Perceived Barriers to Integration in the Mississippi Delta, The

Eckes, Suzanne E

This article identifies the barriers to educational integration in one Mississippi Delta town. Throughout the Mississippi Delta region, there are predominantly White private academies located in close proximity to predominantly Black public schools. Although de facto segregation among students exists throughout the country, the segregation in the Mississippi Delta is different. Specifically, many White students attend private academies that do not offer greater educational opportunity than the predominantly Black public schools. More than 40 individuals in Delta County were interviewed in order to identify the specific barriers to educational integration.

INTRODUCTION

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, data suggest that some public school districts are as racially segregated as they were at the time of the Brown decision (Frankenberg, Lee, & Orfield, 2003). One difference between the segregation that exists between now and then relates to de jure segregation versus de facto segregation. In other words, the racial segregation that existed before the Brown decision was segregation according to law, or de jure segregation, while the segregation that exists today is segregation not sanctioned by law, or de facto segregation (Garner, 2001). Although de facto segregation in schools exists throughout the country, the de facto segregation that exists in the Mississippi Delta region is somewhat unique.

Specifically, similar to other areas, the public schools in the Mississippi Delta are predominantly Black and the private schools are predominantly White. Unlike other school districts, however, the White students are attending a private school that does not offer greater educational opportunity than the Black public school. Also, unlike other school districts, the public school and private school are only a few miles apart. This study examines why the students of one Mississippi Delta town, Delta County (pseudonym), remain segregated by race. In order to examine this issue, the following question was addressed: What are the current barriers to educational integration in Delta County? The findings of this study will shed light on the segregated schools throughout the Mississippi Delta region as well as in other areas of the country that have a similar history of de facto segregation (e.g., Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina).

Throughout the article desegregation is defined as the abrogation of policies that separate and place races into different institutions and facilities (Garner, 2001). Integration, on the other hand, is defined as the goal of sharing major institutions in a way that recognizes and teaches respect for our different cultures as well as our shared goals (Orfield & Eaton, 1996).

BACKGROUND

The 2000 U.S. Census revealed that Delta County is 41% White, 57% Black, and 2% other. The county's population is 12,580 (Institute of Economic Advancement, 2004). The median household income in Delta County is $20,510, compared to the U.S. average of $41,994 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000).

The following four educational options are available in Delta County: (a) Delta Public School, (b) Delta Private Academy, (c) Delta sectarian School, and (d) home-schooling. This article presents descriptions of the Delta Public School, Delta Private Academy, and Delta sectarian School; the home-school option was not considered. Demographic information and other available data on each school are provided in Table 1. It is important to note that test scores were not compared because they were not provided by Delta Private Academy or by Delta sectarian School. These test scores are not maintained by the Delta State Department of Education because the schools are private.

The researcher taught at Delta Public School from 1994-1997 and returned to observe both Delta Private Academy and Delta Public School in 2001 and 2002. While the public school is not an exemplar school, the observation data revealed that the Delta Public School provided a more rigorous academic environment. Few objective observers would argue that Delta Private Academy, the predominantly White private school, offers greater educational opportunities than Delta Public School. As Table 1 provides, the private school has fewer certified teachers, course offerings, and extra-curricular activities. There is also a special education, gifted education, vocational, computer and community college program at the public school. Additionally, the majority of the teachers at the public school are state certified. Unfortunately, test scores from the three schools could not be compared. Thus, it is at least arguable that Delta Public School provides greater opportunity.

Two divisions occur as parents select an educational option for their children. The first division occurs when nearly all the Black students attend Delta Public School and nearly all the White students attend Delta Private Academy, Delta sectarian School, or home-schooling. The second division occurs among White students according to social class, creating a division between Delta Private Academy, Delta sectarian School, and home schooling. To illustrate, Delta Private Academy is attended by the wealthiest group of Whites, Delta sectarian School is attended by those White students who cannot afford Delta Private Academy, and home schooling is generally utilized by those White families who are too poor to send their child to either of the first two options. These findings about class differences are consistent with other studies (see Saporito, 2003). Saporito and Lareau (1999) have provided compelling evidence that race is a powerful force in guiding family school choices. Specifically, they document that White families assiduously avoid schools with higher percentages of African Americans.

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Although there is vast literature on segregation, there is little discussion on this specific phenomenon: segregation between a Black public school and White private school when the White private school does not offer greater educational opportunity. As such, the literature on segregation is examined in order to provide some insight into this unique situation. Additionally, a legal case analysis of K-12 desegregation litigation is discussed in order to set the context regarding how the court system has influenced public school desegregation and integration.

The literature explaining the reasons for segregation offers several theories to explain White opposition to integration. Sears and Henry (2003) have described the phenomenon as "symbolic racism." Other scholars have used similar descriptions (see generally, Bobo, Kluegel, & Smith, 1997; Jackman, 1981; Kinder & Sanders, 1996; McConahay, 1986; Schuman, Steeh & Bobo, 1985).

In addition to this covert form of racism, some scholars suggest that White racial attitudes are formed early, but because racism is not as socially acceptable in current society, this racism is expressed covertly. Thus, these opinions on issues are symbolically related to deep-rooted attitudes regarding the racial inferiority of Blacks or to fear of them and their effect on society (see, for example, Kinder & Sanders, 1996; McConahay, 1982; Sears, Van Laar, Carrillo, Kosterman, 1997). Other scholars contend that many White Americans support principles of equality, but do not support policies necessary to implement equality (Sears, et al., 1997). Consistent with these findings is Jackman's (1996) work pertaining to White racism. She discusses the "disjuncture between Whites' gradual elevation to apparently lofty racial policy principles and their meager support for specific policies designed to implement those principles" (Jackman, 1996, p. 760). These findings have been continuously noted (see, Kinder & Sears, 1981; Siegelman & Welch, 1991). Sears et al. (1997) and Sears and Henry (2003) discuss the idea of "old-fashioned racism" or racism that has not been replaced with general notions of equality. Specifically, Sears et al. (1997) argue that progress in this area is still inhibited by great resistance to change by Whites. Likewise, Eberhardt and Fiske (1998) contend that symbolic racism and old-fashioned racism are associated because they have "common roots in antagonism toward Blacks" (p. 83).

On a similar note, several scholars have researched the influence of Black stereotypes as it relates to segregation. Massey and Denton (1993) write that segregation remains in effect because of White prejudice against Blacks. Specifically, they suggest that stereotypes of Blacks perpetuate segregation. To illustrate, they contend that the White community justifies segregation within schools by claiming that Blacks are "noisy, likely to steal, or likely to commit sex crimes" (p. 94). They further argue that although public anti-Black sentiments decreased after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, such sentiments against Blacks simply went underground. As such, racist attitudes still exist today, but in a more subtle form. Massey and Denton's (1993) findings regarding stereotypes are consistent with other scholar's research (see, Devine & Elliot, 1995; Miller, 1995; Schuman et al., 1997; Wilson, 1996).

To illustrate this consistency, Miller (1995) explored the history and evolution of racial prejudice in America, and, in so doing, examined the rationale for and the extent of such prejudice. He notes that studies which analyze the stereotypes that Blacks and Whites hold about each other indicate that Whites typically stereotype Blacks as being "lazy, superstitious, ignorant, loud, materialistic, stupid, dirty, and militant" (p. 178). Wilson (1996) also found that dehumanizing images of Blacks have operated to sustain racial prejudice. In his 1996 study, he found these images manifested in current depictions of Blacks as "lazy" (p. 28). Such stereotypes can perpetuate misconceived notions, confirming the originally false conception (Stephan, 1999; Vogt, 1997).

It is not only White racism and stereotypes that hinder integration; support for integration within the Black community has declined as well. To help explain the feelings of those tending to oppose integration, Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo (1985) offer two hypotheses for the declining Black support for achieving racial equality in American society. First, they explain that the lack of Black support for integration is explained by the incredible energy Blacks put into the civil rights movement of the 1960s; as a result, some "natural falling away during the 1970s as the salience of these issues decreased" was inevitable (Schuman et al., 1985, p. 161). Their second hypothesis is that some Blacks may have retreated from the use of federal force for desegregation because of their perception that it was so intensely opposed by Whites, making any effort seem impractical.

Although the literature is somewhat consistent in this area, Glazer (1997) offers another explanation. Glazer (1997) condemns segregation, but he believes that segregation is not caused by racial prejudice. Rather than prejudice, he argues that segregation is more directly related to the social dysfunction of poor Black communities. Specifically, he notes that separation "is the product of the interaction of poverty, social dysfunction, and the reaction of others to these problems" (p. 95). Glazer (1997) notices the social turmoil in the inner city, but regards it as a cause, rather than a consequence of segregation, and as the reason for White flight, rather than its product. Accordingly, he identifies social turmoil in the Black community as responsible for the perpetuation of segregation. Glazer (1997) writes that, "from Frederick Douglass to Martin Luther King, Jr., Blacks have argued consistently and passionately for assimilation" (p. 95). Glazer acknowledges that Whites' reluctance to live with Blacks has caused segregation, rather than a Black desire to live apart; however, he argues that it is not "prejudice that causes Whites to avoid Black neighborhoods" (p. 132). Glazer's claims seem to skirt the issue of White racism.

In studying the barriers to educational integration, the literature regarding attitudes toward integration provides insight into the Delta County situation. In addition to this literature, the case law on desegregation litigation is extensive. Although the students in Delta County remain segregated by race, the Brown v. Board (1954) decision has no legal power to further integrate the schools because Delta Private Academy is a private school and therefore is not effected by state action. State action is defined as anything officially done by a government (Garner, 2001). Accordingly, any integration that may occur must be the result of individual choice, not state action. Despite this reality, a basic understanding of the major desegregation litigation is important to fully examine the educational context that has evolved in Delta County. There are thirteen leading desegregation cases that have been decided between 1896 and 1995. Each case adds facets to the current legal foundation for asserting desegregation claims today. The holdings and ramifications of these cases are examined.

In 1896, the Supreme Court validated "separate but equal" in Plessy v. Ferguson. The Court concluded that separate but equal treatment did not violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment because social equality was not, the Court held, a goal of the Equal Protection Clause. Plessy was overturned in 1954 when the Supreme Court rejected the "separate but equal" doctrine in the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision. The Court reasoned that separate educational facilities were "inherently unequal" (p. 495). The Brown Court held that even where all-Black and all-White schools were equal in terms of "tangible" factors, intangible factors necessarily prevented children who were restricted to all-Black schools from receiving equal educational opportunities. In particular, the Court found that racial segregation "generates [in Black students] a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone" (Brown, 1954, p. 494).

Despite the Brown decision, there was a delayed response to achieving desegregation in public schools. Such delays led to the Brown II case in 1955. Brown II was an implementation decision that required schools to desegregate at "all deliberate speed" (p. 301). The Court's opinion in Brown II required public schools to effectuate a transition to a "racially nondiscriminatory school system" (p. 301). Despite Brown II, the courts were still needed to stop school districts that used other tactics to delay desegregation.

To illustrate, in Griffin v. County School Board (1964), the school district in Prince Edward County, Virginia closed all its public schools and made available to all children tax credits and grants to fund education at local private schools. However, none of the county's private schools would accept Black children. As a result, the Supreme Court found this plan to be a violation of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment.

Such tactics to avoid desegregation continued through the 1960s. Some districts adopted Freedom of Choice programs, which allowed a student to choose her or his own public school. Specifically, Black students could choose to attend the White public school or vice versa. In Green v. County School Board (1968) the issue was whether a Freedom of Choice desegregation plan in South Carolina was acceptable under Brown. The Supreme Court unanimously held that the Freedom of Choice plan was unacceptable and the Court mandated racially balanced schools. The Court concluded that "rather than further the dismantling of the dual system, the plan has operated simply to burden children and their parents with a responsibility which Brown II placed squarely on the School Board" (Green, 1968, pp. 441-442). The Court held that the Constitution required that it be converted to a "unitary, non-racial system of public education" (Green, 1968, p. 440). In its analysis, the Court noted that no White child had chosen to go to the formerly Black school, and 85% of the Black students remained in the formerly Black school after the "Freedom of Choice" plan had been in operation for three years.

The Green decision became well-known because of five factors that were articulated by the Court. Basically, the Court reasoned that desegregation of public schools be achieved in the following areas: (a) the student body; (b) the faculty and staff; (c) transportation; (d) extracurricular activities; and (e) facilities. These areas have become known as the Green factors and they seek to create a "system without a 'White' school and 'Negro' school but just schools" (Green, 1968, p. 441). Until recently, the Green factors were commonly used as a guide to determine whether a school district was "unitary" or desegregated.

Green was followed by Alexanderv. Holmes County Board of Education in 1969. In Alexander, the Supreme Court held that desegregated school systems must be achieved "at once" and "... operate now and hereafter only as unitary schools" (p. 20). Another important case giving guidance to the district courts and school boards concerning the techniques of desegregation came in 1971 in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg. In Swann, the Supreme Court pronounced that the transportation of students from one part of the district to another to achieve desegregation was a permissible tool for dismantling a dual system where it was "feasible." Likewise, the Keyes v. School District No. 1 (1973) required mandatory reassignment or forced busing. Under Keyes, school districts were charged with constructing schools in racially isolated neighborhoods and gerrymandering attendance zones. The Keyes decision was significant because it was the first northern case concerning desegregation to be heard by the Supreme Court.

In 1974, the Milliken v. Bradley decision addressed the question of whether a federally ordered desegregation remedy could include suburban school districts when a city's school district is shown to be officially segregated. The Supreme Court blocked efforts for interdistrict, city-suburban desegregation remedies as a means to integrate racially isolated city schools. The Court refused such a remedy unless the inner-city schools could demonstrate that the state or the suburbs took actions that contributed to segregation in the city. Three years later, in Milliken v. Bradley 11, the Supreme Court ruled that a court could order a state to pay for educational programs to repair the harm caused by segregation. The Court affirmed a district court order approving remedial educational components as part of the remedy for de jure segregation of the Detroit Public Schools.

The shift away from supporting desegregation measures continued into the 1990s. In the 1991 Board of Education of Oklahoma v. Dowell decision, the Supreme Court held that as long as the school board had complied in good faith with the desegregation decree, and the vestiges of past de jure discrimination had been eliminated "to the extent practicable," the desegregation decree should be lifted (p. 250). Likewise, in Freeman v. Pitts, in 1992, the Supreme Court determined that school districts could be partially released from their desegregation responsibilities even if integration had not been achieved in all the specific areas outlined in the Green decision. More specifically, the decision stated that "federal courts have the authority to relinquish supervision and control of school districts in incremental stages, before full compliance has been achieved in every area of school operations" (Freeman, 1992, p. 490). Finally in 1995, in Missouri v. Jenkins, the Supreme Court held that as long as suburbs did not participate in the original inner-city segregation, no "interdistrict remedy," such as busing which includes the suburbs, can be required by the Court (p. 79).

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE

This study is not the usual desegregation study discussing White students fleeing the public schools to attend a superior public school in the suburbs or to attend a prestigious private school within the same community. Rather, many of the White students of Delta County are paying tuition to attend a private school which arguably does not offer greater educational opportunity.

To date, little research has been done on de facto segregation between a predominantly Black public school and a predominantly White private school within the same rural community where the private school cannot claim academic superiority over the public school. As such, this study will contribute to the literature.

METHOD

Data Collection and Analysis

In order to identify the barriers to educational integration in Delta County, interviews were conducted with policymakers, parents, and students from both the Black and White communities, and related documents were collected. The findings describe the informants' perceptions regarding the current barriers to educational integration in Delta County. Over forty individuals from Delta County were chosen as informants for the study. Like the name of the town, the informants' identities will remain anonymous. In addition to interviews, the researcher conducted observations at the Delta Public School and at the Delta Private Academy.

The interview format was chosen as the major means of data collection to learn more specifically about why Delta County students remain segregated by race. More than forty informants were purposefully chosen because of their position within the community. Each interview lasted at least one hour. The breakdown of the participant interviews is detailed in Table 2.

An interview protocol was developed based on consultation from colleagues, peers, and the review of the literature. The format of the questions within the protocol was open-ended and semistructured; a number of predetermined questions were asked of each informant in a consistent order, with the answers of each question guiding further discussion and probing. Themes and categories were developed as data were collected. The constant comparative method was used to analyze the collected data. Bogdan and Biklen (1992) discuss the following steps when using the constant comparative method: (a) begin data collection, (b) look for recurrent themes, (c) collect data that provide many incidents of the categories of focus, (d) write about the categories explored, (e) work with the data and explore processes and relationships, and (f) engage in sampling, coding, and writing as the analysis focuses on the core categories.

The following three questions were used to probe the policymaker, student and parent informants in order to identify the specific barriers to educational integration in Delta County: (a) Why do we have segregated schools in Delta County?, (b) What are the benefits of attending the public school?, and (c) What are the negative aspects of attending the public school? After the interviews, all of the data were coded in order to identify the most mentioned barriers to educational integration in Delta County.

Limitations

There are a number of limitations to this study. The sample studied was small and the data were not drawn from a nationally representative sample. Additionally, the researcher lived in this small, rural community for three years and was employed as a public school teacher at Delta Public School. The rapport that was developed with the community members may have led to researcher bias. On the other hand, the participants may have felt more trustful of the researcher, and, as a result, the informants may have been more candid during the interviews. It is also important to note that there is considerable evidence that responses to many questions concerning racial issues are influenced appreciably by whether the interviewer and the informants perceive themselves to be of the same or different races (Schuman et al., 1997). The researcher is White and the informants were Black, White, and Asian American.

Additionally, the literature reviewed is not entirely current. Such literature was included because of its importance and the paucity of more recent information on this subject. Also, the literature pertaining to school choice was not included in this study. Finally, test scores were not available from Delta Private Academy, which made the comparisons between schools much more difficult. The lack of test scores also makes the claim that Delta Private Academy does not offer greater education opportunity less credible. Accordingly, this claim was only based on teacher qualifications, course offerings, and extracurricular opportunities. The claim was also based on the researcher's experience of having lived in Delta County for three years and the later observations in both the public and private school. The observations could be considered highly subjective.

RESULTS

The similarities in responses on specific barriers divided almost evenly among supporters of Delta Private Academy versus supporters of Delta Public School. Furthermore, this division between supporters of Delta Public School versus supporters of Delta Private Academy was not specifically divided among racial lines. For example, some of the White informants associated with Delta Public School had the same thoughts on the issues as the Black informants of Delta Public School. Due to this breakdown in responses, the current barriers to educational integration are reported by school, instead of by race.

During data collection, several different barriers emerged but the scope of this study only permits an examination of the three most often-mentioned barriers. The informants never indicated reasons why Black students are not choosing to attend Delta Private Academy because every informant affiliated with Delta Public School agreed that Delta Private Academy does not offer a greater educational opportunity than the public school. Thus, it would not make sense for the Black students to pay tuition to attend a school that does not offer greater educational opportunity. Therefore, all responses focused on why White students were not choosing to attend Delta Public School. The barriers are listed below and are listed in order of emphasis by the informants. All of the information discussed below was gathered from personal interviews during 2001-2002 and during follow-up interviews in 2002-2004. It is important to note that these barriers should be considered perceptions as opposed to facts. Additionally, all of the "perceptions" are based solely on interviews.

Barrier One: School Safety and Discipline

The informants revealed that one of the major reasons that White students are choosing Delta Private Academy over Delta Public School relates to school safety and discipline. This barrier was mentioned more often than all of the other barriers. The Delta Public School informants, however, believed that the Delta Private Academy informants used the issue of safety and discipline as a way to disguise racism.

The Delta Private Academy informants perceived that there were serious discipline issues at Delta Public School. A teacher from Delta Private Academy stated, "I have always thought that the Blacks that we deal with here are not the Blacks that you might go to school with. We are an agricultural community, so the history of integration, it's not the same sort of mix" (Personal communication with White Delta Private Academy teacher, May 15, 2001). Within the context of this discussion, she also referred to Black students in the Delta as undisciplined. Related to discipline and safety, several of the informants felt that there was a "complete lack of respect" for the teachers and that the students controlled Delta Public School. A former Delta Private Academy student informant indicated that "I hear the students control the teachers over at the public school. There is just a complete lack of respect within the classroom which leads to problems" (Personal communication with former White Delta Private Academy informant, May 10, 2001). Another former Delta Private Academy student stated that at the public school, "the students run the school; it's a zoo over there." This same student commented that he "heard the kids bring guns to the public school" (Personal communication, May 10, 2001). All Delta Private Academy informants revealed similar thoughts, although few of the informants had ever been inside Delta Public School.

Those informants affiliated with Delta Public School believed that the unsafe and undisciplined perception of the public school is flawed and that the media inaccurately propagates this stereotype. More specifically, those informants who supported Delta Public School believed that the media, by way of the White-controlled town newspaper, contributed to the stereotype of Delta Public School students being dangerous and undisciplined. A frequently cited example among Delta Public School informants regarding the safety and discipline issue related to fighting. The former Delta Private Academy students believed that any time there was a fight or other violent act at the public school it was reported in the newspaper, whereas when the private school had a similar incident, it was "swept under the rug" (Personal communication with former Asian Delta Private Academy student, May, 10,2001).

Delta County newspapers were reviewed over a three-year span to try to further examine this perception. During this time, it was informally confirmed that several discipline incidents occurred at Delta Private Academy that were never reported in the newspaper, whereas similar incidents that occurred at Delta Public School were reported. The Delta Public School informants believed that the issue of safety is a racist excuse by the Delta Private Academy informants for not sending their children to the public school (Personal communication with Delta County mayor, May 20, 2001; personal communication with Delta Public School parent, August 8, 2003).

In order to learn more about this barrier, a few members of the police department in Delta County were interviewed in 2001-2002 to gather information regarding the discipline issues associated with the respective schools. More specifically, data were gathered regarding arrests and discipline incidents that occurred at Delta Public School versus Delta Private Academy. Surprisingly, during this research, it emerged that there are two separate police departments that control the county of less than 13,000 residents. The county police department patrols Delta Private Academy, while the city police department patrols Delta Public School. This division among police forces is interesting considering the schools are located approximately one mile apart. Also, consistent with the population of the schools, the two police departments appeared somewhat racially segregated. The department patrolling the public school had six Black officers out of fourteen, whereas the department patrolling the private school only had one Black officer. Considering this division in the police department, it was difficult to adequately compare the discipline incidents between Delta Public School and Delta Private Academy because of departmental inconsistencies. As a result, discipline data from Delta State Department of Education were reviewed.

Data from the Delta State Department of Education were unavailable regarding discipline incidents that occurred at Delta Private Academy because the school is private (Personal communication, with Delta State Department of Education employee, Oct. 9, 2002). Therefore, the data only reflect the discipline occurrences at Delta Public School during the 2003-2004 school year for grades 9-12. The rate for weapon incidents at Delta Public School was 0.0, and the state average was also 0.0. In staff assaults, Delta Public School had a 0.0 incident level compared to the state average of 0.1. As for student assaults, Delta Public School reported a 0.0 incident rate and the state reported 1.4. The numbers listed represent the percentage of students out of 100% who have been reported to have engaged in the identified acts (Delta State Department of Education, 20042). The data show that Delta Public School has equal or fewer incidents than the state average.

The second most frequently stated barrier to integration by the Delta Private Academy community for not sending their students to the public school was related to weak academics. The informants from Delta Private Academy indicated that the curriculum at Delta Public School was watered down. Similar to the safety barrier, Delta Public School informants stated that the Delta Private Academy informants used weak academics as an excuse for racism.

This belief of low academic standards at Delta Public School created another reason for the existence of a private academy or a sectarian school. One parent informant from Delta Private Academy said that "the students at the public school just sit around all day and they don't learn anything" (Personal communication, May 11, 2001). Another White parent informant from Delta sectarian School said that she sends her children to the sectarian school because "Delta Public School is just a bad education." When asked how she formed this opinion of Delta Public School, she stated "I am not sure because I just moved to town but I just think it's bad." One White policymaker affiliated with Delta Private Academy admitted that Delta Public School has a "few strong departments." He further stated that "just because the school has a good counselor and a good Spanish teacher doesn't mean I'm gonna send my kid out there because what about the other departments" (Personal communication, May 12, 2001)?

Even though the Delta Private Academy informants all mentioned that the public school curriculum was weak, it is interesting to note that not one informant suggested that the academic program at Delta Private Academy was adequate. One parent of a Delta Private Academy student noted that she chooses to send her child to private school because the "test scores are higher in private schools" (Personal communication, May 20, 2001). There is no way to verify if the test scores are indeed higher because Delta Private Academy test scores are not made public (Personal communication with Delta State Department employee, May 20, 2002).

Delta Private Academy does not market itself based on academic achievement. Even the school's website stresses the small school atmosphere, instead of academic achievement (Delta County, 2003). One former Asian student from Delta Private Academy did not believe that Delta Private Academy maintains high academic standards. In fact, he described Delta Private Academy as "a joke" and that it was "a babysitting service" (Personal communication, May 10, 2001). Other students cited a lack of preparation for college after graduating from Delta Private Academy with "straight A's" (Personal communications, August 8, 2003). Another former Delta Private Academy student claimed that she only had to "write one paper during my entire high school days" (Personal communication, May 10, 2001 ). On this note, not one of the Delta Private Academy former students, from among those interviewed, felt like they received a quality education at the private school.

The overwhelming response from the former Delta Public School student and parent informants was that they believed that they received a good education, although they realized the public school's limitations. Several of the informants cited French class trips to Paris, Spanish class trips to Mexico, and various state competitions in a variety of subjects that complemented their Delta Public School course work.

Barrier Three: Lack of Extracurricular Opportunities

This barrier ranked third in a list of identified barriers mentioned by informants. Similar to the previous barriers, the Delta Public School informants believed that this barrier was just another excuse for racism on behalf of the private school proponents.

The Delta Private Academy informants focused on the benefits of a smaller school setting for providing greater opportunities to participate in extracurricular events. The Delta Private Academy informants discussed their preference for greater opportunity to play over having a wide variety of activities offered. As indicated in Table 1, Delta Private Academy offered football, basketball, softball, baseball, cheerleading, track, golf, and a few clubs. One parent from Delta Private Academy said that "You're not going to run into that competition thing which is what happens at a bigger school" (Personal communication, May 11, 2001).

Delta Public School informants, on the other hand, spoke about the many opportunities and wide variety of choices they had in extracurricular activities. Delta Public School had 559 students at the high school and there were plenty of extracurricular activities for everyone. As already mentioned, the high school offered basketball, track, football, softball, baseball, volleyball, cheerleading, and drill team. In addition to athletics there was a quiz bowl team, Future Homemakers of America, a Math Club, French and Spanish Clubs, student council, National Honor Society and Beta Club. Delta Public School graduates have played at the university level and a few have gone into professional sports. An administrator at Delta Public School noted that "we wish more academy students would come over to play sports. Right now we are in an athletic division for smaller schools but with the [Delta Private] Academy kids, we would get into a better, more competitive division" (Personal communication, May 12, 2001). If the Delta Private Academy students would attend Delta Public School, a change in ranking from Class 4 to Class 3 would occur. This change in ranking would allow the students to compete with larger districts and the school's athletic teams would therefore gain more respect throughout the state. A coach from Delta Public School revealed that there are typically not enough students to fill an entire athletic team (Personal communication, August 10, 2003).

Data collection revealed that even during the summer months, outside of the school system, the students remain segregated by race within their extracurricular activities. During an interview with an administrator of Delta Public School, he noted that a third-grade teacher at the public school witnessed a White child passing out flyers regarding the summer Little League program (Personal communication, May 11, 2001). The teacher noticed that the White student was only giving flyers to the few White children in the class. The teacher asked the child why he was not passing the information out to all of the third grade boys. The child said that his mother told him only to give the flyers to the White students.

Six other informants reported similar summer programs that continue to be racially segregated (Personal communications, June 6-9, 2004). Accordingly, the Delta Public School informants believed that the lack of extracurricular activities was just another excuse that the Delta Private Academy informants used to hide their racist attitudes toward integration.

DISCUSSION

The goal of this study was to identify the barriers to educational integration in Delta County. The barriers identified could be legitimate barriers or they could be euphemisms for racism. Racism in this instance is defined as an "affective response to attitude objects that have to do with race, in which racism is inferred if an individual responds systematically more negatively to attitude objects associated with Blacks than to other comparable attitude objects" (Sears et al., 1997, p. 19).

These findings are arguably consistent with the notions identified in the literature review. Based on some of the Delta Private Academy informants' responses, perhaps the current attitudes in Delta County mirror the "symbolic racism" theory discussed in the literature review. In essence, the theory refers to Whites claiming that they are not racist, while their actions indicate otherwise. For example, during the interviews, Delta Private Academy informants stressed that the reason education remains segregated does not concern race. However, the Delta Private Academy informant responses were not a reflection of their actions or experience. In other words, although parents indicated theoretical support for integration, their actions demonstrated avoidance of actual integration. The data suggest that the actions of White parents articulating one set of beliefs and performing actions that are contrary to those alleged beliefs often occur. Consistent with this notion is that the White informants' may be articulating a barrier to avoid appearing racist. Furthermore, this reality is consistent with the findings of Schuman, Steeh and Bobo (1985) that suggest that many White Americans support principles of equality, but do not support policies necessary to implement equality.

In the Delta County situation, the White community may reasonably believe that they are not racist, and they also probably believe that Delta Private Academy is superior, even though it arguably does not provide greater educational opportunity. Sears et al. (1997) note that this "old- fashioned racism" has not been fully replaced with notions of general equality today, and that our progress in this area is still inhibited by White America's great resistance to change (pp. 16-17). Sears et al. (1997) further discuss that many White Americans support principles of equality, but do not support policies implementing change. Indeed, Sears's "resistance to change" is reflected in the informant responses.

In other words, in this case, Delta Private Academy informants are in opposition to attending Delta Public School and they may be using excuses under the auspices of the three barriers to shield themselves from giving the impression of being racist. If this is the case, the Delta Private Academy informants are engaging in a form of politically correct racism. The reasons that the White parents give for not sending their children to Delta Public School may be based on deep-rooted attitudes toward Blacks that Jackman (1981), Sears et al. (1997), and McConahay (1982, 1986) describe. As mentioned, Massey and Denton (1993) refer to stereotypes of Blacks as "noisy, likely to steal, or likely to commit sex crimes" (p. 94). Such stereotypes emerged during the interviews. Specifically, Delta Private Academy informants said the following: "I hear the students control the teacher over at the public school. There is just a complete lack of respect within the classroom which leads to problems"; "the students run the school; it's a zoo over there"; and "I heard the kids bring guns to the public school." Such stereotypes are manifested in barrier one. The stereotypes of Blacks as "stupid" (Miller, 1995, p. 178) and "lazy" (Wilson, 1996, p. 28) were manifested in barrier two. As discussed, one Delta Private Academy informant believed that "the students at the public school just sit around all day and they don't learn anything." Glazer's (1997) theory regarding the cause of segregation being rooted in the unstable Black community rather than in prejudice also emerged during the interviews. More specifically, the Glazer theory was confirmed by Delta Private Academy informants during the discussion of the first two barriers of discipline and academics, respectively.

Although the purpose of this study was to identify the barriers to educational integration in one Mississippi Delta town, there were other important questions that the researcher did not attempt to resolve in this study. One of these questions relates to the further exploration of the barriers. Specifically, in a future study, it would be interesting to examine whether the cited barriers are actually euphemisms for racism. One way to test the barriers would be to observe the racial integration of a charter school that recently opened near Delta County. During the 2002-2003 school year, a Black charter school opened and within the first year, student test scores in language increased 30.7 percent in one year at the charter school (Personal communication with charter school principal, March 15, 2004). In math, the students improved 52.7 percent (Personal communication with charter school principal, March 15, 2004). During the 2003-2004 school year, only four White students out of 110 students attended this charter school (Personal communication with charter school principal, April 7, 2004). If the charter school continues to make such improvements in student test scores, offers extracurricular activities and is a safe environment (the three most mentioned barriers), it will be interesting to observe if more White students enroll in the future. It is too early to complete such a study because the charter school has only been in existence for two full years.

CONCLUSION

This study provides valuable information to those researching segregation in rural towns that support a predominantly White private school that does not offer greater educational opportunity than the Black public school in the same community. Furthermore, this study will be applicable to other counties in the Mississippi Delta as well as other communities that also maintain a predominantly Black public school and a predominantly White private school. Indeed, this issue is especially important as segregation among schools is increasing in numerous U. S. communities.

This study also raises questions about the legitimacy of the barriers. Are the barriers to educational integration legitimate barriers or actually euphemisms for racism? Some scholars contend that racism continues to motivate White opposition to racial policies (Greenberg, 1995; Sears et al, 1997), while other scholars argue that such racism no longer exists (D'Souza, 1995). It is within the realm of possibility, however, that what these data suggest is an underlying racism. As such, in a future study, it will be fascinating to test whether the barriers to integration are truly euphemisms for racism by observing the racial make up of the nearby charter school and the community attitudes toward it.

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Suzanne E. Eckes Indiana University, Bloomington

AUTHOR

SUZANNE ECKES is Assistant Professor in the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies at Indiana University in Bloomington.

All queries and comments regarding this article should be addressed to seckes@indiana.edu.

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