Hamas' new role challenges observers

GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip -- Mushir al-Masri is the face of the new Hamas: eager to play a political role in the Palestinian Authority, end corruption and work with his former factional rivals as they try to create a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

He remains, however, the voice of the old Hamas, an Arabic acronym for the powerful and deadly Islamic Resistance Movement -- and that is what Israeli leaders say they won't abide as his movement gains clout after winning key municipal elections in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Sitting for a recent interview in a borrowed office, al-Masri apologizes and takes a call for a television interview. It's from Iran, Israel's most feared enemy. An Arabic-language network there wants to hear his take on the fatal wounding of a Hamas fighter by an Israeli missile.

Over the next few minutes, al-Masri has vowed that the group will not remain idle as the "Zionist enemy" attacks its members and he decries what he regards as violations of Israel's informal cease- fire agreement with the Palestinian Authority.

Meanwhile, the Israeli military is telling Western journalists that the targeted Hamas member was launching missiles at a Jewish settlement.

In the May 5 elections, Hamas won about 30 percent of the vote and control of a third of 84 municipal councils, continuing a trend that started with municipal elections in December and January. Its strong showing in populous towns, such as Rafah in southern Gaza and Qalqiliya on the West Bank, magnified the success.

"Our slogan this year is 'We were partners in blood and now we are partners in decision-making,"' al-Masri said, referring to Hamas's relationship with the ruling Fatah faction.

Hamas has killed nearly 400 Israelis since September 2000 and, until recently, refused to work with Fatah. Hamas, along with weaker militant faction Islamic Jihad, is now in the process of joining the Palestine Liberation Organization, which Fatah leads and which recognizes Israel's right to exist.

Israeli and Palestinian observers are struggling to determine what Hamas' new political role may mean.

To some, it's the death knell of peace efforts fostered by Fatah's Mahmoud Abbas, who replaced the late Yasser Arafat as president of the Palestinian Authority. To others, it's a sign that Hamas is willing to soften its stance in exchange for a say in running the Palestinian state Abbas hopes to create.

The prospect of running city halls may require Hamas council members to discuss administrative terms with Israeli authorities, said Ghazi Hamad, editor of the Hamas-aligned newspaper, "The Message."

"For example, in (the West Bank city of) Qalqiliya, they should cooperate on issues in the interests of serving the people, such as fighting insects and managing water resources," Hamad said. "I think it is not a problem for us to cooperate with the occupation forces for this reason."

In the Gaza tinderbox of Rafah--where Fatah has won a court- ordered new election June 1 to supplant Hamas' May 5 victories-- councilmen will have to coordinate such things as electric line repairs with Israelis wherever the work is needed in military security zones, he added.

Hamas' growing political role has prompted U.S. officials to recast their depiction of Hamas, which is listed as a terrorist group by the State Department. Two years ago, when Palestinian suicide bombings were still common in Israel, President Bush declared, "those who love freedom and peace, must deal harshly with Hamas," which "must be dismantled" to pave the way for peace.

Following the first two rounds of municipal elections in December and January, the White House's tone had softened.

"The people that were elected, while they might have been members of Hamas, they were business professionals. They were people that ran on talking about improving the quality of life for the Palestinian people," said White House spokesman Scott McClellan, adding that the new officeholders are "not terrorists."

Such flexibility in dealing with Palestinian factions, however violent they might have been, seems to be a byproduct of a push for greater democracy in the Middle East, says Yossi Alpher, a senior adviser to former Prime Minister Ehud Barak during Israeli- Palestinian negotiations in 2000.

"This is not what Bush intended, but this is what a lot of people said is going to happen when you move this quickly into democracy," Alpher said. "It certainly gives you pause to consider how much we have to gain from this democratization."

Israeli officials have been much less inclined to paint Hamas members as businessmen.

Earlier this month, Israel's foreign minister, Silvan Shalom, warned that the Israeli withdrawal of soldiers and Jewish settlers from the Gaza Strip scheduled for mid-August could create "Hamastan," where groups like Hezbollah and al-Qaida would be welcome.

While he said a victory by Hamas in Palestinian Legislative Council elections scheduled for July 17 would necessitate rethinking the withdrawal plan, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon said the pullout would go on as scheduled, regardless of the election's outcome.

The change in Hamas' stature seems to be giving even more pause to Palestinian leaders looking over their shoulders at Hamas' rise.

Fatah has gone to Palestinian courts and successfully challenged the results of three municipal elections - including al-Masri's Beit Lahiya.

In its disputes with the ruling faction, Hamas repeatedly warns that running roughshod over its electoral rights could derail the cease-fire. But even its rivals say Hamas' foray into politics represents a departure for the group.

As much as Hamas members like al-Masri claim they haven't compromised in their refusal to deal with Israel, they can't reconcile that with their desire to be part of the Palestinian Authority, said Gaza-based Fatah leader Sohail Jaber.

The authority was created by the 1993 Oslo Accords, an agreement with Israel, and if Hamas signs on for authority posts, it is essentially agreeing with Israel.

"Hamas will change its relations with Israel and the Palestinian Authority," Jaber said. "What does Hamas mean when it says they will be taking part in the government? It means they will have to talk to the Israelis."

Meanwhile, Israel's policy of not dealing with groups on its terrorist organizations list also seems subject to interpretation, now that Hamas-linked politicians are running Palestinian villages and towns.

"We don't care if they're aligned with Hamas or Fatah," said Adam Avidan, spokesman for Israel's Civil Administration in the West Bank. "If people need assistance, we will help in every way we can without regard to which political group they belong to."

Avidan cited two recent incidents in two West Bank towns under new Hamas-affiliated leadership. In Jayus, near Qalqiliya, the local council head negotiated with an Israeli army officer for better access through the controversial Israeli security barrier.

In Silat ad-Dhaher, a Hamas-linked councilman agreed with a military liaison to rein in young rock-throwers in exchange for lifting a checkpoint closure. "For a few days, it worked," Avidan said.

But the civil administration will still not talk to anyone it knows to be involved with terrorist activities, he added. "We haven't faced any problem like that yet, and hopefully, we won't."

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