Attracting and retaining African American faculty at HBCUS

This essay briefly examines the historical role and contributions of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) as well as some of the challenges now confronting these institutions. Special emphasis is placed on attracting and retaining junior African American faculty at HBCUs. Three major points are examined. First, employment opportunities at HWCUs for black Ph.D.s.; second, the relatively small number of blacks earning Ph.D.s.; and third, the retirement of older black faculty at HBCUs. All of these issues are discussed in the framework of analyzing the future of black colleges and universities.

The first black colleges (Cheyney, Lincoln, and Wilberforce universities) were established in the North during the antebellum period, years before slavery was abolished and the Civil War began. These institutions were established in response to resistance and widespread discrimination on the part of northern whites to African Americans securing advanced and basic learning experiences (Hill, 1985; Franklin and Moss, 1994, 162-163). However, African American demands and desires for knowledge encouraged those associated with the Freedmen's Bureau, northern philanthropists, and black and white missionaries, to found and support black colleges (Bullock, 1967; Anderson, 1988).

Early on, black colleges became determined to provide their students with the kind of comprehensive higher education they needed to return to their communities as effective scientists, teachers and leaders and to help "uplift the race" (Bowles and DeCosta, 1971; Gaines, 1996; Neverdon-Morton, 1989, 7; Jackson, 1997, 30). By 1865, there were only twenty-eight known African Americans who had received BA's from Historically White Colleges and Universities (HWCUs); however, by 1900, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) had produced more than 2,000 college graduates. Despite this tremendous accomplishment, there were influential whites in the North and South who questioned the need and value of black people receiving any higher education. After the Compromise of 1877, the federal government abandoned its egalitarian ideals of Reconstruction and with that African Americans' hope of equal treatment quickly dissipated. One major outgrowth of this abandonment was a prevailing agreement between northern and southern whites that industrial education, rather than liberal arts or higher education, was the only suitable training for black people (Johnson, 1969; McPherson, 1975; Spivey, 1978; Logan, 1997; Hine, 2000, 257-331).

The discussion of which type of education was most needed for blacks mushroomed into a debate between Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois. Although Washington had more support from the white establishment, a number of black college presidents and faculty members at HBCUs steadfastly refused to kowtow and yield to an ideology of subordination. They continued to work diligently to expand the intellectual horizons of younger and older African Americans. This type of determination on the part of HBCUs helped facilitate the production of black doctors, lawyers, architeas, teachers and other skilled professionals so desperately needed to serve the black community (Hine, 2000, 334-339; Bennett, 1966; Harlan, 1983; Meier, 1988; Thomas and Green, 1993).

Although HBCUs are relatively small institutions, have few resources and serve a high number of disadvantaged students, they have performed remarkably throughout their existence. By the early 1990s they had educated almost 40 percent of America's black college graduates. In addition, 80 percent of black federal judges, 85 percent of all black doctors, 75 percent of all black Ph.D.s., 50 percent of black engineers, and 46 percent of all black business professionals received their undergraduate training at HBCUs. Moreover, historically black health-profession schools have trained an estimated 40 percent of black physicians, 75 percents of black veterinarians, 50 percent of black pharmacists, and 40 percent of the nation's black dentists (Mixon, 1995, 51; "Issues and Matters," 1990, 7, 44, 188; Willie and Edmonds, 1978).

While it is clear that HBCUs have disproportionately contributed to the education and preparation of black professionals, the future challenges of these institutions are great, especially in terms of attracting and retaining young black faculty. There are three major points this paper will address in that regard. First, unlike previous generations of black faculty that did not have the option of working at HWCUs, young black Ph.D.s routinely have employment options at these institutions when they complete their degrees. Even if they are going to be the only African Americans in their department or the entire college or school, this option creates competition for black schools. Moreover, because of the difference in pay, a number of these young Ph.D.s will opt to work in the private sector instead of in higher education (Sutherland, 1990, 4247).

Secondly, there are a small number of African Americans earning Ph.D.s annually. According to a National Science Foundation survey of earned doctorates in 2000, African Americans accounted for only 1,656 or 6% of the 27,888 Ph.D.s awarded. By contrast, whites accounted for 82% of all Ph.D.s produced that year. Most of the blacks or 680 received doctorates in education, many of whom work for K12 school systems instead of colleges and universities. By contrast, only 86 blacks received doctorates in the physical sciences and of that number only 14 were in mathematics. In other words, in the entire country only 14 African Americans earned Ph.D.s in math, a core discipline in higher education (Taylor, 2002).

Thirdly, the small number of African Americans receiving Ph.D.s is even more daunting when we consider the so-called "graying" of black faculty at HBCUs. A number of older black faculty who have spent their entire careers at HBCUs are now approaching retirement, along with many other baby boomers. In some states like Florida, where attractive retirement packages have been offered to insure that eligible faculty cannot work beyond a specified number of years (five after they sign up), the issue is even more alarming. For example, at Tallahassee's Florida A&M University, in 2003 alone, over fifty faculty who signed up for the lucrative DROP program will be leaving the university. Of course, this will open new employment opportunities for people interested in working at HBCUs. However, with the small number of blacks receiving terminal degrees and the options available to those who do, who is going to fill these positions at HBCUs?

It is possible that if this trend continues, the traditional make up and identity of faculty at HBCUs in ten years will be vastly different from what it has been historically and what it is today. If that happens, will HBCUs continue to produce effectively a disproportionate number of graduates who go on to earn terminal degrees, etc.? Or will HBCUs become virtually the same as HWCUs in terms of their comparative ineffectiveness in graduating African Americans and encouraging them to pursue terminal degrees?

In trying to find answers to these questions, there are a number of matters beyond salary that the governing bodies, administrators and faculty must consider at HBCUs if they are to avert this situation. Black schools will certainly have to become more competitive with their employment packages. The heavy teaching load at HBCUs will be an inevitable problem if it is not addressed. For instance, if a person has a job offer that requires him to teach four classes each semester at Southern University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, but can go a few blocks away and teach two or three classes a semester at Louisiana State University, what incentive will that person have to work at Southern University? Perhaps an incentive for working at Southern will be the opportunity to work with mostly African American students or that the publication requirements are not as rigorous. Also, many blacks are uncomfortable with mostly white males determining whether or not they will receive tenure. So the question is, are benefits of this sort enough to attract and retain these junior scholars at HBCUs (Sutherland, 1990, 42-47)?

Moreover, some administrators at HBCUs must develop or renew their commitment to the scholarly development of young faculty at their institutions. For example, as a matter of course these schools should provide allocations for travel to professional conferences especially if the faculty member is on program or holds an office in the professional organization. They should also provide seed money for research and grant writing, recognition and bonuses for outstanding accomplishments in respective disciplines, computers, telephones, voice mail, business cards and so forth. Another attractive offer would be to cut back on the teaching load for tenure-- earning faculty until they earn tenure.

Mentorship programs must also be developed at HBCUs, where senior faculty can take junior faculty under their wings and provide them with the tools necessary to be effective and successful in their environment. All too often there is great distance between young and old faculty at institutions of higher learning and not just at black schools. But considering the obstacles facing HBCUs, more must be done to make the environment inviting, to attract young black faculty, and warm to retain them. This is significant because some black faculty at HWCUs never really feel comfortable in that environment no matter how desperately they want to assimilate (Sutherland, 1990).

Another critical point that may help to avert the "whitening" of HBCU faculty is for the respective governing bodies at these institutions to support them in awarding more terminal degrees. Only 19 of approximately 101 HBCUs offer Ph.D.s or Ed.D.s throughout the country with Howard University offering 26 programs and Florida A&M offering 111. Because of past discrimination in higher education, the role of black colleges has been limited or restricted primarily to providing undergraduate education. Most blacks that want to earn terminal degrees therefore find themselves in the halls of HWCUs at some point in their matriculation. Before the modern civil rights movement, white institutions received funds for all sorts of Ph.D. and graduate programs, while state legislatures would barely even fund the undergraduate programs at HBCUs. Unfortunately, such disparities have persisted well beyond the 1960s and have placed black schools at a disadvantage especially in terms of their graduate degree offerings (Vaughn-- Cooke, 2002).

Nonetheless, if HBCUs began to offer more terminal degrees and can carry students from the bachelor's degree to the Ph.D. or Ed.D., the number of blacks earning these degrees will probably increase exponentially. In other words, if the same success that is seen at the undergraduate level can be transmitted to graduate programs at HBCUs, the trends that are occurring now will be slowed if not totally reversed (Thomas and Green, 1993). These students can be groomed from their freshman year and encouraged to continue until they complete the terminal degree. They can also develop relationships with mentors who can help them navigate the entire process. But the governing bodies overseeing these institutions absolutely must realize the importance of this vision and commit to the ultimate goal of producing more black Ph.D.s.

Last, what will prevent these junior scholars from leaving HBCUs after they finish their education? For many, if not most of these students, over time they will develop a certain level of commitment and will appreciate the significance of working at HBCUs. Research has shown that most black faculty at HBCUs received their undergraduate training at black colleges or universities anyway, so to work ultimately for one of these institutions will be seen as a duty and obligation as well as a privilege (Mixon, 1995, 51).

According to their web-site Clark-Atlanta University offers 7 Ph.D.s, Jackson State University offers 7, Morgan State offers 5, and Tennessee State, Southern University, and University of Maryland Eastern Shore each offer 4 programs.

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DAVID H. JACKSON, JR., PH.D.

Associate Professor of History

Florida A&M University

8133 Blenheim Lane, Tallahassee, FL 32312

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