Racism in Children's Lives: A Study of Mainly White Primary Schools

Racism in Children's Lives: A Study of Mainly White Primary Schools, by Barry Troyna and Richard Hatcher. London: Routledge, 1992. 216 pp. $74.95, cloth; $17.95, paper. Reviewed by Robert Glenn, Washington, D.C.*

In this book, Troyna and Hatcher provide convincing evidence that British schoolchildren, Blackl and White alike, are grappling with racism, even in predominantly White schools where few minorities are present. Noting that many adults assume children to be immune from racist motives or beliefs, this book demonstrates otherwise. It also identifies, in the children's own words, children's ideas about social and racial equality-some of which, if nurtured by school people, families, and political leaders, hold great promise for developing and supporting more just communities.

The authors of this study are both British educators. Barry Troyna has been involved in antiracist education for over 15 years as a school principal, lecturer, and teacher and in his work within the British Labour Party. He is currently a senior lecturer in education at the University of Warwick. Richard Hatcher, having also served as teacher, lecturer, and school governor (principal), is senior lecturer in educational studies at Birmingham Polytechnic.

The book begins with an overview of contemporary racial affairs in England. The authors discuss how politicians, community coalitions, and school leaders responded to several highly visible racist acts in the nation, and explain how many of these responses, though in many cases well-meaning, fell short in terms of effectiveness. The authors next review the literature on children's culture and their moral and social development. In exploring the relationships between Black and White children in British schools, they present case studies drawn from interviews with children of both groups about their experiences with racism. These studies analyze the sources of students' racism or antiracist views, their responses to racism, and the meanings and impact of racist name-calling for them.

As background, Troyna and Hatcher explain that schoolchildren often "pick on" one another. School bullies pick on their smaller, weaker victims. Older children pick on younger schoolmates and vice versa. Boys pick on girls, and girls pick on boys. Peers pick on one another. They harass. They tease. They call each other names. Some seek dominance in the group, while others seek fairness and equality. There are friendships and breakups. This is part of the culture of childhood, both as described in the research and at the three British elementary schools that are the focus of this study. However, some of the name-calling in children's search for dominance is racist in nature. Indeed, racist name-calling was the most frequent manner in which the British children who were a part of these case studies experienced racism.

The attitudes about race among the British schoolchildren in this sample were found to be influenced by their friendships and rivalries at school and in their local communities, by television stories and reports, and by parents. The authors theorize and demonstrate that these children practice their racial beliefs through their daily social interactions with other children. In turn, what the children see, hear, do, and experience in their relationships colors (no pun intended) their perceptions of race in society. Troyna and Hatcher explain that in this way children come to understand what is appropriate or inappropriate behavior toward other racial groups. As evidence of this, they present and discuss children's stories

*A former classroom teacher and school, business, and federal educational planner/analyst, the author now works on national teachers' issues.

"Blacks" in the contemporary British context refers to persons of African, Afro-Caribbean, or Pakistani heritage, or any mixture of these, who form the majority of Great Britain's Third World immigrant population. about how race enters into decisions about who should play together, who should be friends, who should be invited to parties, who should date one another, and who was an acceptable winner in a foot race. From these stories it becomes all too clear that these children make decisions on racialized issues at school and at home, with or without the approval of others, including parents, depending on the circumstances.

The authors also point out that race plays out differently in different schools. For instance, at one school they studied, the multiracial group was the high-status group. At another, the Blacks who were the better athletes or the toughest bullies were the most respected. Individual differences in how Black students experience race were also evident. For example, some Black children in the sampled schools fit in and were not bothered by racism, while others at the same schools were the constant targets of racist namecalling. Troyna and Hatcher subsequently note that White children, though frequently the target of racism from Blacks, tended not to be as disturbed by it as their Black peers. Unlike Blacks, they could not effectively be admonished to "go back to their own country," thus the sting of racist name-calling was lessened for them. Some White children were generally tolerant, expressing the view that if Whites could go to other countries, Blacks should be able to come to England. For others, issues of race and nationalism were far from settled.

In the interviews, children cited reasons for their own or others' racist name-calling, including uncontrolled anger, the desire to make other children feel bad or to make themselves or others feel better, jealousy, and attempts to stifle competition. Interestingly, some White children considered racist name-calling as being no different from any other name-calling. Others, upon introspection, indicated to the researchers that racist namecalling was wrong because "we are all the same under the skin." Interviews with school administrators, faculty, and support staff (including custodians, cafeteria workers, and volunteers) indicated that adult perspectives often helped set and enforce the racial climate within schools.

Troyna and Hatcher also found that school policies designed to handle racist incidents were important providers of safety for the majority of children, both Black and White, although inconsistent administration of these policies was a concern raised by some of the children interviewed. Although they claimed to respect school policies against racist behavior-policies that included teacher "verbal chastisement," sending offenders to the principal, calling parents, and suspension-both Black and White children perceived some unfairness in the policies because they only applied to racist name-calling and not namecalling in general.

One important point raised in this study is the useful distinction the authors make between multicultural and antiracist education. Specifically, Troyna and Hatcher stress that multicultural education, while the preferred "solution" for fostering understanding and appreciation of other cultures, is not a remedy for racism. On the contrary, they note that multicultural education tends to make nonracists more nonracist and racists more racist. It also fails to address the violence that comes with racism. Thus, these authors maintain that antiracist policies focusing on minimizing racist name-calling and preventing racially motivated fights among children may be more effective. They provide several useful examples of such policies in this text.

Troyna and Hatcher also provide a judicious model for analyzing racist incidents in schools, beginning with an analysis of the interactions involved and their specific contexts, and moving on to explore the biographical, subcultural, institutional, political/ideological, and structural components that define such incidents. This model helps readers to understand how racial incidents happen and their real meanings. It also provides a context for antiracism advocates to take action to prevent or reduce the occurrence of additional racial strife. Another of the authors' recommendations is that strands of racial egalitarianism among children's culture be encouraged both in and out of school.

Racism in Children's Lives exposes the harsh fact that children often get contradictory messages about race and must largely work out their own solutions for dealing with it. It also makes it painfully clear that racist acts and language must be addressed directly and that the root supports of racism must not go unchallenged. After reading this book, readers might want to learn more about how teachers can be taught to implement antiracist ideals in their schools and classrooms or be trained to effectively implement antiracist policies for children with both racist and nonracist bents. The manner of presentation is satisfying, the methodology appropriate, and "hearing" the perspectives of children in their own voices is both effective and enlightening. This book should be useful reading for citizens interested in reducing racist incidents in their communities and schools. It should also prove a valuable resource for teachers, school administrators, school board members, and political leaders.

Copyright Howard University Fall 1995
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