摘要：Bonet et al. (in press) devise a system of agreement in DPs that makes two basic predictions: (A) when agreement shows a prenominal-postnominal asymmetry, the prenominal elements are the ones that don't show agreement; (B) non-agreeing elements can be realized either as bare roots or as words inflected for default values. (A) is the result of split agreement, i.e. syntactic agreement between the head and postnominal elements, and morphological agreement at PF that affects, when active, all the elements in the DP. This predicts three typological possibilities: overall agreement, no agreement, and asymmetric agreement, which is predicted to be only postnominal as observed in (1)-(4). (B) results from the interaction of constraints controlling deletion of morphemes and non-matching agreement features. (1)-(3) illustrate the realization of non-agreeing elements as bare roots; the only case presented that shows realization as words inflected for default values is (4)
