.) The Index of Christian Art lists examples of some forty-six episodes. For a survey of Ezekiel cycles, see W. Neuss, Das Buch Ezekiel in Theologie und Kunst bis zum Ends des XII. Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1912. On the Ezekiel cycles in the Roda and Ripoll Bibles as "not only the oldest but also the most extensive Ezekiel cycles of the early Middle Ages," see Klein (as in n.27), 307. An Ezekiel cycle appears earlier in an illustrated copy of Haymo of Auxerre's commentary on Ezekiel (Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 12302), probably made at St.-Germain around 1000; see Neuss, III, 298-307. In monumental art, an Ezekiel cycle postdating the frescoes at S. Maria by two or three decades survives in the church of St. Clement, Schwarzrheindorf, which was built by a crusader just after his return from the Holy Land; see A. Verbeek, Schwarzrheindorf Dusseldorf, 1953; and Derbes, 141-55.

(29.) De' Maffei, 358-59. For illustrations of the first two frescoes, see Giovenale, figs. 67, 66; and Short, figs. 1, 2. For the third, see Giovenale, fig. 65; Short, fig. 3; and De' Maffei, fig. 1.

(30.) All quotations from the Bible in English are from the Douay Rheims version; in Latin, from the Vulgate. In my text, however, I use standard English spellings (e.g., Ezekiel, not Ezechiel; Nebuchadnezzar, not Nabochodnosor).

(31.) This subject appears as well in Haymo of Auxerre's commentary on Ezekiel, cat 1000, fol. 1r (see n. 28). Other examples survive from the mid-12th century: the Lambeth Bible, fol. 258r (which was probably copied from a Catalonian Bible; see n. 37), and a fresco at Schwarzrheindorf (see n. 28;Derbes, 144;and Verbeek [as in n.28],fig. 14).

(32.) For manuscripts as sources of Romanesque frescoes, see Demus (as in n. 23), 52-54.

(33.) De' Maffei, 360; and Short, 234. The Index of Christian Art lists no other instance of this subject. Despite its extreme rarity, its sequence and its correspondence with the text of Ezekiel confirm the identification by De' Maffei and Short.

(34.) The Roda Bible, fol. 45v, depicts an upright Ezekiel looking at the head of the idol of Jealousy--an illustration of an earlier verse (Ezek. 8:3). In the Ripoll Bible, fol. 208v, Ezekiel bends, wielding a pickax with which to dig the hole, while five men with censers stand inside (see Neuss, pl. 30 [fig. 94]). This subject occurs as well in Haymo's commentary (see n. 28); there Ezekiel is shown inside the temple, standing upright, not kneeling outside as at S. Maria. The fresco's composition is a bit closer to the later fresco at Schwarzrheindorf--there, too, the prophet crouches prostrate before the hole he has dug in the wall (see Verbeek [as in n. 28], fig. 18).

(35.) See Short, 236, fig. 8.

(36.) Both the six men and the subsequent massacre did appear in the frescoes in the vestibule of the cathedral of Hildesheim, from the early 11th century, which were destroyed in 1841; for drawings made previously, see J. Sommer, Das Deckenbild der Michaeliskirche zu Hildesheim, Hildesheim, 1966, fig. 26. The marking of the men with the Tau appears in both the Ripoll and the Roda Bibles; this image, very rare before the 12th century, becomes much more common from about the middle of the century (see below, n. 77). At Schwarzrheindorf, all three narratives are included; see Verbeek (as in n. 31) figs. 22, 25.

(37.) For the Lambeth Bible (London, Lambeth Palace Library, M5 3), see C. M. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 1066-1190, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles III, London, 1975, 39, cat. no. 70, 99 100. Arguing that a Prophet cycle from one of the Catalonian Bibles must have been available to the English illuminator, Kauffmann notes that the Prophet cycles do not occur anywhere else (39).

(38.) See Short, fig. 10; and Giovenale, fig. 58.

(39.) Perhaps because the subjects are unusual in Romanesque fresco cycles, some scholars have questioned Giovenale's identifications (201-5). Ernst Kitzinger, for instance, referred to the frescoes as the "so-called Daniel cycle" and added that "some of the identifications are by no means certain"; see E. Kitzinger, "The Arts as Aspects of a Renaissance: Rome and Italy," in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelyfth Century, ed. R. L. Benson and G. Constable, Cambridge, Mass., 1982, 637-70, esp. 643, n. 29. Miller (as in n. 24), 265, claims that "scholars are seriously divided over the very basic issue of what [the frescoes] depict." This overstates the disagreement; since 1970, when De' Maffei and Short identified the subject of the "Charlemagne" cycle as Ezekiel, only Kitzinger has raised doubts about the Daniel cycle. Though he was rightly dubious about some of Giovanale's claims, the Daniel story is unquestionably the subject of this cycle, as a comparison with similar narrative cycles and a careful reading of the biblical text will confirm.

Earlier Daniel cycles appear in the Catalonian Bibles discussed above and to the texts of Beatus Apocalypses. For Spanish miniature painting as a source for Daniel cycles, see P.J. Lucas, "On the Bank Daniel-Cycle in MS Junius XI," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XLII, 1979, 207-13, esp. 209. Scenes of Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar appears occasionally in Romanesque sculpture, especially capitals; see A. Tcherikover, "The Fall of Nebuchadnezzar in Romanesque Sculpture," Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, XLIX, 1986, 288-300. For images of Nebuchadnezzar in medieval art, see P.B. Doob, Nebudchadnezzar's Children: conventions of Madness in Middle English Literature, New Haven/London, 1974, 74-76; A. Heimann, "The Master of Gargilesse: A French Sculptor of the First Half of the Twelfth Century," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XLII, 1979, 47-64, esp. 51-53; and Camille, 281-87.

(40.) The image in the Ripoll Bible (for. 227v) is also similar in that the idol appears twice, both intact and in pieces; see Neuss, pl. 34 (fig. 103).

(41.) Giovenale, 203, 204-6.

(42.) Stroll rightly called the identification "highly dubious," though she did not propose an alternative (9).

(43.) The scene appears also in the Ripoll Bible, fol. 227v: see Neuss, pl. 34 (fig. 103).

(44.) Neuss, 90; see also Cahn (as in n. 27), 76.

(45.) The scene appears similarly in the Ripoll Bible, fol.227v; see Neuss, pl. 34 (fig. 103). (46.) The Roda Bible includes one scene, the second on the middle register, that does not appear in S. Maria. It depicts the king with Daniel (who is haloed) and the three youths Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah (Dan. 2:16-17). See Neuss, 90; and Cahn (as in n. 27), 76.

(47.) For the revival of classical forms in 12th-century Rome, see Toubert (as in n. 23); and H. Bloch, "The New Fascination with Ancient Rome," in Renaissance and Renewal (as in n. 39), 615-36. For Rome and idolatry in the Middle Ages, see Camille, 77-87.

(48.) Giovenale, 203-4.

(49.) The Index of Christian Art interprets the scene in the Roda Bible as the king commanding the Hebrews to come forth. The moment of the narrative, in which Nebuchadnezzar appears with the Three Hebrews after they emerge from the furnace, is exceedingly rare in medieval art; the Index lists only one other clear instance of the subject, on a 6th-century pyxis in St. Petersburg.

(50.) "Theutonicorum Regis idolum": for the letter, see Watterich Johannes Matthias, Pontificium Romanorum qui fuerunt ab exeunte saeculo IX usque ad finem saeculi XIII Vitae: II. Paschalis Il-Coelestinus III (1099-1198) (Leipzig, 1862), repr. Aalen, 1966, 142; for the letter and the procession, see Stroll, 37-38.

(51.) Camille, xxvi.

(52.) The Two Cities: A Chronicle of Universal History to the Year 1146 A.D., trans. C. C. Mierow, New York, 1928; for the date, see Mierow, 18. For the Latin, with German trans., see W. Lammers, ea., Chronik, oder die Geschichte der zwei Staaten, Berlin, 1960. See also B. McGinn, Visions of the End, New York, 1979, 98-99.

(53.) Mierow (as in n. 52), 400-401.

(54.) Ibid., 422-23.

(55.) For Otto's transcription of the verses in the Lateran frescoes, see Stroll, 21, 26 27. Interestingly, Otto was present at the consecration of the church of Schwarzrheindorf, which features an even more extensive Ezekiel cycle, also focusing on idolatry and its punishment; see Derbes, 141, n. 28.

(56.) F. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages, Cambridge/London, 1975, 74-75; Russell points out that Gratian's Decretum was used to justify papal actions both in the crusades and in the Investiture Controversy.

(57.) See J. Williams, The Illustrated Beatus: A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse: I. Introduction, London, 1994, 131-32, for the quotation; see also idem, "Purpose and Imagery in the Apocalypse Commentary of Beatus of Liebana," in The Apocalypse in the Muldle Ages, ed. R. K. Emmerson and B. McGinn, Ithaca/London, 1992, 217-33, esp. 229-31.

(58.) Robert the Monk, Hierosolymita Expeditio (R.H.C. Occ., III), in Krey, 31. For the differing accounts of Urban's sermon, see Cole, 9-33.

(59.) For Baldric's Historia Hierosolymitana, see R.H.C. Occ., IV, 14. For similar passages, see Ezek. 22:26, 43:8; see also Derbes, 143.

(60.) Carl Erdmann noted these references in his classic study of the crusades (C. Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedanke, Stuttgart, 1935, trans. M. Baldwin and W. Goffart as The Origin of the Idea of Crusade, Princeton, NJ., 1977, 308). See also D. H. Green, The Millstatter Exodus: A Crusading Epic, Cambridge, 1966, 229.

(61.) C. Morris, "Propaganda for War: The Dissemination of the Crusading Ideal in the Twelfth Century," in The Church and War: Papers Read at the Twenty-first Summer Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, Oxford, 1982, 87.

(62.) P. Cole, "`O God, the heathen have come into your inheritance': The Theme of Religious Pollution in Crusade Literature, 1095-1187," in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller, Leiden, 1993, 84-111.

(63.) M. Chibnall, ed. and trans., The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, v, Oxford, 1975, 4-5, 172-73.The text was begun before 1114; this volume was probably written in 1135, according to Chibnall (xi).

(64.) The phrases are from letters 510 and 363; Sancti Bernardi Opera, VIII, ed. J. Leclerc and H. M. Rochais, Rome, 1977, 468,311; see also Derbes, 143-44.

(65.) For Humbert's citations of Ezekiel as a useful biblical precedent, see De predicatione (as in n. 1), chap. 27,11. 32, 47, 48; see also Cole, 212.John of Abbeville also quotes Ezekiel, excoriating idolators ("oculos vestros levatis ad inmunditias vestras"--Ezek. 33:25; see Cole, 154, 225).

(66.) Baldric of Dol (as in n. 59), in Krey, 33.

(67.) The text is from the Gesta Tancredi, written after 1131; trans. in X. Muratova, "Western Chronicles of the First Crusade as Sources for the History of Art in the Holy Land," in Crusader Art in the Twelfth Century, ed. J. Folda, BAR International Series CLII, Oxford, 1982, 47-48. See Camille, 142-45, for a discussion of the discovery of the "idol" and the Christian reaction to it.

(68.) P. Riant, "Le Martyre de Thiemo de Salzburg," Revue des Questions Historiques, XXXIX, 1906, 218-37; and Cate (as inn. 10), 362. The irony of the aniconic Muslims being assailed for idol worship escaped many contemporary writers, but not Otto of Freising. Relating the legend of Thiemo, Otto adds: "but that he demolished idols is hard to believe because, as is well known, the Saracens universally are worshipers of one God" (trans. Mierow [as in n 52], 411-12).

(69.) Ecclesiastical History (as in n. 63), 156. See also Cole (as in n. 62), 100.

(70.) One vivid example appears in La Chanson d'Antioche, from the later 12th century: "Our Lord cells on you to go to Jerusalem;/[You must] deliver his Cross and his Sepulchre;/you are to destroy Mahomet and Tervagan/and melt their idols and present the metal to God" (R. F. Cook, "Crusade Propaganda in the Epic Cycles of the Crusade," in Journeys toward Cod: Pilgrimage and Crusade, ed. B. N. Sargent-Baur, Kalamazoo, Mich., 1992, 157-75, esp. 170). For the Christian construction of Moslems as idol worshipers, see N. Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image, Edinburgh, 1960, esp. 309-13; idem, "Crusade Propaganda," in A History of the Crusades, ed. K. Setton, VI. The Impact of the Crusades on Europe, ed. H. Hazard and N. Zacour, Madison, Wis., 1989, 39-97, esp. 66-71; and Camille, 129-51. See also D. C. Munro, "The Western Attitude towards Islam during the Crusade," Speculum, VI, 1931, 329-43; R. W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, Mass., 1962, 32, J. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, London, 1986, 147; A. Nasralla, "The Enemy Perceived: Christian and Muslim Views of Each Other during the Crusades," Ph.D. dies., New York University, 1980, 43-47, and Derbes, 143-44. For the Saracens as idol worshipers in French epic poetry, see M. Skidmore, The Moral Traits of Christian and Saracen as Portrayed by the Chansons de Ceste, Colorado College Publication, General Series No. 203, Colorado Springs, 1935, 92-93; W. W. Comfort, "The Saracens in the French Epic," Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, LV, 1940, 628-59, esp. 639-44; and Y. and C. Pellat, "L'ldee de Dieu chez les `Sarrasins' des Chansons de Geste," Studia Islamica, XXII, 1965, 5-42, esp. 22-36. For reports of Moslems defiling the holy places, see Nasralla (as above), 1-2.

(71.) Camille, 136-38, 163-64.

(72.) Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, M5 10.137, fol. 1r; Camille, 136, fig. 76.

(73.) Camille, 138.

(74.) Vienna, 0st. Nat. Bibl. cod. 2553, fol. 36r; Camille, fig. 91.

(75.) Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (R.H.C. Occ., lit), trans. Krey, 32.

(76.) Ekkehard, Hierosolymita, R.H.C. Occ., v, chap. 10, 19; Derbes, 145, n. 27.

(77.) For the Tau in Ezekiel as the cross, see Rupert of Deutz's commentary, In Ezech., I, Pat. Lat., CLXVII, colt 1458: "Thau littera, crucis habet similitudinem." For Calixtus's letter (letter 229) see Pat. Lat., CLXIII, colt 1305. For references to crusaders as signati, see M. Markowski, "Crucesignatus: Its Origins and Early Usage," Journal of Medieval History, x, no. 3, 1984, 157-65. Though the term is thought to have come into general use only at the end of the 12th century, Markowski provides several early citations (158): Urban 11 called the crusaders "hominum multitudo cruce signata" in a letter; Archbishop Simeon referred to those who had taken the vow as "sancta cruce signati"; the early 12th-century chronicler Ekkehard calls crusaders "sig natorum numerus." Sigebert of Oembloux (d. 1112) also used the term: "signo sanctae crucis signati" (see Rousset [as in n. 2], 105). Markowski cites as well a number of uses from the middle of the century (158-59). Several 12th century enamels designate those marked with the Tau as signati. See P. Verdier, "A Mosan Plaque with Ezechiel's Vision of the Sign Thau (Tau)," Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, XXIX-XXX 1966 67, 17-47; and Derbes, 145. I suspect the popularity of the image was spurred in part by the crusades, and by the "Towing currency of the term signati to designate crusaders. Some of the images are pointedly inscribed, e.g., a plaque in the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore: NON SIGNATI PEREV[N]T (those not signed will perish); see Verdier, fig. 1.

(78.) According to Fulcher (as in n. 75), Urban spoke plainly: "Oh, what reproaches will be charged against you by the Lord Himself if you have not helped those who are counted, like yourselves, of the Christian faith!" (trans. Krey, 29-30).

(79.) De preducatione (as in n. 1), chap. 27, 1. 47: "omnem [autem] super quem videritis thau ne occidatis"; Humbert cites Ezek. 10, but the passage in the Vulgate is Ezek. 9:6. Humbert next (1.48) cites Ezek. 11: "Haec dicit Dominus Deus, Congregabo vos de populis, et adunabo de ferris in quibus dispersi estis. Daboque vobis humum Israel" (Exek. 11:17).

(80.) A few examples are known in Romanesque sculpture; most often, only a single scene--the three in the furnace--appears (e.g., at Moissac, in the cloister, and Autun, in the nave). Much at Moissac evokes the crusades; see Seidel, 1986 (as in n. 6); and L. Rutchick, "Crusader Zeal and the Kufic Inscription at Moissac," presented at the Twenty-seventh International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Mich., May, 1992.

(81.) For the self-conscious revival of Early Christian imagery by the reformist papacy, see E. Kitzinger, "The Gregorian Reform and the Visual Arts: A Problem of Method," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, XXII, London, 1972, 87-102, esp. 95-99.

(82.) For Ordericus, see Ecclesiastical History (as in n.63), 359; Ordericus also cites other biblical figures who were miraculously delivered. As for the tale of crusaders ordered to worship idols, several versions are known. One occurs in La Conquete de Jerusalem, faisant suite a la Chanson d'Antioche, composee par Richard le pelerin, ed. C. Hippeau (Caen, 1852), Geneva, 1969, xii, 257-60 on being captured and given the choice of worshiping the statue or decapitation, Peter the Hermit chooses the former. A more uplifting version of the story concerns Bishop Thiemo who was killed on the Crusade of 1101. In a variant of the idol-repair story mentioned earlier (see n. 68), Thiemo was said to have been tortured and executed by his captors after he refused to worship Moslem idols; see Munro (as in n. 70), 332. These tales persist in French epic poetry, as in, e.g., La Mort Agmeri de Narbonne, written in the late 12th or early 13th century (see Skidmore [as in n. 70], 12). Here the hero refuses to pay homage to an idol of Mohammed and is about to be burned to death when a last-minute rescue saves him; the threat of death by fire is an interesting parallel to the story of the Three Hebrews. A similar incident in the same poem concerns another hero, Orson, who also refuses to believe in his captors' gods ("ii dus nes viant crore") and is then cast into a dungeon. For both episodes, see Skidmore (as in n. 70), 92-93.

(83.) Relatively favorable assessments of Nebuchadnezzar appear in, e.g. the books of Isaiah and Jeremiah; see Doob (as in n. 27), 59-60. For his metamorphosis into an evil character, see ibid., 60 65. For medieval commentaries on Nebuchadnezzar, see ibid., 59, n. 2, 64, n. 10. In the context of the crusades, it is interesting that the theologian Robert of Courson cited Nebuchadnezzar as a wager of unjust war in his Summa (cited by Russell [as in n. 56], 222).

(84.) R.H.C. Occ., II, 536; III, 462; IV, 480. Twelfth-century pilgrims similarly refer to Nebuchadnezzar as the destroyer of the Temple (Palestine Pilgrims Text Society, 13 vole., London, 1897, V, 10-11, 29, 37; VI, 64).

(85.) See R. K. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Apocalypticism, Artand Literature, Seattle, [1981], 80-81.

(86.) See C. R. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, 800 to 1200, Harmondsworth, 1971, 102.

(87.) N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, New York, 1970,74, referring to versions of the Tiburtina circulating at the end of the 11 th and early 12th centuries.

(88.) Emmerson (as in n. 85), 167.

(89.) "Jerusalem our mother, . . . lying prostrate on the ground, desires to be lifted up from her Babylonian captivity." From Oliver of Paderborn, The Capture of Damietta, written in the early 13th century; in E. Peters, ea., Christian Society and the Crusades, 1198-1229, Philadelphia, 1971, 101. O'Meara ([as in n. 5], 106, 166, n. 38) also cites a number of examples in which Fulcher of Chartres refers to the Moslems holding Jerusalem as "Babylonians" (R.H.C. Occ., III). This is, however, a more specific usage; Jerusalem was then controlled by the Egyptians, and the Franks referred to Cairo as Babylon and to the caliph as the king of Babylon. This point, and its importance for the frescoes of S. Maria, will be discussed in more detail below.

(90.) See P. Mayo, "The Crusaders under the Palm: Allegorical Plants and Cosmic Kingship in the Liber Floridus," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XXVII, 1973, esp. 55-64. The crusading context of this manuscript is clearly established in fol. 76v, which depicts a palm tree labeled "Arbor Palmarum"; on either side of the tree are lists of the kings of Jerusalem and the patriarchs of Jerusalem, and each list begins with a brief description of the major events of the First Crusade (the sermon at Clermont, the departure of the crusaders, etc.). For this image, see Mayo, 36-37. On the importance of the First Crusade in the Liber Floridus, see also V. Tuttle, "An Analysis of the Structure of the Liber Floridus," Ph.D. dies., Ohio State University, 1979; and E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, Princeton, NJ., 1986, 67-68. For the manuscript, see also Liber Floridus Colloquium, Papers read at the International Meeting, University of Ghent, 1967, ed. A. Derolez, Ghent, 1973. Nebuchadnezzar's second dream is also represented on a nave capital at Autun, where the "holy one" is identified as a pilgrim; see D. Grivot and G. Zarnecki, Gislebertus, Sculptor of Autun (1961), repr. New York, 1985, 69, pl. 16. The crusaders also identified themselves as pilgrims; see, e.g., Rousset (as in n. 2), 70-71.

(91.) Ghent, Univ. Lib. M5 92, fol. 232v; Mayo (as in n. 90), fig. 9.

(92.) For the Antichrist and Nebuchadnezzar, see ibid., 45, 60, n. 112. For the Antichrist as Mohammed, see Rousset (as in n. 2) 105.

(93.) In the Arsenal Bible, cat 1250-54, Nebuchadnezzar's general Holofernes is shown with a banner decorated with the star and crescent; H. Buchthal, Minuature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, Oxford, 1957 pl. 73. For a discussion of the image, see A. Derbes, "Imagined Encounters Amazons, Crusaders, and the Histoire Universelle Manuscripts from Acre," in Encountering the Other, ed. Ellen Schwartz, in preparation.

(94.) See, e.g., Peters, ed. (as in n.89), 66, n. 1. For maps identifying Cairo as "Babilonia," see M. Kupfer, "The Lost Mappamundi at Chalivoy-Milon," Speculum, LXVI, 1991, 540-71, esp. 560-61.

(95.) For Baldwin I's invasion of Egypt, see Runciman, 99; for Al-Afdal's determination to strike back and the three-month-long confrontation between the Egyptian army and the crusader forces, ibid., 146; for the Egyptian fleet, ibid., 166. The primary sources for the events of the late teens and early twenties include Albert of Aix, Christuana expeditio pro ereptione (R.H. C., Occ., III); Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana (R.H.C. Occ., m); and William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum (R.H.C. Occ., t); see R. Nicholson, "The Growth of the Latin States, 1118-1144," in Setton, ea., 410.

(96.) According to Runciman (166), Baldwin wrote to the doge in 1119; Riley-Smith (91) notes that Baldwin sent emissaries to the pope and the doge in January 1120. See also Robert, 189-90.

(97.) Robert, 190.

(98.) Riley-Smith, 6-7.

(99.) See, for references to the Holy Land, Pat. Lat, CLXIII, cols. 1215-17, 1305; for Spain,ibid.,cols. 1168-69, 1195-96, 1222, 1290, 1305; for Urban, ibid.,cols. 1125, 1130, 1150, 1159, 1183, 1192, 1201.Several of these letters are reprinted in Robert, 1891 (as in n. 8), esp. nos. 208, 209, 258, 449, 460. For the pope and Spain, see also Robert, 191-92.

(100.) For the letter quoted above, see H. Hagenmeyer, ea., Die Kreuzzugsbriefe aus den Jahren 1088-1100 (Innsbruck, 1901), repr. Hildesheim, 1973, 175; and F. Duncalf, "The Councils of Piacenza and Clermont," in Setton, ea., 249. For the spiritual and temporal privileges of crusaders, see Brundage, 1969 (as in n. 13), chaps. 5 and 6.

(101.) For the text of the papal decree, see Pat. Lat., CLXIII, cols. 1363 64: "eis autem qui Hierosolimam proficiscuntur et ad christianam gentem defendendam et tyrannidem infidelium debellandam efficaciter auxilium suum praebuerint, quorum remissionem peccatorum concedimus." See also Robert, 166-67.

(102.) Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, trans. E. A. Babcock and A. C. Krey as A History of Deeds Done beyond the Sea (1943), 2 vole., repr. New York, 1976, I, 552-53. William's chronology is somewhat misleading here. The Venetians stayed in the Levant to help in the siege of Tyre, and did not return until the city had fallen in July 1124. See Runciman, 170-71; and Riley-Smith, 92.

(103.) Camille, 2-7, 135.

(104.) Ibid., 135.

(105.) As J. O'Callaghan, A Historg of Medieval Spain, Ithaca/London, 1975, 213, has noted, Raymond was given Galicia as a "subkingdom."

(106.) For Alfonso, Calixtus's nephew, see ibid., 216-18; for Calixtus's correspondence with him, see Robert, 133. See also O'Callaghan (as in n. 105), 216-18, for the bishop of Compostela's close association with Alfonso ibid., 218, for Calixtus's elevation of Compostela to an archepiscopate; and ibid., 307, for the concession of rights to Merida.

(107.) For the letter, see n. 77. The letter is dated Apr. 2, but no year is given; Migne dates it between 1121 and 1124 (Pat. Lat., CLXIII, colt 1305). The pope addressed it to "omnibus episcopis, regibus, comitibus principibus, caeterisque Dei fidelibus," and referred to "charissimum fratrem nostrum Oldegarium Tarraconensem archiepiscopum."

(108.) For the edited text, see H. Sanders, Beati in Apocalipsin Libri Duodecim, Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome VII, Rome, 1930. For anti-Islamic ideology in copies of the text, see M. Schapiro, "The Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona" (1963), in his collected essays, Late Antique, Early Christian, and Mediaeval Art, New York, 1979, 319-28, esp. 328; Dodwell (as in n. 86), 101-3; J. Williams, Earlg Spanish Manuscript Illumination, New York, 1977, 27; and idem, 1994 (as in n. 57), 131-41. See also idem, 1992 (as in n. 57), 227-32, where he stresses that anti-lslamic ideology is not to be found in Beatus's text, but begins to appear in illustrations to the text in the 9th and I 0th centuries.

(109.) See Sanders (as in n. 108), XV; Schapiro (as in n. 108), 328; and Dodwell (as in n. 86), 102-3.

(110.) Williams, 1977 (as in n. 108), 27.

(111.) See Dodwell (as in n. 86), 115-17.

(112.) The Liber Floridus illustrations have also been associated with Spanish Beatus Apocalypses and Bibles; H. Swarzenski ("Comments on the Figural Illustrations," in Liber Floridus Colloquium [as in n. 90], 26) notes several points of comparison and concludes that it is "tempting to suggest that Lambert and his illuminators had illustrated Spanish books at their disposal." At least in the Beatus manuscripts, and I suspect in the Bibles as well, the ideology informing the manuscripts is comparable: Nebuchadnezzar signifies the infidel. Finally, see R. Calkins, "Pictorial Emphases in Early Biblical Manuscripts," in The Bible in the Middle Ages: Its Influence on Literature and Art, ed. B. Levy, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies KXXXIX, Binghamton, N.Y., 1992, 77-102, esp. 95-102, for the elaboration of the Ezekiel and Daniel cycles in the Lambeth Bible, the connections with the Roda Bible and the Beatus Apocalypses, and the possible ideological links of these images.

(113.) Stroll, 45.

(114.) See F. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, London, 1905, tv, pt. 2, 622-23.

(115.) For Calixtus's appointments of Frenchmen to high posts, see Pellegrini (as in n. 8). On foreigners in the papal administration in the early 12th century, see P. Partner, The Lands of St. Peter: The Papal States in the Middle Ages and the Early Renaissance, London, 1972, 159.

(116.) Partner (as in n. 115), 147, notes that members of both families accompanied popes to synods in France.

(117.) See Cate (as in n. 10), 345.

(118.) Riley-Smith, 1986 (as in n. 11), 345.

(119.) Stroll, 3. On the Pierleoni family and the pontiff, see also Stroll, 1987 (as in n. 8), esp. 10-20.

(120.) For trade as the traditional occupation in the Schola Graeca, see M. Sharp A Guide to the Churches of Rome, London, 1966, 132. For the expansion of trade to overseas shipping, see Krautheimer, 155; and Partner (as in n. 115), 142-43.

(121.) Partner (as in n. 115), 160-61.

(122.) Stroll, 4.

(123.) See, e.g., P. Charanis, "The Byzantine Empire in the Eleventh Century," in Setton, ea., esp. 216-19; and idem, "Byzantium, the West, and the Origin of the First Crusade," Byzantion, XIX, 1949, 24-36. Both Urban II and the Byzantine emperor saw the advantage of joining forces against the threat of the Turks, and at Clermont Urban is said to have cited the risk to the Greek Orthodox ("For you must hasten to carry aid to your brethren dwelling in the East, who need your help, which they have often asked. For the Turks, a Persian people, have attacked them, as many of you already know.... If you allow them to continue much longer, they will subjugate God's faithful yet more widely"; Fulcher of Chartres, trans. Krey, 29).

(124.) Stroll, 4, noted Urban's special attention to the church, and cited "I Cataloghi e la Recensione del Secolo XV, Continuazione di Pietro Gulielmo," in Codice topograf co della cittd di Roma, II, ed. R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti Rome, 1946, 336-37: "Urbanus ... Diaconiam Romae, quae Sanctam Mariam in Cosmydin vulgariter nuncupant, . . . super omnes alias inaltaverit" (Stroll, 4, n. 10).

(125.) Stroll, 5.

(126.) See above and n. 3.

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Anne Derbes is the author of Picturing the Passion in Late Medieval Italy: Narrative Painting, Franciscan Ideologies, and the Levant, forthcoming, Cambridge University Press. Her articles on medieval narrative painting have appeared in Gesta and the Art Bulletin. She is currently working on images of Amazons in crusader manuscript painting [Hood College, Frederick, Md., 21701].

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